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Books  XXL— XXV. 


L  I  V  Y 








LATE   FELLOW   OF   ST.    JOHn's    COLLEGE,    CAMBRIDGE.  )     ij 


J^oitbon : 


ILonDon : 

R.  Clay,  Sons,  and  Taylor, 



The.  best  known  translation  of  Livy  is,  we  believe,  that 
of  Baker,  published  in  1797.  We  have  often  consulted  it, 
and  it  has,  we  think,  considerable  merits,  though  here  and 
there  it  sinks  into  mere  loose  paraphrase. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  a  word  in  favour  of  the 
particular  selection  we  have  made  from  levy's  great  work. 
Nowhere  does  his  vivid  and  animated  style  appear  to 
greater  advantage  than  in  his  narrative  of  Hannibal's  con- 
flict with  Rome,  especially  in  its  earlier  and  more  exciting 
stages,  when  Rome's  very  existence  seemed  to  be  in 

We  have  translated  almost  invariably  from  the  text  of 
Madvig  and  Ussing,  1862. 

A.  J.  C. 
W.  J.  B. 



SPAIN       .     .     .     .     ■ To  face  page  \ 






SUMMARY xxvii 

BOOK      XXI.      B.C.    2l8       I 

BOOK     XXII.      B.C.    217,  216 64 

BOOK   XXIII.      B.C.    2X6,   215 I32 

BOOK    XXIV.      B.C.  215-213 192 

BOOK      XXV.      B.C.  213,  212 250 

NOTES 311 



NOTE   ON   SYRACUSE  (XXIV.  2l) 333 




Livy'S  narrative  presumes  a  knowledge  of  the  antecedents 
of  the  Second  Punic  War,  which  we  here  summarise  for  the 
reader's  convenience. 

The  relations  between  Rome  and  Carthage  date  from  a  very 
early  period.  A  treaty  was  concluded  between  the  two  powers 
in  B.C.  509,  the  year  after  the  expulsion  of  the  kings.  Polybius 
(III.  22)  gives  the  substance  of  it,  admitting,  at  the  same  time, 
that  the  archaic  Latin  in  which  it  was  expressed  was  perplexing  p 
to  the  most  learned  men  of  his  day.  ^_It_provided  that  neither  \yOVW- 
Romans  nor  allies  of  Rome  were  to  sail  for  trading  purposes  i^f^ j 
beyond  the_  headland  known  as  Apollinis  Promontorium,  now 
Cape  Farina,  situated  immediately  to  the  north-west  of  Carthage ; 
that  in  the  part  of  Sicily  subject  to  Carthage,  Roman  and  Car- 
thaginian traders  were  to  have  the  same  rights,  that  the  Cartha- 
.ginians  were  not  to  occupy  any  fortified  position  in  Latium,  or 
to  do  any  injury  to  any  of  Rome's  subjects  or  allies,  or  indeed 
to  meddle  with  any  Itahan  city,  whether  subject  to  Rome  or  not. 
By  "beyond  the  headland,"  Polybius  explains  that  the  coast 
eastwards  was  meant,  with  special  reference  to  the  seaports 
known  as  Emporia,  Phoenician  colonies  on  the  shores  of  the 
Lesser  Syrtis.  But  westward  of  this  promontory  to  any  point 
along  the  coasts  of  Numidia  or  Mauritania,  as  well  as  to 
Sardinia  or  Sicily,  Roman  traders  were  free  to  go. 

_  Polybius  observes  that  the  provisions  of  this  treaty  imply  that 
Carthage  claimed  Sardinia  and  Libya  as  her  own  territory,  but 
only  certain  portions  of  Sicily,  these  portions  being,  it  would 
appear,  the  west  and  north-west  coasts.  It  is  clear  that  this 
great  commercial  city  wished  to  exclude  the  Roman  traders  from 
the  eastern  waters  of  the  Mediterranean.     Equally  anxious  wqs 


Rome  to  keep  Italy,  though  only  a  portion  of  it  was  actually 
under  her  subjection,  to  herself,  and  to  guard  its  shores  from 
those  piratical  raids  to  which  the  Phoenicians  were  addicted. 

^  A  second  treaty  was  negotiated  in  B.C.  347,  with,  on  the 
whole,  less  favourable  conditions  for  Roman  traders.  In  this 
treaty  Carthage  did  not  speak  for  herself  alone,  but  claimed  to 
represent  the  Tyrian  peoples  generally,  and  the  important  city 
of  Utica,  also  a  Tyrian  colony.  Rome  was  to  confine  her  trad- 
ing and  piratical  expeditions  within  narrow  limits  on  the  coast 
of  Africa,  and  was  to  be  wholly  excluded  from  Sardinia.  As  to 
'Sicily,  matters  were  to  be  on  the  footing  of  the  older  treaty.  So 
also,  as  before,  Carthage  was  not  to  meddle  with  Roman  terri- 
tory in  Italy  ;  should  her  corsairs  capture  any  town  on  the  Latin 
shores  that  was  not  subject  to  Rome,  the  plunder  and  the  cap- 
tives might  be  retained,  but  the  town  itself  was  to  be  surren- 
dered, Carthage  was  to  have  no  settlements  or  possessions  on 
the  coasts  of  Italy.  Rome,  on  her  side,  was  to  inflict  no  injury 
on  any  town  or  people  on  friendly  terms  with  Carthage.  The 
treaty  was  to  be  binding  on  the  allies  of  the  two  powers. 

Rome's  trade,  as  well  as  her  military  strength,  had,  it  may  be 
presumed,  grown  considerably  in  the  interval  between  the  two 
treaties,  and  Carthage  felt  she  must  guard  the  interests  of  her 
own  commerce  by  further  restrictions.  The  effect  of  this  last 
treaty  would  be  to  secure  to  her  the  largest  and  most  profitable 
part  of  the  trade  of  the  Mediterranean. 

A  third  treaty,  concluded  in  B.C.  279,  at  the  time  of  Pyrrhus, 
invasion  of  Italy,  ratified  the  terms  of  the  two  preceding  treaties' 
and  further  provided  for  a  defensive  alliance  between  Rome  and 
Carthage,  the  latter  power  undertaking  to  put  her  fleet  at  the 
service  of  her  ally  for  purposes  of  transport,  and  even  of  actual 
war,  short  of  the  obligation  to  disembark  troops  on  the  enemy's 
territory.  A  record  of  this  treaty,  inscribed  on  a  brass  tablet,  was 
kept  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  ;  this  Polybius  had,  it 
would  appear,  personally  inspected,  and  he  takes  occasion  to 
note  what  he  describes  as  an  unaccountable  error  made  by  a 
contemporary  writer,  Philinus,  who  published  a  history  of  the 
First  Punic  War.  The  Romans,  according  to  this  writer,  were, 
by  this  third  treaty,  wholly  excluded,  from  Sicily,  as  the  Cartha- 
ginians were  from  Italy,  and  were  consequently  guilty  of  a  gross 
breach  of  international  engagements,  when  they  crossed  over 
nto  the  island  to  the  support  of  the  Mamertines  (men  of  Mars), 


as  a  disreputable  band  of  freebooters  from  Campania  called 
themselves.  The  act  of  invading  Sicily,  Polybius  states  posi- 
tively, was  not  a  violation  of  any  treaty-obligation,  though  it  was 
undoubtedly  a  discreditable  thing  for  the  Romans  to  ally  them- 
selves to  such  a  cause.  The  war  which  ensued  between  Rome 
and  Carthage  may  be  fairly  traced  to  Roman  intervention  in 
support  of  the  treacherous  seizure  of  Messana  by  a  set  of  robbers, 
and  such  intervention  can  have  been  prompted  only  by  a  greed 
of  empire. 

The  First  Punic  War  began  in  B.C.  264  and  ended  in  B.C.  241 
with  the  decisive  victory  of  the  Roman  admiral,  Lutatius  Catulus, 
at  the  Agates  Islands  off  the  west  coast  of  Sicily.  It  was  a  hard- 
fought  struggle,  glorious,  no  doubt,  for  the  conquerors,  whose 
ultimate  triumph  was  the  reward  of  the  persevering  energy  which 
had  created  a  navy,  and  had  wrested  from  the  mistress  of  the 
Mediterranean  her  maritime  superiority.  It  was  clearly  proved 
that  in  naval  strength,  and  indeed  in  the  long  run,  in  material 
strength,  Rome  was  superior  to  Carthage.  Rome's  first  aim  and 
object,  for  which  she  counted  no  sacrifice  too  costly,  was  empire  ; 
with  Carthage  it  was  commercial  success  and  wealth.  Rome 
loved  to  fight  with  her  own  citizens  ;  Carthage  must  employ 
mercenaries.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  war  Roman  trade  and 
Roman  finance  were  sorely  crippled,  and  were  probably  in  a  far 
worse  plight  than  those  of  her  rival ;  but  in  the  event  of  a  renewal 
of  the  contest  everything  pointed  to  a  similar  result. 

The  name  of  Hamilcar  Barca,  the  father  of  Hannibal,  first 
became  famous  in  this  war,  and  it  was  through  him  that  nego- 
tiations for  peace  were  set  on  foot  by  Carthage.  He  acted,  says 
Polybius,  with  the  sagacity  of  a  statesman  who  knows  exactly 
when  to  yield  as  well  as  when  to  persist.  It  was  rather  a  truce 
than  a  peace  which  he  was  arranging.  The  terms  exacted  by 
Rome  were  such  as  to  suggest  that  she  did  not  wish  to  prolong 
the  struggle.  The  whole  of  Sicily  was  to  be  given  up  by  the 
Carthaginians,  and  also  the  islands  between  Italy  and  Sicily, 
a.nd  they  were  to  restore  without  ransom  all  Roman  prisoners,  to 
pay  down  1,000  talents,  and  a  further  sum  of  2,200  talents  by  ten 
annual  instalments,  an  amount  in  all  equivalent  to  about  ^800,000 
of  our  money,  though  it  should  be  understood  that  when  estimated 
in  relation  to  modern  finance  it  really  represented  a  vastly  larger 
sum.  All  Carthaginian  territory,  properly  so-called,  was  to  be 
recognised  as  perfectly  independent  of  Rome,  and  neither  Rome 


nor  Carthage  were  to  enter  into  any  separate  engagement  with 
the  allies  of  either  power.  These  last  conditions  seem  to  have 
been  unsatisfactory  to  the  popular  party  at  Rome,  which  thought 
that  after  the  efforts  and  sacrifices  they  had  made  they  had  a 
right  to  insist  on  depriving  Carthage  of  her  political  independ- 
ence. At  first  the  assembly  of  the  people  refused  to  confirm  the 
action  of  the  senate  and  to  ratify  the  treaty  of  peace.  The  final 
arrangements  were  made  by  Roman  commissioners  in  Sicily. 

Thus  the  main  result  to  Rome  of  the  First  Punic  War  was 
that  Sicily  became  from  that  time  a  Roman  dependency.  The 
Romans  called  it  a  province,  but  in  using  that  term  we  must 
understand  that  it  was  as  yet  not  under  the  direct  rule  of  Rome. 
King  Hiero,  whose  head-quarters  were  Syracuse,  was  Rome's  ally 
rather  than  her  subject,  and  it  was  through  him  that  Roman 
influence  made  itself  felt  throughout  the  island.  The  Greek 
cj^ties  looked  up  to  him  with  a  respectful  and  friendly  sentiment, 
while  they  still  retained  their  own  municipal  constitutions. 

No  sooner  was  the  war  with  Rome  over  than  Carthage  found 
herself  face  to  face  with  a  danger  which  threatened  her  very 
existence.  Her  mercenary  troops,  now  no  longer  needed,  rose 
on  their  return  from  Sicily  to  Africa  in  a  furious  mutiny,  in  which 
they  had  the  sympathy  and  support  of  the  neighbouring  native 
population,  which  caught  at  the  opportunity  of  shaking  off  the 
yoke  of  Carthage.  They  were  a  mixed  multitude  gathered  out  of 
the  wild  tribes  of  Europe  and  Africa  ;  "  hordes  of  half  naked  Gauls 
were  ranged  next  to  companies  of  white-clothed  Iberians,  and 
savage  Ligurians  next  to  the  far-travelled  Nasamones  and  Loto- 
phagi ;  Carthaginians  and  Liby-Phoenicians  formed  the  centre, 
the  former  of  whom  were  a  sort  of  separate  corps,  dignified  by 
the  title  of  the  sacred  legion  ;  while  innumerable  troops  of 
Numidian  horsemen,  taken  from  all  the  tribes  of  the  desert, 
swarmed  round  upon  unsaddled  horses  and  formed  the  wings  ; 
the  van  was  composed  of  Balearic  slingers,  and  a  line  of  colossal 
elephants  with  their  Ethiopian  guides  formed,  as  it  were,  a  chain 
of  moving  fortresses  before  the  whole  army."  It  was  the  hard 
^fate  of  Carthage  to  have  to  struggle  for  nearly  three  years  with 
<.the  gigantic  insurrection  of  this  rude  and  motley  host.  The  war 
commonly  known  as  the  Mercenary  or  African  war,  was  also 
from  the  ferocity  with  which  it  was  waged,  spoken  of  as  the 
"  truceless,"  or  "  inexpiable,  war."  Even  at  this  terrible  crisis 
Carthage  was  not  free  from  the  rivalries  of  political  factions, 


though  ultimately  the  genius  of  Hamilcar  won  for  her  a  com- 
plete triumph  as  far  as  the  immediate  contest  was  concerned. 
But  before  it  was  ended,  her  troops  in  Sardinia,  which  had  also 
mutinied,  surrendered  the  island  to  Rome,  and  the  surrender 
was  accepted  in  disregard  of  the  terms  of  the  last  treaty.     "Thus 

_both_Sicily  and  Sardinia  were  lost  to  Carthage  previous  to  the 
Second  Punic  War.  This  was,  of  course,  a  severe  blow  to  her 
maritime  power. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  she  obtained  some  compen- 
sation for  her  losses.     Under  the  conduct  and  direction  of  the 

"great  Hamilcar  she  acquired  a  large  territory  in  Spain,  where  as 
yet  she  had  possessed  only  the  small  commercial  centre  of  Gades 
with  its  immediate  vicinity.  Spain  was  a  country  with  a  rough 
and  hardy  population  and  all  the  material  of  an  efficient  army, 
with  a  number  of  strong  positions  and  hill-fortresses,  and  with 
the  sources  of  great  wealth  in  the  silver  mines  in  its  southern 
districts.  It  was  Hamilcar's  aim  to  reduce  it  to  a  Carthaginian 
dependency,  and  to  raise  from  its  warlike  tribes  a  well- trained 
infantry  by  way  of  supplement  to  the  admirable  Numidian 
cavalry.  We  have  not  the  means  of  tracing  his  operations  in 
detail,  but  we  may  take  it  as  certain  that  he  showed  extraordi- 
nary capacity  both  as  a  general  and  a  statesman,  and  gave 
Carthage  a  new  source  of  both  military  and  financial  strength. 
After  his  death,  in  B.C.  229,  which  occurred  in  battle  with  some 

.  tribes  in  the  interior,  his  work  was  ably  continued  by  his  son- 

.in-law,  Hasdrubal ;  the  conquests  of  Carthage  were  confirmed, 
several  cities  were  founded,  among  them  New  Carthage  (Carta- 
gena) with  its  excellent  harbour,  and  the  mines  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood were  worked  with  a  great  profit.  It  is  probable  that 
the  territory  directly  under  Carthaginian  rule  comprised  what 
is  now  Andalusia,  Granada,  Murcia,  and  Valencia,  and  that 
Carthaginian  influence  extended  to  the  eastern  shores  of  the 
peninsula.  Cacthage  had  thus  not  only  recovered  lost  ground, 
but  had  greatly  added  to  her  strength  at  all  points.  She  had  in 
nerarmies  a  Tormidable  infantry  as  well  as  splendid  cavalry, 
and  her  new  possessions  largely  increased  her  means  of  furnish- 
ing them  with  regular  pay.  She  was  in  fact  at  the  height  of  her_ 
.power  when  she  entered  on  the  Second  Punic  AVar. 

Rome  naturally  did  not  like  the  state  of  affairs  in  Spain,  and 
the  result  was  a  treaty  with  Hasdrubal  providing  that  the  Car- 
thaginians were  not  to  advance  east  of  the  Ebro  with  designs  of 


conquest.  The  treaty,  so  said  the  war-party  at  Carthage,  was 
"not  concUided  with  the  sanction  of  the  home-government.  _Pply- 
bius  (iii.  29)  characterises  this  as  an  impudent  statement,  and, 
though  Polybius  usually  leans  to  the  side  of  Rome,  it  seems  , 
reasonable  to  assume  that  in  such  an  important  matter  Has- 
drubal,  from  his  high  position,  must  have  been  understood  as 
speaking  in  the  name  and  with  the  authority  of  Carthage. 
Hannibal's  attack  on  Saguntum,  which  was  to  the  west  of  4lie 
Ebro,  was  not  indeed  a  violation  of  this  treaty  or  compact  with 
Hasdrubal,  but  it  was  obviously  meant  as  an  insult  to  Romej^ 
whose  allies,  as  he  well  knew,  the  Saguntines  had  been  for  maay 
years.  In  this  sense  Carthage  may  be  said  to  have  provoked 
the  Second  Punic  War,  though  had  Rome  wished  to  put  herself 
in  the  right  and  to  stand  by  the  faith  of  treaties,  she  ought  to 
have  given  up  Sardinia,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  she  had  acquired 
by  the  treacherous  surrender  of  the  mutinous  Carthaginian 
garrison.  The  determination  to  avenge  an  undoubted  and 
comparatively  recent  wrong  has  usually  been  thought  a  just 
aground  for  war. 




Of  Livy's  life  we  really  know  nothing.  If  we  can  trust  the 
Chrotiicle  of  Eusebius,  he  wasjboxn  59  B.C.,  the  year  of  the 
consulship  of  Cassar  and  Bibulus,  and  he  died  17  a.d.,  the  fourth 
year  of  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Tiberius.  Patavium  (Padua) 
was  his  birthplace.  This  may  be  considered  as  quite  established, 
on  the  authority  of  Symmachus  and  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  learned 
writers  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  A,D.,  and  of  a  passage 
in  one  of  Martial's  Epigrams  (l.  62-3),  which  clearly  connects 
Livy  with  the  district  of  Patavium.  And  there  is  the  additional 
fact  that  the  eminent  critic  Asinius  PoUio  reproached  him  with 
"  Patavinity."  A  provincial,  then,  by  birth,  Livy  was  among  the 
number  of  the  literary  men  of  the  Augustan  age,  and  was  the 
contemporary  of  Horace  and  Virgil.  We  gather  from  Tacitus 
{Annals,  IV.  34)  that  he  was  on  decidedly  friendly  terms  with 
Augustus,  who  used  playfully  to  call  him  a  "  Pompeian  ";  whence 
we  infer  that  the  historian's  political  sympathies  were  with  the 
repubhcan  party.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  this  same  passage 
Tacitus  pays  him  a  very  high  compliment,  saying  of  him,  that 
he  was  "pre-eminently  famous  for  eloquence  and  truthfulness." 
We  may  take  for  granted  that  by  truthfulness  Tacitus  meant? 

political  impartiality,  which  of  course  under  the  empire  was 
highly  creditable   to  his   honesty,  rather  than  exact  historical 

^accuracy.  It  would  seem  certain  that  he  stood  well  in  the 
favour  of  the  court,  as  according  to  Suetonius  {Life  of  Claudius, 
41)  the  young  Claudius  Nero,  Augustus's  stepson,  and  after- 
wards emperor,  himself  tried  his  hand  at  history  on  the  strength 
of  Livy's  advice.  But  it  is  too  much  to  assume  on  such  slender 
ground  that  he  was  the  prince's  tutor.     His  fame  as  an  historian 



was  so  thoroughly  established  and  so  widely  spread  during  his 
lifetime,  that  a  Spaniard  from  Cadiz,  so  Pliny  tells  us  in  one 
of  his  Letters  (^Epp.  ii.  3),  travelled  to  Rome  merely  to  see 
him.  He  wrote,  it  appears,  a  letter  of  literary  advice  to  his  son, 
and  from  one  sentence  of  this,  which  is  quoted  by  Quintilian,  it 
has  been  conjectured  that  he  began  life  as  a  teacher  of  rhetoric, 
a  conjecture  indeed  which  has  some  plausibility,  and  which  found 
favour  with  Niebuhr.  As  to  the  two  sons  whom  he  is  said  to  have 
had,  as  to  the  marriage  of  one  of  his  daughters  to  a  rhetorician  of 
the  name  of  Magius,  as  to  his  frequent  visits  to  Naples  and  his 
presentation  to  Augustus  of  some  work  on  philosophy,  all  this, 
though  quietly  assumed  by  his  biographer,  Tomasini,  rests  on  a 
story  of  an  inscription  said  to  have  been  preserved  at  Venice 
of  the  history  of  which  nothing  is  known.  We  must  be  content 
to  be  in  the  dark  about  the  particulars  of  Livy's  life.  We  pass 
on  to  his  great  literary  work. 

This  he  himself  called  Annals  (xLiil.  13).  It  was  nothing 
less  than  an  entire  history  of  Rome,  from  the  foundation  o£.  the 
city  to  the  year  B.C.  9,  the  year  of  the  death  of  Drusus  in 
Germany,  and  it  was  contained  in  one  hundred  and  forty-two 
books,  of  which  unfortunately  only  thirty-five  have  come  down 
to  us.  It  appears  from  Suetonius  {Life  of  Caligula,  34)  that 
the  crazy  emperor  Caligula  was  even  on  the  point  of  destroying 
them  along  with  Virgil's  works,  on  the  ground  of  their 
•  prolixity  and  inaccuracy.  However,  it  is  almost  certain  that 
'  they  were  even  in  existence  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  but 
during  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  the  Great,  at  the  close  of  the 
sixth  century,  it  is  said  that  strict  orders  were  given  for  their 
destruction.  The  Pope,  it  seems,  had  a  special  objection  to 
Livy'  s  history  on  account  of  its  heathen  legends  and  stories  of 
prodigies.  It  is  possible,  therefore,  that  the  grievous  loss  we 
have  sustained  may  have  been  due  to  Gregory's  foolish 
fanaticism.  There  was  a  notion  indeed  that  Livy's  work  was 
still  to  be  found  entire  in  England  in  the  twelfth  century,  as 
William  of  Malmesbury  quotes  from  the  lost  books.  These 
quotations,  however,  may  have  been  merely  derived  from  other 
writers,  and  not  directly  from  Livy.  In  the  sixteenth  century, 
during  the  revival  of  letters,  there  were  sanguine  hopes  of 
recovering  the  whole  work,  and  Pope  Leo  X.  spared  no  effort 

LIVY  AND  HIS  HISTORY.  ,     xix 

to  do  so.  There  were  flying  stories  that  a  perfect  copy  was  to 
be  found  in  St.  Columba's  monastery  at  lona,  or  in  the  monastery 
at  Mount  Athos,  or  in  the  island  of  Chios,  or  in  the  Escurial, 
or  even  in  the  Sultan's  seraglio,  and  it  was  further  rumoured 
that  there  were  Arabic  translations  of  it  stowed  away  in  the 
libraries  of  Constantinople.  There  were  many  strange  tales, 
one  that  a  portion  of  the  second  decade  was  found  in  the 
parchment  of  a  battledore  ;  that  the  player,  who  happened  to 
be  a  man  of  learning,  went  at  once  to  the  maker  of  the  battle- 
dore, but  only  to  find  that  he  had  used  Livy's  last  page  for  a 
similar  purpose.  We  must,  we  fear,  finally  resign  ourselves  to 
the  loss.  It  is  indeed  a  grievous  one,  for  the  lost  books  contain 
the  later  history  of  the  Roman  republic,  with  which  Livy  must 
have  been  well  acquainted.  Arnold  said  that  he  would  gladly 
give  up  all  that  we  now  possess  of  Livy's  work  in  exchange 
for  those  portions  which  related  the  Italian  war  and  the  civil 
wars  between  Sulla  and  Marius.  We  have  indeed  epitomes  of 
the  one  hundred  and  forty-two  books,  ten  only  excepted,  and  we 
are  thus  able  to  form  some  notion  of  the  plan  and  development 
of  the  work.  We  have  no  means  of  knowing  to  whom  we  owe 
these  epitomes,  but  it  is  on  the  whole  probable  that  they  were 
compiled  shortly  after  the  publication  of  the  work.  They  are 
not  without  their  value,  and  are  occasionally  of  real  service  to 
us,  but  for  the  most  part  they  are  extremely  meagre,  and  in  some 
cases  they  are  comprised  in  two  or  three  lines.  For  example, 
the  epitome  of  the  136th  book  merely  tells  us  that  it  was 
the  narrative  of  the  conquest  of  Rsetia  by  Tiberius  and 

Livy's  history  has  been  divided  into  decades  or  groups  of 
ten  books  ;  a  division  dating,  it  would  appear,  from  a  com- 
paratively late  period,  and  suggested  perhaps  by  the  circumstance 
that  books  i,  21,  and  31,  open  with  a  brief  preface.  There 
is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  the  idea  originated  with  the 

The  first  decade,  which  has  come  down  to  us  entire,  relates 
the  history  from  the  foundation  of  Rome  to  the  consolidation  of 
her  power  in  Italy,  in  B.C.  294,  by  the  thorough  subjugation  of 
the  Samnites,  Rome's  most  formidable  foe  in  the  peninsula. 

The  second  decade  is  lost.     It  brought  the  history  down  to 

b  2 


219  B.C.,  and  contained  the  narrative  of  the  war  with  Pyrrhus 
and  the  first  Punic  war. 

The  third  decade  we  possess  entire.  It  gives  us  the  account 
of  the  second  Punic  war,  ending  in  201  B.C. 

The  fourth  decade  is  entire.  It  brings  us  down  to  B.C.  179, 
and  tells  us  of  the  extension  of  Rome's  empire  in  Cisalpine 
Gaul  and  Macedonia. 

Of  the  fifth  decade  half  has  come  down  to  us.  It  ends  with 
the  reduction  of  Macedonia  into  a  Roman  province,  and  the 
triumph  of  ^milius  Paulas  for  the  final  conquest  of  that  country. 
It  brings  us  down  to  167  B.C. 

This  is  all  we  have  of  Livy's  history — thirty-five  books.  Of 
the  remaining  books  we  have  nothing  but  a  few  fragments. 
Of  these,  one  from  the  120th  book  is  of  great  interest. 
It  is  the  account  of  the  death  of  Cicero,  and  in  it  Livy 
records  his  estimate  of  the  famous  orator's  character.  He 
speaks  of  him  with  qualified  praise,  and  plainly  hints  that 
he  was  wanting  in  manliness.  "  Still,  after  all,"  he  adds, 
"  if  you  weigh  his  merits  against  his  defects,  he  was  a  great,  an 
"  able,  and  very  distinguished  man,  and  to  praise  him  adequately 
''  we  need  a  Cicero  for  his  panegyrist."  ,  Livy,  it  appears,  dared 
to  speak  his  mind  freely  under  Augustus,  and  here  very  possibly 
we  have  an  instance  of  the  "  truthfulness  "  which  Tacitus,  as 
we  have  seen,  mentions  as  one  of  his  honourable  characteristics. 

Livy's  history  of  the  latter  days  of  the  republic  must  have 
been  very  full  and  minute.  What  we  possess  brings  us  down, 
as  above  stated,  to  the  year  167  B.C.,  and  his  history  closed  with 
the  year  9  B.C.  Consequently,  no-  less  than  ninety-five  books 
were  devoted  to  the  history  of  a  period  of  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
eight  years.  This  consideration  is  quite  enough  to  show  us 
very  plainly  what  a  terrible  historical  loss  we  have  sustained. 
With  Livy' s  guidance  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  we  should 
have  had  a  very  complete  knowledge  of  Roman  politics  and 
history  during  a  most  interesting  and  exciting  period. 

His  history,  it  is  probable,  was  not  all  published  at  one 
time.  In  Book  I.  chap.  19,  he  speaks  of  its  having  been 
the  privilege  of  his  age,  to  have  witnessed  the  closing  of  the 
temple  of  Janus,  after  the  victory  of  Actium  (B.C.  31).  The 
first  decade  may  very  possibly  have  been  published  shortly  after 


that  date,  and  then  its  publication  would  have  coincided  with 
the  time  at  which  Virgil  was  at  work  on  his  great  poem.  The 
temple  of  Janus  was  closed  twice  during  the  reign  of  Augustus, 
the  second  occasion  being  the  decisive  conquest  of  the  warlike 
Cantabri  in  Spain  in  B.C.  26.  Some  time  between  these  two 
closings,  Livy's  first  decade  may  have  made  its  appearance. 

Livy  had  great  external  advantages  as  an  historian.    He  had,      '  g 
as   a  matter  of  course,  easy  access  to  all  the  libraries   and        ^,  V 
archives  and   public   documents   of  Rome,  as  the   emperor's       Xj  - 
friend  and  proteg^.     There  was  an  abundance  of  official  records, 
fHe  annals  of  the  pontiffs,  the  commentaries  or  notes  of  import-      -'"     ^^^ 
ant  events,  also  in  the  keeping  of  the  pontiffs,   the  registers     ^  *^ 
known   or  referred  to  as   the  "  libri  lintei "  (books  written  on     "4      ^ 
linen),  stored  up  in  the  temple  of  Juno  Moneta  on  the  Capitol,   /y^     h 
a  multitude  of  inscriptions  and  a  vast  collection  of  state-papers,  Q 

which  would  include  laws,  treaties,  decrees  of  the  Senate  and  of     .. 
the  "plebs."     These  documents,  according  to  Suetonius,  went 
back  almost  to  the  foundation  of  the  city,  an  exaggeration  of 
course,  but  still  they  must  have  furnished  an  immense  mass  of 
materials  for  a  judicious  and  painstaking  historian.     But  this 
_Livy  certainly  was  not,  and  it  is  clear  that  he  made  but  a  poor 
and  slovenly  use  of  much  that  lay  ready  to  his  hand.     All  this 
nas    been   sufficiently  pointed    out    by   Niebuhr  and   by  his 
eminent  disciple,  our  own  Arnold.    Xivy,  in  fact,  it  is  certain, 
had  not  enough  in  him  of  the  spirit  of  research  to  examine  for 
himself  old  musty  documents,  or  even  to  scrutinise  with  his  own       5 
eyes  some  of  the  most  important  inscriptions.     He  seems  never 
to  have  made  a  study  of  papers  which  would  have  thrown  light 
on  the  constitutional  history  of  Rome  ;  even  with  the  famous 
Laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables,  and  with  their  general  scope  and 
purpose,  he  was  not  acquainted.     It  is  much  to  be  wished  that     "~^ 
he  had  had  a  little  more  of  the  "  dry  as  dust "  about  him.  But  such     "^7"^ 
matters  were  not  to  his  taste.  The  rhetorician,  the  man  of  letters       ~ 
comes  out  in  every  page.    Never  was  there  a  more  graphic  or 
charming  writer.  Yet  here  again  we  have  to  find  fault.  His  descrip- 
tions were  often  deplorably  inaccurate  from  a  want  of  knowledge 
which  he  might  have  acquired.     Of  this  we  cannot  take  a  more 
conspicuous  instance  than  his  narrative  of  Hannibal's  passage 
of  the  Alps,    jle  does  not  seem  to  have  made  a  study  of  some 

'  -V  ,  '^Mk  '  a,  u^  /  ^  ^, ,  ^  ■>' '  \  '  d- :   ^  -■: 


of  the  best  and  most  learned  authors.  He  never  mentions  one 
of  the  most  erudite  works  of  the  time,  Varro's  Annals  ana 
Antiquities,  which  unfortunately  has  not  come  down  to  us,  and 
he  refers  only  once  or  twice  to  Cato's  Origines,  a  book  in  which 
the  early  history  of  Italy  was  discussed  by  a  distinguished 
statesman  living  in  the  second  century  B.C.  It  would  appear 
that  he  drew  the  materials  of  his  early  books  mainly  from  the 
poet  Ennius,  and  from  Fabius  Pictor,  the  first  Roman  annalist, 
a  writer  of  the  third  century  B.C.,  who  had  the  reputation  of 
being  a  very  respectable  authority  on  his  country's  earliest 
history.  We  may,  we  think,  take  it  for  granted  that  Livy  wrote 
more  with  a  view  to  popularity  than  to  clear  up  obscure  and 
controverted  points.  He  addresses  himself  to  the  general"" 
public,  not  to  scholars  and  lawyers  and  men  of  learning.  Of 
the  antiquarian  and  critic  one  sees  at  a  glance  that  he  has 
absolutely  nothing.  He  tells  us  in  his  preface  what  his  idea  of 
history  was  :  its  great  purpose  was  to  teach  moral  lessons  by 
conspicuous  examples,  and  this  the  history  of  Rome  in  its  origm, 
growth,  and  decline  did,  he  thought,  with  remarkable  effect.  It  is 
to  be  noted  that  he  does  not  speak  of  his  own  age  as  by  any 
means  a  highly  favoured  one,  but  as  a  time  in  which  "  we  can 
"  neither  bear  our  vices  nor  the  remedies  which  might  heal  them." 
This  certainly  is  no  flattery  of  Augustus.  As  to  the  early  history 
he  plainly  says  that  its  traditions  are  "  embellished  with  poetic 
"  fables,  and  that  he  has  no  mind  to  argue  for  or  against  them. 
"  Antiquity  may  be  fairly  allowed  to  give  a  grandeur  and  dignity 
"  to  the  origin  of  a  state  by  blending  the  human  and  divine." 
On  the  principle  here  professed  the  earlier  portion  of  the  history 
is  evidently  written.  There  is  no  attempt  at  anything  like  a 
critical  sifting,  which  he  probably  would  have  regarded  as  labour 
in  vain.  But  it  is  foolish  to  charge  him  with  credulity  because 
he  gave  his  countrymen  the  popularly  accepted  version  of  the 
first  beginnings  of  their  city.  He  continually  mentions  alleged 
prodigies,  not  of  course  because  he  believed  them,  but  because, 
as  he  himself  says  (Book  XLili.  chap.  13),  when  he  is  speaking  of 
antiquity,  his  mind  takes  an  antique  cast  and  character.  We 
feel  at  once  that  these  prodigies,  though  of  course  they  were 
fictions,  had  their  significance  for  the  popular  sentiment,  and  the 
mention  of  them  gives  the  reader  an  insight  into  certain  aspects 


of  Jlome's  life,  and  is  therefore  curious  and  interesting.  Livy 
certainly  carries  out  pretty  consistently  the  general  programme 
which  he  has  laid  down  for  himself  in  his  preface. 

Though  he  speaks  of  the  corruption  of  his  time,  he  has  the 
most  intense  admiration  of  the  greatness  of  Rome.  "  If  any 
"  people  have  the  right,  the  Roman  people  may  assuredly  claim 
"a  divine  origin,  and  such  is  their  fame  in  war  that  all  the 
"  nations  of  the  world  may  as  contentedly  acquiesce  in  their 
"  boast  that  they  are  the  children  of  the  god  of  war  as  in  their 
"  empire  itself"  The  thought  of  Rome's  surpassing  greatness, 
of  her  almost  miraculous  growth  from  a  very  humble  beginning, 
was  ever  present  to  his  mind.  This  it  is,  coupled  with  a  re- 
markably vivid  style,  which  gives  to  his  work  the  charm  and 
interest  of  which  we  are  all  conscious.  The  truth  is  that  his 
history  is  on  the  whole  all  the  better  for  having  been  written 
^th  a  strong  patriotic  feeling.  He  may  have  been  unfair  to  the 
gr^at  Hannibal,  just  as  many  of  our  own  writers  found  it  im- 
possible to  be  fair  to  Napoleon.  Still  we  believe  that  even  in 
such  cases,  where  his  mind  would  naturally  have  a  very  decided 
bias,  the  general  impression  he  leaves  is  not  very  far  wrong. 
Hannibal  himself,  for  instance,  whose  very  name  was  enough  to 
excite  a  perfect  frenzy  of  hatred  in  a  Roman  breast,  stands  out 
in  the  pages  of  Livy  as  quite  the  greatest  figure  of  the  time. 
Here  at  any  rate  he  has  let  us  see  the  truth,  even  while  he  was 
most  zealously  striving  to  hold  up  to  his  reader  s  admiration  the 
glory  and  greatness  of  Rome. 

Livy,  like  all  men  of  any  ability  and  worth,  had  his  political        v^-^ 
views  and  sympathies,  and  these  were  strongly  marked.     Every        ^    jj 
historian  must  have  his  political  bias,  and  it  is  no  slur  upon  Livy      >/     ^ 
if  he  had  his.     We  have  noted  that  Augustus  used  to  joke  him     .^  *s>. 
as  a  "  Pompeian,"  and  indeed  it  is  clear  enough  that  Livy's   -  '  ~> 
Jieart  was  with  the  old  days  of  the  republic,  which  he  liked  to       n  , 
Jhink  of  as  the   "good  old   times."     Nor  was  he  altogether 
wrong,  though  we  may  admit  that  he  took  much  too  favouiable 
a  view  of  the  past.     There  was  a  virtue  and  a  public  spirit  in 
those  days,  which,  after  the  close  of  the  second  Punic  war,  and 
the  conquests  in  the  east,  sensibly  dechned.     This  had  made  a 
deep  impression  on  Livy,  and  we  find  him  in  his  preface  deplor-    vJ   ^ 
ing  the  relaxation  of  discipline  and  the  decay  of  morals,  and  "^ 


these  evils  he  probably  connected  in  his  mind  with  the  advance 
of  democratic  sentiment.  His  ideal  of  a  state  was  a  patriotic 
and  high-principled  aristocracy,  to  which  the  people  could  look 
up  with  sincere  respect  and  confidence.  The  demagogue,  and 
the  stirrer  up  of  what  he  called  sedition,  was  an  abomination  to 
him.  He  takes  care  that  we  shall  see  very  plainly  that,  in  the 
party  contests  which  he  describes,  he  is  in  heart  a  patrician,  and 
that  for  the  people  and  their  demands  he  felt  generally  a  dislike 
and  contempt.  We  may  infer  this  from  the  speeches  which  he 
puts  into  the  mouths  of  popular  leaders.  There  is  often  a  low 
and  vulgar  tone  about  them,  and  the  speakers  are  usually 
credited  with  selfish  and  unworthy  aims.  Very  possibly  what  he 
had  himself  seen  and  heard  of  popular  turbulence  in  the  latter 
days  of  the  republic  may  have  confirmed  his  patrician  bias. 
There  is  one  pleasant  feature  about  his  work.  His  pages  are 
never  sullied  by  any  reflections  inconsistent  with  purity  and 
virtue.  The  writer,  we  feel,  must  have  been  a  good  and  pure- 
minded  man,  the  more  so  when  we  consider  how  corrupt  and 
depraved  was  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  But  in  his  works  as 
they  have  come  down  to  us  there  is  hardly  a  passage  that  need 
call  a  blush  to  the  cheek.  He  preferred  to  write  history  with 
a  moral  view,  and  he  is,  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  distinctly  true 
to  his  profession.  Whatever  is  good,  noble,  and  unselfish 
instinctively  commands  his  sympathy.  If  occasionally  it  seems 
otherwise,  we  must  remember  that  he  was  a  Roman,  and  Rome's 
greatness  and  fame  were  supremely  dear  to  his  heart. 

His  "  Patavinity  "  (this,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  reproach 
flung  at  him  by  the  learned  and  critical  Pollio)  has  given  rise  to 
a  great  variety  of  conjectures.  The  people  of  Patavium,  it  has 
been  said,  were  on  Pompey's  side,  and  thus  the  charge  would 
resolve  itself  into  one  of  what,  under  Augustus, '  would  be  a 
perverse  political  bias.  But  this  is  a  far-fetched  notion,  and  we 
may  assume  that  what  Pollio  meant  by  his  criticism  was  what 
we  should  call  "  provincialism  of  style,"  and  an  occasional  use  of 
words  and  phrases  that  would  not  quite  commend  themselves  to 
the  most  polished  society  of  Rome.  If  there  was  any  such  defect 
in  Livy,  it  is  altogether  beyond  the  perception  of  the  best  modern 
scholars,  and  it  is  significant  that  so  accomplished  a  critic  as 
Quintilian  gives  us  no  hint  of  it.    Pollio's  criticism,  we  may  fairly 


suppose,  could  not  have  been  well  founded,  and  must  have  been 
due  to  a  love  of  carping,  perhaps  also  to  a  dislike  of  Livy,  and 
a  jealousy  of  his  success  and  popularity. 

To  sum  up.  Livy  had  many  admirable  qualities  as  a  writer, 
a  charming  and  delightful  style,  which  could  most  skilfully  adapt 
itself  to  the  particular  events  he  was  narrating,  a  hearty  sym- 
pathy with  goodness  and  virtue,  and,  if  we  may  take  the  word 
of  Tacitus,  a  fearless  truthfulness  where  there  was  a  strong 
temptation  to  flattery.  He  had  great  faults,  faults  serious  indeed, 
when  we  judge  him  by  our  modern  standard.  He  had  not  the 
industry  of  the  antiquarian,  or  the  subtle  discernment  of  the 
historical  critic.  He  had  no  notion  of  treating  history  as  a 
science  ;  it  was  with  him  a  storehouse  of  moral  and  political 
Tessons,  which  it  was  an  author's  duty  to  convey  as  agreeably 
and  impressively  as  possible  to  his  readers.  The  story  of  the 
republic  was  in  his  eyes  a  drama  full  of  interest  and  instruc- 
tion, and  of  the  many  lost  treasures  of  antiquity  it  is  perhaps 
the  one  which  we  have  most  reason  to  wish  we  possessed 
in  its  integrity. 




B.C.    2l8. 

Importance  of  the  Second  Punic  War — The  greatest  of  all  wars 
in  the  author's  opinion — Would  have  commenced  at  an  earlier 
date  but  for  the  death  of  Hamilcar — Character  of  his  son 
Hannibal  (i — 4). 

Origin  of  the  war  in  Hannibal's  attack  of  Saguntum,  a  city  in 
Spain,  in  alliance  with  Rome — Siege  and  capture  of  the  city 
in  disregard  of  Roman  protests  (5 — 15). 

Rome  prepares  for  war,  but  at  the  same  time  sends  an  embassy 
to  Carthage  to  sound  the  temper  of  the  Carthaginians — De- 
bate in  the  Carthaginian  senate — War  proclaimed  (16 — 18). 

Hannibal's  preparations — He  crosses  the  Ebro,  passes  the 
Pyrenees,  and  arrives,  after  the  passage  of  the  Rhone  in  face 
of  opposition  from  the  Gauls,  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps — His 
brother,  Hasdrubal,  he  leaves  with  an  army  in  Spain  to  guard 
Carthaginian  interests  in  that  country  (19 — 32). 

Hannibal's  passage  of  the  Alps — The  sufferings  of  his  army, 
and  his  great  losses — His  arrival  in  Italy  (33 — 39). 

He  defeats  the  Romans  under  Publius  Scipio  on  the  Ticinus, 
and  afterwards  more  decisively  on  the  Trebia  (40 — 57). 

He  fails  in  an  attempt  to  cross  the  Apennines — The  Carthagi- 
nians in  Spain  are  defeated  by  Cneius  Scipio — Flaminius,  the 
consul,  leaves  Rome,  without  the  sanction  of  the  Senate,  to 
take  command  of  the  army  (58 — 63). 

xxviii  SUMMARY. 

B.C.   217. 

Hannibal,  after  a  four  days'  march  through  the  swamps  round 
the  Arno,  enters  Etruria — Flaminius,  disregarding  several  un- 
favourable omens,  is  drawn  into  a  battle  at  Lake  Trasumennus 
and  utterly  defeated  (i — 6). 

Fabius  Maximus  is  appointed  dictator — The  Sibylline  Books 
are  consulted,  and  solemn  religious  ordinances  are  decreed 
amid  intense  public  anxiety  (7 — 10). 

Fabius  contents  himself  with  watching  Hannibal's  movements 
as  he  marches  into  Samnium  and  Campania— His  master  of 
the  horse,  Minucius,  excites  a  feeling  against  him  in  the  army 
by  ridiculing  these  cautious  tactics — Fabius  is  summoned 
back  to  Rome  (11  — 18). 

The  Romans  considerably  strengthen  their  position  in  Spain 
under  the  brothers  Cneius  and  Publius  Scipio  (19 — 22). 

The  dictator  Fabius  is  very  unpopular  at  Rome — In  his  absence 
from  the  army  Minucius  successfully  engages  the  enemy,  and 
by  a  vote  of  the  commons  the  command  is  divided  between 
him  and  Fabius — His  rashness  involves  him  in  the  utmost 
peril,  from  which  he  is  rescued  by  Fabius,  whom  from  that 
time  he  willingly  acknowledges  as  his  superior  (23 — 30). 

The  Romans  still  pursue  the  tactics  of  Fabius,  which  greatly 
embarrass  Hannibal,  although  they  do  not  meet  with  the 
approval  of  the  commons  (31 — 33). 

B.C.  216. 

Under  the  new  consuls,  Terentius  Varro  and  ^milius  Paulus, 
very  large  armies  are  raised,  and  aid  is  received  from  King 
Hiero  of  Sicily  (34 — 37). 

Varro,  before  leaving  Rome  with  the  anny  which  is  under  the 
joint  command  of  himself  and  Paulus,  boasts  that  he  will  soon 
end  the  war  —Paulus  is  more  cautious,  and  listens  to  the  advice 
of  Fabius  (38 — 40). 

The  Romans  at  Cannx — Anxiety  of  Hannibal  to  bring  on  a 
general  engagement — Skirmishes  between  the  two  armies — 
Differences  between  the  two  commanders,  Paulus  insisting  on 

SUMMARY.  xxix 

caution,  Varro  being  bent  on  a  decisive  action,  in  which  at 
last  he  has  his  way — The  Romans  are  defeated,  with  the  almost 
total  destruction  of  their  army — Livy  compares  the  disaster  to 
the  defeat  by  the  Gauls  at  Allia  (41 — 50). 

Hannibal  declines  to  act  on  the  advice  of  Maharbal,  the  com- 
mander of  his  cavalry,  who  urges  him  to  march  at  once  on 
Rome — The  horrors  of  the  battle-field — Surrender  of  the 
Romans  who  had  escaped  the  slaughter  (51 — 52). 

The  prospects  of  Rome  seem  so  desperate  that  several  young 
nobles  think  seriously  of  finally  abandoning  Italy — Scipio, 
afterwards  known  as  Africanus,  frightens  them  out  of  their 
designs — Deliberations  in  the  Senate  about  the  defence  of 
Rome — On  the  advice  of  Fabius  a  restraint  is  put  on  public 
manifestations  of  grief — By  the  direction  of  the  Sacred  Books, 
contrary  to  Roman  feeling  and  custom,  human  sacrifices  are 
offered — Eight  thousand  slaves  are  armed  and  enlisted — After 
a  debate  in  the  Senate  it  is  decided  that  the  prisoners  taken 
by  Hannibal  are  not  to  be  ransomed  (53 — 61). 


B.C.  216. 

Revolt  of  the  Campanians  to  Hannibal  (i — 10). 

The  news  of  the  victory  of  Cannas  is  brought  by  Mago  to  Car- 
thage, and  confirmed  by  a  great  heap  of  golden  rings  taken 
from  slain  Roman  nobles — After  some  debate  in  the  Cartha- 
ginian senate  it  is  decided  to  continue  the  war  and  to  support 
Hannibal  (11 — 13). 

Rome  prepares  for  fresh  efforts — Hannibal  fails  in  an  attempt 
on  Naples — Marcellus  repulses  him  from  Nola  with  consider- 
able loss  (14 — 17). 

Hannibal  in  winter  quarters  at  Capua,  where  his  army  becomes 
demoralised — He  besieges  and  captures  Casilinum  after  an 
obstinate  defence  (18 — 20). 

King  Hiero  assists  the  Romans — Debate  in  the  Senate  on  the 
expediency  of  enrolling  a  number  of  new  senators  to  make  up 
the  losses  sustained  in  recent  defeats  (21 — 23). 

Destruction  of  a  Roman  army  in  Gaul — Efforts  of  the  Romans — 
Successes  of  the  two  Scipios  in  Spain,  which  is  now  brought 
mainly  under  Roman  control  (24 — 29). 


B.C.  215. 

Distribution  of  the  Roman  armies  throughout  Italy — Treaty 
between  Hannibal  and  Philip,  King  of  Macedon — Roman 
successes  in  Sardinia — Victory  of  the  consul  Gracchus  over 
the  revolted  Campanians — Hannibal  makes  an  attempt  on 
Nola,  but  is  again  repulsed  by  Marcellus — Patriotic  spirit  of 
the  Roman  citizens,  who  willingly  advance  money  for  the 
necessities  of  the  state — Decisive  victory  of  the  Scipios  in 
Spain  (30—49). 


B.C.  215. 

Carthaginian  operations  in  Bruttium — Surrender  of  Locri — 
Hieronymus,  King  of  Syracuse,  concludes  a  treaty  with 
Hannibal,  but  is  soon  afterwards  assassinated  (i — 8). 

B.C.  214. 

Fabius  Maximus  and  Claudius  Marcellus  consuls — Gracchus 
defeats  Hanno  and  a  Carthaginian  force  at  Beneventum — 
Hannibal  too  is  worsted  in  an  engagement  with  Marcellus — 
Patriotic  spirit  of  the  more  wealthy  Roman  citizens  (9 — 18). 

The  Romans  recover  Casilinum — Hannibal,  after  encamping 
near  Tarentum,  retires  to  Salapia,  which  he  makes  his  winter 
quarters  (19 — 20). 

Affairs  of  Sicily — Political  factions — A  party  at  Syracuse  solicits 
alliance  with  Rome — Marcellus  arrives  in  Sicily,  captures 
Leontini,  and  then  lays  siege  to  Syracuse — Obstinate  defence 
of  the  city  under  the  direction  of  Archimedes — Several  of  the 
towns  of  Sicily  ally  themselves  with  Carthage  (21 — 39). 

War  with  Philip  of  Macedon — Defeat  of  the  king  at  ApoUonia 

Operations  of  the  two  Scipios  in  Spain — Recovery  of  Saguntum 
by  the  Romans  (41,  42). 

B.C.  213. 

Successes  of  Fabius  Maximus — He  recovers  Arpi  in  Apulia 

SUMMARY.  xxxi 

Syphax  of  Numidia  becomes  Rome's  ally — He  is  utterly  de- 
feated by  Masinissa,  the  ally  of  Carthage — In  Spain  the 
Scipios  enlist  the  Celtiberi  into  their  service,  and  for  the  first 
time  in  her  history  Rome  employs  mercenaries  (49). 


B.C.   213, 

Hannibal  at  Tarentum — Foreign  superstitions  find  their  way 
into  Rome — The  Senate  interposes  (i,  2). 

B.C.  212. 

Rome  makes  unusual  efforts,  and  twenty-three  legions  take 
the  field,  but  the  raising  of  this  immense  army  is  attended 
with  great  difficulty  (3 — 5). 

Surrender  of  Tarentum  to  Hannibal,  but  the  citadel  holds  out 
— Hanno  defeated  in  Campania,  and  forced  to  retire  into 
Bruttium  (6 — 14). 

Revolt  of  Metapontum  and  Thurii  to  Hannibal — Gracchus  and 
his  army  are  destroyed  in  Lucania  through  the  treachery  of  a 
Lucanian  chief  (15 — 17). 

Capua  besieged  by  a  Roman  army — Defeat  of  Fabius  by  Han- 
nibal in  Apulia — Despondency  of  the  Romans  (18—22). 

Siege  of  Syracuse  by  Marcellus — The  city  is  at  last  stormed 
after  a  two  years'  defence,  and  given  up  to  plunder— Archi- 
medes perishes  in  the  confusion  (23 — 31). 

Operations  in  Spain — The  Carthaginians  imite  their  forces — 
Cneius  Scipio  deserted  by  the  Celtiberi — Perilous  position  of 
the  two  Scipios — The  Carthaginians  are  strengthened  by  the 
arrival  of  Masinissa  with  a  force  of  Numidian  cavalry — 
Publius  Scipio  is  reduced  to  great  straits ;  he  ventures  to 
engage  the  enemy,  and  is  defeated  and  slain— His  brother  is 
shortly  afterwards  surrounded  by  the  united  forces  of  the 
enemy,  and  destroyed  with  his  entire  army — For  nearly  eight 
years  the  Scipios  had  been  fighting  Rome's  battles  in  Spain — 
At  this  crisis  the  courage  and  promptitude  of  a  Roman  knight, 
Lucius  Marcius,  arrested  the  victorious  arms  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians (32—39). 

The  spoils  of  Syracuse  are  brought  to  Rome,  and  almost  all 
Sicily  accepts  the  Roman  alliance,  and  becomes  a  Roman 
dependency  (40,  41). 



B.C.   2l8. 

I.  I  CLAIM  leave  to  preface  a  portion  of  my  history  by  a 
remark  which  most  historians  make  at  the  beginning  of  their 
whole  work.  I  am  about  to  describe  the  most  memorable  war 
ever  waged,  the  war  which  the  Carthaginians,  under  the 
leadership  of  Hannibal,  waged  against  the  people  of  Rome. 
Never  have  states  or  nations  with  mightier  resources  met  in 
arms,  and  never  had  these  two  peoples  themselves  possessed 
such  strength  and  endurance.  The  modes  of  warfare  with 
which  they  encountered  one  another  were  not  unfamiliar,  but  had 
been  tested  in  the  first  Punic  war.  Again,  so  varying  was  the 
fortune  of  battle,  so  doubtful  the  struggle,  that  they  who  finally 
conquered  were  once  the  nearer  to  ruin.  And  they  fought, 
too,  with  a  hate  well  nigh  greater  than  their  strength.  Rome  A 
was  indignant  that  the  conquered  should  presume  to  attack  the  ' 
conqueror,  Carthage  that  the  vanquished  had,  she  thought,  been 
subjected  to  an  arrogant  and  rapacious  rule.    .,'^^^-*^\  "t    -;  ; 

There  is  a  story,  too,  of  Hannibal  when,  at  nine  years  of 
age,  he  was  boyishly  coaxing  his  father  Hamilcar  to  take  him 
with  him  to  Spain  (Hamilcar  had  just  finished  the  African 
war,  and  was  sacrificing  before  transporting  his  army  to  that 
country),  how  the  child  was  set  by  the  altar,  and  there,  with 
his  hand  upon  the  victim,  was  made  to  swear  that,  so  soon  as 
he  could,  he  would  be  the  enemy  of  tlre^-Roman  people.  The 
B  "  B 


Great  im- 
portance of 

the  Second 
Punic  War, 

childhood,  f 



Death  of 
•who  is  suc- 
ceeded in  the 
commajid  by 

He  is 

lucceeds  Jiim. 

loss  of  Sicily  and  Sardinia  was  very  galling  to  the  high-spirited 
Hamilcar.  Sicily,  he  knew,  had  been  surrendered  in  premature 
despair  ;  Sardinia  had  been  snatched  from  them  by  Roman 
fraud,  in  the  midst  of  their  troubles  in  Africa,  while  an  additional 
war  indemnity  had  been  imposed  on  them. 

2.  Agitated  by  these  thoughts  during  the  five  years  of  the 
African  war  which  followed  immediately  on  the  recent  peace  with 
Rome  and  then  during  the  nine  years  in  which  he  was  extending 
the  Carthaginian  empire  in  Spain,  he  showed  plainly_by  his 
actions  that  he  was  meditating  a  war  greater  thanj;hatjn_yvhich 
he  was  engaged.  Had  he  lived  longer,  the  Carthaginians,  led 
by  Hamilcar,  would  have  entered  Italy  in  arms,  as  they  did 
afterwards  under  the  leadership  of  Hannibal. 

The  singularly  opportune  death  of  Hamilcar  and  the  ex- 
treme youth  of  Hannibal  delayed  the  war.  During  an  interval 
of  eight  years  between  the  father  and  the  son,  Hasdrubal  held 
supreme  command.  In  the  first  bloom  of  his  youth,  such  is  the 
story,  he  became  the  favourite  of  Hamilcar,  who  subsequently 
in  his  later  years,  seeing  his  high  spirit,  chose  him  to  be  his 
son-in-law.  As  such,  he  rose  to  power,  not  indeed  with  the 
approval  of  the  principal  citizens,  but  by  the  influence  of  the 
Barcine  faction,  which  was  very  great  with  the  army  and  the 
people.  Preferring  policy  to  force,  he  advanced  Carthaginian 
interests  far  more  by  forming  connexions  with  the  petty  chiefs, 
and  by  winning  over  new  tribes  through  the  friendship  of  their 
leading  men,  than  by  war  and  arms.  To  him,  however,  peace 
proved  quite  as  dangerous.  A  barbarian,  resenting  Hasdrubal' s 
execution  of  his  master,  murdered  him  in  open  day.  Seized  by 
the  bystanders,  he  seemed  as  cheerful  as  if  he  had  escaped ; 
even  when  he  was  torn  upon  the  rack,  the  expression  of  his  face 
was  of  one  who  laughed  ;  so  completely  did  joy  triumph  over 
agony.  It  was  with  this  Hasdrubal  that  Rome,  seeing  his 
marvellous  tact  in  dealing  with  the  tribes,  and  in  attaching  them 
to  his  government,  had  renewed  the  old  treaty.  The  river  Ebro 
was  to  be  the  boundary  of  their  respective  empires,  while  the 
Saguntines,  who  were  between  the  dominions  of  the  two  nations, 
were  to  retain  their  freedom. 

3.  As  to  Hasdrubal's  successor,  there  could  be  no  question 
that  the  leader  of  the  soldiers'  choice — they  had  instantly  carried 


the  young  Hannibal  into  the  general's  tent,  and  proclaimed  him 
commander-in-chief  amidst  loud  and  universal  acclamation — 
was  followed  by  the  good  wishes  of  the  people.  When  he  was 
a  mere  boy,  Hasdrubal  had  written  a  letter  inviting  him  over  to 
Spain,  and  a  proposal  had  been  actually  made  in  the  Senate,  the 
Barcine  party  contending  that  Hannibal  should  be  trained  to 
the  soldier's  life  and  succeed  to  his  father's  high  position.  To 
this,  Hanno,  the  leader  of  the  opposite  faction,  replied,  "  Has- 
"  drubal's  demand  seems  fair,  and  yet  I,  for  my  part,  maintain 
"that  we' ought  not  to  grant  what  he  asks." 

Astonishment  at  a  speech  so  ambiguous  having  drawn  every 
eye  upon  the  speaker,  Hanno  added  :  "  The  youthful  beauty 
"  which  Hasdrubal  himself- surrendered  to  Hannibal's  father, 
"  he  has  now  good  right,  he  thinks,  to  claim  back  from  the  son. 
"  But  we  surely  ought  not  to  habituate  our  young  men  to  the 
"  wanton  lusts  of  our  generals  by  way  of  an  apprenticeship  in 
"  arms.  Or  are  we  afraid  that  the  son  of  Hamilcar  will  have 
*'  to  wait  too  long  before  he  witnesses  the  unrestrained  power, 
"  the  show  of  monarchy,  which  his  father  assumed  ;  that  we 
"  shall  fall  too  slowly  under  the  domination  of  the  son  of  the 
"  man  who  left,  as  might  a  king,  our  armies  as  an  inheritance 
"  to  his  son-in-law  ?  For  my  part  I  think  that  this  young  man 
"  should  be  kept  at  home  under  our  laws  and  magistrates  and 
"  taught  to  live  on  the  same  terms  as  the  rest  of  us,  or  else,  I 
"  fear,  this  little  fire  will  some  day  blaze  forth  into  a  mighty 
"  conflagration." 

"^  4.  Hanno  carried  the  assent  of  but  few,  among  whom, 
however,  were  all  the  best  men.  As  so  often  happens,  numbers 
prevailed  over  right.  Hannibal  was  sent  to  Spain,  and  instantly 
on  his  arrival  attracted  the  admiration  of  the  whole  army. 
Young  Hamilcar  was  restored  to  them,  thought  the  veterans,  as 
they  saw  in  him  the  same  animated  look  and  penetrating  eye, 
the  same  expression,  the  same  features.  Soon  he  made  them 
feel  that  his  father's  memory  was  but  a  trifling  aid  to  him  in 
winning  their  esteem.  Never  had  man  a  temper  that  adapted 
itself  better  to  the  widely  diverse  duties  of  obedience  and 
command,  till  it  was  hard  to  decide  whether  he  was  more 
beloved  by  the  general  or  the  army.  There  was  no  one  whom 
Hasdrubal  preferred  to  put  in  command,  whenever  courage  and 

4  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXT.  persistency  were  specially  needed,  no  officer  under  whom  the 
soldiers  were  more  confident  and  more  daring.  Bold  in  the 
extreme  in  incurring  peril,  he  was  perfectly  cool  in  its  presence. 
No  toil  could  weary  his  body  or  conquer  his  spirit.  Heat  and 
cold  he  bore  with  equal  endurance  ;  the  cravings  of  nature,  not 
the  pleasure  of  the  palate,  determined  the  measure  of  his  food 
and  drink.  His  waking  and  sleeping  hours  were  not  regulated 
by  day  and  n'ght.  Such  time  as  business  left  him,  he  gave  to 
repose  ;  but  it  was  not  on  a  soft  couch  or  in  stillness  that  he 
sought  it.  Many  a  man  often  saw  him  wrapped  in  his  military 
cloak,  lying  on  the  ground  amid  the  sentries  and  pickets.  His 
dress  was  not  one  whit  superior  to  that  of  h^s  comrades,  but  his 
accoutrements  and  horses  were  conspicuously  splendid.  Among 
the  cavalry  or  the  infantry  he  was  by  far  the  first  soldier ;  the 
first  in  battle,  the  last  to  leave  it  when  once  begun. 

These  great  virtues  in  the  man  were  equalled  by  mdnstrous 

"CHa      koV*  <Sy'^'^^^}  cruelty,  a  worse  than  Punic  perfidy.     Absolulely 

^^  -'false  and  irreligious,  he  had  no  fear  oXjGad,__nQ.. regard  for 

cJi^y  y'tai  oath,  no  scruples.      With  this  combination   of  virtues  and 

vices,  he  served  three  years  under  the  command  of  Hasdrubal, 

omitting  nothing  which  a  man  who  was  to  be  a  great  general 

.  '"- '  •       i        ought  to  do  or  to  see. 

^'■Ilts/irst  5.     From,  the  day  on  which  he  was  proclaimed  general,  he 

operatfons.  regarded  "Italy  as  his  duly  assigned  province,  and  warjwMr 
Rome  as  his  special  commission.  Feeling  that  there  must  not 
be  a  moment's  delay,  or  that  he  too,  like  his  father  Hamilcar 
and  afterwards  Hasdrubal,  might,  if  he  hesitated,  be  cut  off  by 
some  sudden  mischance,  he  resolved  on  war  with  Saguntum. 
As  it  was  certain  that  Rome  would  be  provoked  to  arms  by  an 
attack  on  this  place,  he  first  led  his  troops  into  the  territory  of 
the  Olcades,  a  tribe  beyond  the  Ebro,  within  Carthaginian 
,  limits  rather  than  within  their  actual  dominions.  He  wished  to 
^seem,  if  possible,  not  to  have  made  Saguntum  his  object,  but^" 
to  have  been  gradually  drawn  into  war  with  it,  by  successive^ 
events,  the  subjugation  of  neighbouring  tribes  and  the  annexa- 
tion of  territory.  He  stormed  and  plundered  Cartala,  a  rich 
city  and  the  capital  of  the  Olcades.  Terror-stricken  by  this 
disaster,  the  weaker  submitted  to  his  rule  and  to  the  tribute 
imposed  on  them.     The  victorious  army,  laden  with  booty,  was   1 


now  marched  into  winter-quarters  at  New  Carthage.  There, 
by  a  liberal  distribution  of  the  spoil  and  a  faithful  discharge  of 
all  arrears  of  pay,  Hannibal  won  all  hearts  among  both  citizens 
and  soldiers. 

Early  in  the  spring,  the  war  was  pushed  into  the  country  of 
the  Vaccaei.  Their  towns,  Hermandica  and  Arbocala,  were 
stormed.  Arbocala  owed  a  long  defence  to  the  valour  and  the 
numbers  of  its  inhabitants.  The  fugitives  from  Hermandica 
joined  the  exiles  from  the  Olcades,  the  tribe  conquered  in  the 
previous  summer,  and  together  roused  the  Carpetani.  Falling 
upon  Hannibal,  on  his  return  from  the  Vaccasi,  near  the  river 
Tagus,  they  threw  his  tfoops,  encumbered  as  they  were  with 
spoil,  into  confusion.  Hannibal  declined  an  engagement.  He 
encamped  on  the  river  bank,  and,  as  soon  as  ever  he  noticed 
that  the  enemy  was  quiet  and  silent,  forded  the  stream.  He 
extended  his  lines  so  far  only  that  the  enemy  had  room  to  cross, 
for  112  resolved  to  attack  them  during  the  passage.  He  ordered 
his  cavalry  as  soon  as  they  entered  the  water  to  charge  the 
encumbered  host.  On  the  bank  he  ranged  his  forty  elephants. 
The  Carpetani,  with  the  contingent  of  the  Olcades  and  Vaccasi, 
numbered  a  hundred  thousand,  an  invincible  array  had  the  battle 
to  be  fought  been  in  open  and  level  country.  Naturally  fearless, 
they  were  now  confident  in  their  numbers.  Fancying  that  the 
enemy's  retreat  was  due  to  fear,  they  saw  in  the  river  the  only 
obstacle  to  victory  ;  and,  raising  a  shout,  dashed  recklessly  into 
the  stream,  taking  every  man  the  nearest  way,  without  waiting 
for  any  orders.  From  the  opposite  bank  a  strong  body  of 
cavalry  was  launched ;  into  the  stream  against  them,  and  the 
two  met  in  midchaoifiel  in  an  utterly  unequal  conflict.  The 
foot  soldier,  with  insecure  footing  and  but  a  faint  trust  in  the 
ford,  might  well  be  beaten  down  even  by  a  weaponless  rider 
who  spurred  hig  horse  fiercely  at  him,  while  the  trooper,  free  to 
use  limbs  and  weapons,  his  steed  standing  firm  even  amid  the 
rush  of  the  water,  could  fight  at  close  quarters  or  skirmish  as 
he  pleased.  Numbers  were  swept  away  by  the  stream  ;  some 
were  carried  by  the  eddying  current  among  the  enemy,  and 
trampled  down  by  the  elephants.  Those  in  the  rear  who  could 
return  in  comparative  safety  to  their  own  bank,  began  to  re- 
assemble from  all  parts  to  which  they  had  fled  ;  but  before  they 


could  recover  from  so  great  a  shock,  Hannibal  had  plunged 
into  the  river  with  a  column  in  fighting  order,  and  driven  them 
in  flight  from  the  shore.  He  laid  waste  their  country,  and 
within  a  few  days  the  Carpetani  too  had  surrendered.  And 
now  all  beyond  the  Ebro  except  Saguntum  was  in  Carthaginian 

6.  War  with  Saguntum  was  not  indeed  yet  declared  ;  but 
already,  with  a  view  to  war,  quarrels  were  being  started  between 
it  and  its  neighbours,  more  particularly  the  Turdetani.  When 
the  very  man  who  was  the  sower  of  strife  took  up  the  cause  of 
the  tribe,  and  it  was  evident  that  he  was  not  bent  on  arbitra- 
tion, but  on  hostilities,  the  Saguntines  despatched_envoys  to 
Rome,  begging  help  for  a  war  now  assuredly  imniineiiLL.  The 
consuls  at  Rome  were  then  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  and 
Tiberius  Sempronius  Longus.  They  introduced  the  embassy 
to  the  Senate,  and  brought  before  it  the  question  of  public  policy, 
the  result  being  a  decision  to  send  envoys  to  Spain  to  look  into 
the  position  of  their  allies.  Should  these  envoys  think  that 
there  was  adequate  cause,  they  were  peremptorily  to  bid 
Hannibal  not  to  meddle  with  the  Saguntines,  as  being  allies  of 
Rome,  then  to  cross  over  into  Africa  to  Carthage  and  there 
report  the  complaints  of  Rome's  allies.  ., 

The  mission  had  been  resolved  upon,  but  not  despatched, 
when  news  came  sooner  than  any  one  could  have  expected  that 
Saguntum  was  besieged.  At  once  the  matter  was  again  brought 
before  the  Senate.  Some  were  for  assigning  Spain  and  Africa 
to  the  consuls  as  their  provinces,  and  for  making  war  by  sea  and 
land.  "  Others  were  for  bending  all  their  efforts  against  Spain 
and  Hannibal.  Some  maintained  that  they  must  not  move 
rashly  in  so  serious  a  crisis,  but  should  await  the  return  of  their 
envoys  from  Spain.  This  seemed  the  safest  counsel,  and  it 
prevailed.  Accordingly  the  envoys,  Publius  Valerius  Flaccus, 
and  Quintus  Basblus  Tamphilus,  were  despatched,  without 
further  delay  to  Hannibal  at  Saguntum ;  thence  they  were  to 
go  to  Carthage  to  demand,  unless  there  was  a  cessation  of 
hostilities,  the  surrender  of  the  offending  general  as  a  penalty 
for  the  violation  of  the  treaty. 

/"].     While  the  Romans  were  thus  preparing  and  deliberating, 
Saguntum  was  already  being  attacked  with  the  utmost  vigour. 


It  was  far  the  richest  city  beyond  the  Ebro,  and  stood  about  a 
mile  from  the  sea.  Its  inhabitants  came  originally,  it  is  said, 
from  the  island  Zacynthus,  and  mingled  with  them  was  an 
element  of  Rutulian  origin  from  Ardea.  Anyhow,  it  is  certain 
that  they  had  rapidly  risen  to  their  great  prosperity  by  profits 
that  came  both  from  sea  and  land,  by  the  growth  of  population, 
and  by  that  training  in  a  scrupulous  honour  which  made  them 
respect  their  loyalty  as  allies  even  to  their  own  destruction. 
Hannibal  entered  their  territory  with  an  army*  prepared  for  war, 
and  after  ravaging  their  lands  far  and  wide,  attacked  their  city 
in  three  divisions. 

One  angle  of  their  wall  looked  towards  a  valley  more  level 
and  more  open  than  the  neighbouring  country,  and  against  this 
he  decided  to  advance  his  engines,  and  under  their  shelter  to 
apply  the  battering-ram  to  the  ramparts.  But  although  the 
ground  at  some  distance  from  the  wall  was  convenient  enough 
for  advancing  the  engines,  yet  when  they  came  to  attack  the 
wall  in  earnest,  the  attempt  was  anything  but  successful.  There 
was  a  huge  overhanging  tower  ;  the  wall,  too  (for  the  place  was 
known  to  be  weak),  was  raised  above  its  height  in  other  parts. 
Then  again,  as  the  point  was  one  of  conspicuous  peril  and 
danger,  a  picked  body  of  young  men  opposed  there  a  particu- 
larly vigorous  resistance.  First,  they  kept  off  the  enemy  with 
missiles  and  left  him  no  sort  of  safety,  while  he  was  making  his 
advances  ;  next,  no  longer  merely  discharging  their  volleys  from 
the  fortifications  and  the  tower,  they  took  courage  to  rush  out 
upon  his  outposts  and  works.  In  these  skirmishes  hardly  more 
Saguntines  fell  than  Carthaginians.  Hannibal  himself,  approach- 
ing the  wall  somewhat  incautiously,  was  struck  down  by  a 
severe  wound  on  his  thigh  from  a  javelin,  and  forthwith  there 
was  such  consternation  and  panic  everywhere  around  that  the 
works  and  engines  were  all  but  abandoned. 

8.  During  the  next  few  days,  while  the  general's  wound  was 
being  treated,  there  was  more  of  blockade  than  of  active  attack. 
But,  though  during  this  interval  there  was  a  lull  in  the  fighting, 
there  was  no  rest  from  the  preparation  of  works  and  from 
engineering  labour.  And  so  the  contest  was  renewed  with 
greater  fury  ;  approaches  began  to  be  made,  and  the  battering- 
rams  applied  at    a   number   of    points,   though   some   places 

8  LIVY. 

;OOK  xxr.  hardly  admitted  of  their  being  worked.  The  Carthaginians  had 
asuperabundanceof  men,  having,  it  is  generally  believed,  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  under  arms,  while  the  townspeople  had 
now  to  dissipate  their  strength  over  a  wide  space  in  order  to  guard 
and  watch  each  point.  Their  numbers,  therefore,  were  insufficient. 
The  walls,  too,  which  were  now  being  hammered  by  the  battering- 
rams,  had  in  many  places  been  shattered.  At  one  point  a  con- 
tinuous breach  had  left  the  city  defenceless  ;  tliree  towers  in 
succession  and  the  wall  between  them  had  fallen  with  a  great 
crash.  The  town,  so  thought  the  Carthaginians,  was  as  good 
as  taken  after  such  a  downfall.  Then,  just  as  if  the  wall  had 
before  screened  both  combatants  alike,  besiegers  and  besieged 
rushed  to  battle.  This  was  nothing  like  one  of  those  irregular 
fights  which  commonly  occur  at  assaults  on  towns,  where  one 
side  seizes  his  opportunity  ;  regular  lines,  drawn  up  as  though  in 
an  open  plain,  took  their  stand  between  the  ruins  of  the  wall 
and  the  houses,  which  stood  not  far  off.  Hope  fired  one  side, 
despair  the  other.  The  Carthaginians  thought  that,  with  a  very 
slight  effort,  they  were  masters  of  the  place,  while  the  SagunT" 
tines  barred  the  way  with  their  bodies  to  save  homes  now  stript 
of  their  defences,  and  not  a  man  yielded  a  foot  lest  he  should 
let  in  the  enemy  to  the  ground  surrendered. 

The  fiercer  the  fight,  the  denser  the  crowd  on  either  side, 
the  more  numerous  were  the  wounded,  for  not  a  dart  fell  without 
effect  amid  such  a  mass  of  combatants.  The  Saguntines  used 
the  so-called  *'  falarica,"  a  missile  with  a  pinewood  shaft,  smooth 
except  at  the  extremity,  from  which  an  iron  point  projected. 
This,  which,  as  in  the  "  pilum,"  was  of  a  square  form,  was  bound 
round  with  tow  and  smeared  with  pitch.  The  iron  point  of 
the  weapon  was  three  feet  long,  such  as  could  pierce  straight 
through  the  body  as  well  as  the  armour,  and  even  if  it  stuck  in 
the  shield  without  penetrating  the  body,  it  caused  intense  panic  ; 
discharged  as  it  was  with  one  half  of  it  on  fire,  and  carrying 
with  it  a  flame  fanned  by  the  very  motion  into  greater  fury,  it 
made  the  men  throw  off  their  armour,  and  exposed  the  soldier 
to  the  stroke  which  followed. 

9.     After  a  long  undecided  struggle,  the  Saguntines,  taking 
heart   because  they  were  holding   their   ground  beyond   their" 
hopes,    the     Carthaginians     thinking    themselves    vanquished 

LIVY.  9 

because  they  were   not  victorious,  suddenly  the  townspeople  book  xxi. 
raised  a  shout,  drove  the  enemy  to  the  ruias  of  the  wall,  and       <y  / 

thrusting  him  out  thence,  entangled  and  bewildered,  finally  beat  \) 
him  back  in  disorderly  flight  to  his  camp.     Meanwhile  came  \ 

news  of  the  arrival  of  the  envoys  from  Rome.     Hannibal  sent       Hannibal 

.  .  .  r. •fuses  to 

men  to  the  sea  to  meet  them  with  the  message  that  it  would  not      treat  with 
be   safe   for  them  to   come  to   him  through  such  a  vast  host  ,      envoys.   / 
of   wild   tribes,   and    that  it  was  not  worth  his  while  at   %\xc^^Jf::'^'S.  c'fii'^ 
a  crisis_  fo   be  receiving    embassies.     It  was  evident   that,   if  ^'-^'R- 
not  admitted,  they  would  go  straight  to  Carthage.     So  Hannibal  ,-^'^'q-i: 
sent  off  before  them  some  messengers  with  a  letter  to  the  chiefs    .' 
of  the  Barcine  faction,  bidding  them  prepare  the  minds  of  their        <0 
'  partisans,  that  the  other  party  might  not  have  the  chance   of 
making  any  concession  to  Roman  demands. 

ID.     Thus,  save   that   they  were  received  and  heard,  the         Their 
mission  of  ths  envoys  was  fruitless  and  abortive.     Hanno  alone       Carthage. 
pleaded  for  the  treaty  before  the  Senate,  amid  a  profound  silence 
due  to  his  personal  influence,  but  not  with  the  approval  of  his 
audience.     "  I  charged,  I  forewarned  you  "  (said  he,  appealing       Hanno' s 
to  the  gods  who  were  the  arbiters  and  witnesses  of  treaties), 



"  not  to  let  Hamilcar's  son  go  to  the  army.     The  departed  spirit^ 

"  the  race  of  that  man,   know  no  rest.     ^slongL  as  there  is 

"a  surviyqr  of, Barcine  blood  and  name,  the  treaty  with  Rome 

"will  never  be  left  in  peace.     You  have  sent  to  the  army,  by 

"  way  of  adding  fuel  to  the  flame,  a  youth  burning  with  the  lust 

"  of  empire,  and  seeing  but  one  way  to  its  attainment,  to  start 

"  war  after  war,  and  to  live  encompassed  with  arms  and  armies. 

"  Thus  you  have  fed  this  fire  which  is  now  blazing  around  you. 

"_Your  armies  are  besieging  Saguntum,  which  a  treaty  forbids  .    ,  , 

"  tbem  to  touch  ;  before  long,  Rome's  legions  will  be  besieging//  V'"  i- 

"  Carthage,  led  by  those  same  gods  through  whom  in  the  last^  •  vvk'^^i^ 

"  war  Rome  avenged  her  broken  treaties.     Is  it  of  the  enemy,  or0;,  ^^       •    / 

"  of  yourselves,  or  of  the  fortunes  of  either  people  that  you  are  so  ^T' ,       i      i 

"  utterly  ignorant  ?     Envoys  who  come  from  allies  on  behalf  of        '^'^<- ,  h 

"  allies,  your  good  general  has  not^dtpitted  to  his  camp  ;  he  has 

"  made  light  of  international  lavv>;Ye);  these  men  after  being  re- 

"  pulsed  where  even  an  enemy's  envoys  are  not  refused  admission, 

"  come  to  you,  claiming  satisfaction  as  the  treaty  directs.  To  free 

"  the  State  from  wrong- doing,  _they  demand  the  author  of  the 


U 1/1,    '"  "i^'^'i  /-^Ac/ 


"  offence,  the  man  chargeable  with  the  crime.  The  more  gently 
"  they  deal,  the  slower  they  are  to  begin,  the  more  persistent,  I 
"  fear,  when  they  have  once  begun,  will  be  their  wrath.  Keep 
"  before  your  eyes  the  Aegates  islands  and  mount  Eryx,  and  what 
"  for  twenty-four  years  you  suffered  by  land  and  sea.  And  it  was 
"  not  this  boy  who  was  then  in  command,  but  the  boy's  father, 
"  Hamilcar,  a  second  Mars,  as  his  party  will  have  it.  But  we 
'^ad  not  kept  our  hands  off  Tarentum,  that  is,  off  Italy,  as  the^ 
"treaty  enjoined,  just  as  now  we  are  not  keeping  our  hands, 
"off  Saguntum.  And  so  gods  and  men  prevailed,  andTTn" 
"  the  question  so  long  debated,  which  of  the  two  nations 
"  had  broken  the  treaty,  the  issue  of  the  war,  like  an  im- 
"  partial  arbiter,  yielded  the  triumph  to  the  side  on  which 
"  right  stood.  It  is  against  Carthage  that  Hannibal  is  bringing 
"  up  his  engines  and  his  towers  ;  it  is  the  walls  of  Carthage  that 
"  he  is  shaking  with  his  battering-ram.  The  ruins  of  Sagun- 
"tum  (I  hope  I  may  be  a  false  prophet)  will  fall  on  our  heads, 
"  and  the  war  begun  with  the  Saguntines  must  be  carried  on 
"  with  the  Romans. 

"  Shall  we,  then,  give  up  Hannibal?  some  one  will  say.     I 

*'  know  that   my  word  goes  for  little  in  the  matter,  because  of 

"my  feud  with  his  father.     Still,  as  I. rejoiced  at  Hamilcar's 

"  death,  because  we  should  have  had  war  with  Rome  had  he 

"  lived,  so,  as  for  this  youth,  the  very  fury,  I  may  call  him,  and 

"  firebrand  of  this  conflict,  I  hate  and  detest  him.     Not  only 

"  do  I  think  that  we  should  give  him  up  to  atone  for  the  broken 

"  treaty,  but  that,  even  if  no  one  demanded,  we  should  transport 

"  him  to  the  remotest  regions  of  earth  and  sea,  and  banish  him 

"  to  where  neither  his  name  nor  fame  could  reach  us  and  trouble 

^  '  ^   "  the  welfare  of  a  peace-loving  community.     My  opinion  is  that 

'^  we  ought  at  once  to  send  envoys  to  Rome  with  an  apology  to 

the  Senate,  and  others  to  bid  Hannibal  withdraw  his  army  from 

'°^"  Saguntum,  and  to  deliver  up  the  man  himself  to  the  Romans, 

"  as  the  treaty  directs.     And  I  propose  that  there  be  a  third 

"  embassy  to  make  restitution  to  the  Saguntines." 

Decision  of  ^^-     When  Hanno  had  done  speaking,  not  a  single  man  felt 

tlie  Car-        \\_  nccessary  to  answer  his  speech.  Almost  the  whole  Senate  was 

Senate.        devotcd  to  Hannibal ;  Hanno,  they  declared,  had  spoken  more 

bitterly  than  Flaccus  Valerius,  the  Roman  ambassador.   Answer 

T  :■ 


was  then  returned  to  the  envoys  from  Rome.    "  The  war,"  it  was    book  xxi. 
said,  "was  begun  by  the  Saguntines,not  by  Hannibal ;  the  Roman^5<!***««^ 
"  people  do.  wrong  if  they  prefer  the  Saguntines  to  their  very  c^  .:>.r' >?  ii-^'^Ar 
"  ancient  alliance  with  Carthage."  i>;/y/^^^Sr 

While  the  Romans  were  wasting-  time  in  sendinjj  embassies,      thesiegeof 
Hannibal,  hndmg  his  soldiers  wearied  with  fighting  and  siege-     is  vigorously 
works,  gave  them  a  few  days'  rest,  posting  pickets,  however,  t0  2\;  (^'^^^  ' 
guard  his  engines  and  other  works.     Meanwhile  he  kindled  their  »  -   ' '     '  ■  • 
ardour,  now  firing  them  with  wrath  against  the  foe,  now  by  the  ' 

hope  of  reward.    As  soon  as  he  had  publicly  proclaimed  that  the  ( 

spoil  of  the  captured  city  should  belong  to  the  soldiers,  they  were 
all  so  excited  that,  had  the  signal  been  that  instant  given,  no 
strength,  it  seemed,  could  have  resisted  them.  The  Saguntines, 
though  they  had  had  rest  from  fighting,  and  had  neither  attacked 
nor  been  attacked  for  some  days,  worked  night  and  day  without 
cessation  to  build  up  a  new  wall  on  the  spot  where  the  fall  of  the 
old  had  laid  their  town  bare.  Then  they  had  to  face  a  far  fiercer 
assault  than  ever,  nor  could  they  well  judge,  with  loud  discordant 
cries  all  about  them,  where  the  promptest  or  the  most  powerful 
aid  was  needed.  Hannibal  was  present  in  person  encouraging 
his  men  where  they  were  advancing  a  movable  tower,  which 
exceeded  in  height  any  part  of  the  fortifications.  As  soon  as  it 
had  been  brought  up  and,  by  means  of  the  catapults  and  ballistas 
ranged  on  its  several  stories,  had  swept  the  defenders  from  the 
ramparts,  he  thought  that  the  opportunity  was  come,  and  sent 
about  five  hundred  Africans  with  pickaxes  to  undermine  the  wall. 
This  was  no  difficult  work,  for  the  rubble  had  not  been  compacted 
with  mortar,  but  joined  only  with  layers  of  mud  in  the  fashion 
of  ancient  buildings.  And  so  there  fell  a  greater  extent  of  wall 
than  actually  received  the  blows,  and  through  the  gaps  made 
by  the  foil  bodies  of  armed  men  penetrated  into  the  city.  They 
also  seized  some  high  ground,  dragged  up  catapults  and  ballistas, 
and  inclosed  the  position  with  a  wall,  so  as  to  have  in  the 
vcr>'  heart  of  the  town  a  fort,  dominating  it,  like  a  citadel.  The 
Saguntines,  on  their  part,  drew  an  inner  wall  from  the  part  of 
the  city  not  yet  captured.  Both  sides  toiled  and  fought  with 
all  their  might,  but  in  defending  the  interior  of  the  town  the 
Saguntines  every  day  reduced  its  dimensions.  The  scarcity  of 
all  necessaries  increased  from  the  length  of  the  siege,  while  the 


Attempts  to 
a  peace. 

prospect  of  external  aid  diminished,  as  the  Romans,  their  only 
hope,  were  so  far  distant,  and  the  whole  country  round  M-as  in  the 
enemy's  hands.  Still  for  a  brief  space  their  sinking  spirits  were 
revived  by  Hannibal's  sudden  departure  on  an  expedition  against 
the  Oretani  and  Carpetani.  These  two  tribes,  dismayed  at  the 
rigour  of  the  conscription,  had  detained  the  recruiting-officers 
and  caused  some  apprehensions  of  revolt,  but  they  were  over- 
povvered  by  Hannibal's  rapidity,  and  dismissed  all  thoughts  of 

12.  There  was  no  slackening  in  the  siege  of  Saguntum,  as 
Maharbal,  Himilco's  son,  whom  Hannibal  had  left  in  command, 
pressed  the  attack  so  vigorously  that  the  general's  absence  was 
felt  neither  by  the  Saguntines  nor  by  their  foe.  Maharbal  not  only 
fought  some  successful  engagements  but  shook  down  a  good  part 
of  the  walls  with  three  battering-rams,  and  showed  Hannibal  on 
his  return  the  gap  all  strewn  with  fresh  ruins.  Hannibal  at  once 
marched  his  army  straight  to  the  citadel ;  there  was  a  fierce  battle 
with  great  slaughter  on  both  sides,  and  part  of  the  citadel  was 

There  was  now  a  feeble  hope  of  peace,  and  two  men,  Alcon, 
of  Saguntum,  and  Alorcus,  a  Spaniard,  tried  to  realise  it.  Alcon, 
thinking  to  gain  something  by  entreaties,  went  over  to  Hannibal 
by  night  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Saguntines ;  but  as  tears 
had  no  effect,  and  the  hard  terms  which  might  be  expected  from 
^an  enraged  conqueror  were  offered,  he  sank  the  envoy  in  tire 
deserter,  and  remained  with  the  enemy,  asserting  that  it  would 
be  death  to  any  one  to  propose  peace  on  such  conditions. 
Hannibal's  demands,  indeed,  were  these: — they  must  make 
restitution  to  the  Turdetani,  surrender  all  their  silver  and  gold, 
depart  from  the  city  with  one  garment  apiece,  and  settle  where- 
ever  the  Carthaginians  might  bid  them.  When  Alcon  protestec 
that  the  Saguntines  would  not  accept  such  terms  of  peace 
Alorcus  declared  that  courage  yields  when  all  else  yields,  am 
he  offered  to  be  the  negotiator  of  a  peace.  He  was  then  one  o 
Hannibal's  soldiers,  but  he  was  the  recognised  guest  and  frienc 
of  the  Saguntine  community.  In  the  sight  of  all  he  gave  u]; 
his  weapon  to  the  enemy's  sentries,  then  crossed  the  lines,  an( 
was  conducted  at  his  own  request  to  the  Saguntine  officei. 
Instantly  there  was  a  rush  to  the  spot  of  citizens  of  every  class , 

LIVY.  13 

When  the  crowd  had  been  pushed  aside,  Alorcus  had  an  audience 
before  the  Senate,  and  made  the  following  speech: — 

13.  "Had  your  fellow-citizen  Alcon  brought  back  to  you 
"  from  Hannibal  terms  of  peace,  as  he  went  to  sue  for  them, 
"  this  journey  of  mine  would  have  been  needless,  for  I  have  come 
"to  you  neither  as  Hannibal's  spokesman  nor  as  a  deserter. 
"  But  as  Alcon— be  the  fault  his  or  yours — has  chosen  to  stay 
"with  the  enemy  (his  own  it  is,  if  he  feigned  alarm  ;  yours,  if  it 
"  is  dangerous  to  bring  back  to  you  a  true  report),  I  have  now 
"come  to  you  in  consideration  of  the  old  tie  of  friendship 
"  between  us,  to  let  you  know  that  there  are  certain  terms  of 
"  peace  and  safety  for  you.  That  I  am  saying  what  I  do  say  to 
"  you  for  your  own  sakes  and  no  one  else's,  this  in  itself  should 
"  be  sufficient  proof  that  I  never  mentioned  peace  to  you  as  long 
"  as  either  your  own  strength  held  out  or  you  hoped  for  aid  from 
"  Rome.  Now  that  you  have  no  hope  from  the  Romans,  and  that 
"your  arms  and  walls  no  longer  give  you  an  adequate  defence, 
"  I  bring  you  a  peace  which  is  inevitable  rather  than  favourable. 
"  Of  this  there  is  some  hope  on  this  condition,  that  to  the  terms 
"  which  Hannibal  offers  as  a  conqueror,  you  listen  as  the  con- 
"  quered,  and  are  prepared  to  recognise,  no  loss  indeed  in  what 
"you  part  with,  seeing  all  is  in  the  victor's  hand,  but  a  bounty 
"  in  whatever  is  left  you.  Your  city,  to  a  great  extent  destroyed, 
"and  almost  wholly  in  his  grasp,  he  takes  from  you;  your  lands 
"he  leaves  you,  and  intends  to  assign  you  a  place  where  you  can 
"  build  a  new  town ;  all  your  gold  and  silver,  whether  the  property 
"  of  the  State  or,  of  private  citizens,  he  will  have  brought  to  him; 
"  your  own  persons  and  the  persons  of  your  wives  and  children 
"  he  preserves  inviolate,  if  you  are  willing  to  quit  Saguntum 
"  without  arms,  with  two  garments  apiece.  Such  are  the  terms 
"  insisted  on  by  the  victorious  enemy ;  grievous  and  hard,  as  they 
"are,  your  plight  recommends  them  to  you.  For  my  part  I  do  not 
"  despair  of  some  mitigation  of  them,  when  Hannibal  has  once 
"got  everything  into  his  power.    Yet  I  maintain  that  it  is  better 

'  that  you  should  endure  even  such  terms,  than  be  massacred 
"  and  suffer  your  wives  and  children  to  be  seized  and  dragged 
"  into  slavery  before  your  eyes  under  the  right  of  conquest." 

14.  In  the  throng  that  gradually  crowded  round  to  hear  this 
speech,  the  popular  assembly  had  mingled  with  the  Senate,  when 



Capture  of 


all  in  a  moment  and  before  an  answer  had  been  given  the  chief 
citizens  withdrew.  All  the  gold  and  silver  belonging  to  the  State 
or  to  private  persons  they  collected  and  flung  into  a  fire  hastily 
lighted  for  the  purpose,  and  many  of  them  then  threw  them- 
selves into  the  flames.  Amidst  the  panic  and  consternation  that 
this  spread  through  the  whole  city,  a  further  alarm  was  heard  from 
the  citadel.  A  tower  which  had  long  been  tottering  had  fallen  ; 
a  body  of  Carthaginians  had  rushed  through  the  breach,  and 
signalled  to  their  general  that  the  enemy's  town  was  bare  of  its 
usual  guards  and  sentries.  Resolved  promptly  to  seize  such  an 
opportunity,  Hannibal  attacked  in  full  force  and  took  the  city  in 
a  moment.  He  had  given  orders  for  the  massacre  jDf^ all  the 
adult  males.  Cruel  as  the  order  was,  it  was  seen  by  the  issueto 
Have  been  almost ~ar  necessity.  Who,  in  fact,  could  have  been 
spared  out  of  a  population  who  either  shut  themselves  in  with 
their  wives  and  children,  and  burnt  the  houses  over  their  heads, 
or,  with  swoi-ds  in  their  hands,  ceased  only  to  fight  when  they 
lay  dying  ? 

15.  The  town  was  taken  with  an  immense  booty.  Though 
much  of  the  property  had  been  purposelydestroyed  by  the  ownei-s, 
though  in  the  massacre  scarce  any  distinction  of  age  was  recog- 
nised by  the  enemy's  fury,  and  the  captives  were  the  soldiers' 
spoil,  still  it  is  certain  that  what  was  sold  produced  a  consider- 
able sum,  and  that  much  rich  furniture  and  apparel  were  sent  to 

Some  writers  say  that  Saguntum  was  captured  eight  months 
after  the  commencement  of  the  siege,  that  Hannibal  then  retired 
into  winter-quarters  at  New  Carthage,  and  arrived  in  Italy  five 
months  after  his  departure  from  that  town.  If  so,  it  cannot  be 
that  Publius  Cornelius  and  Tiberius  Sempronius  were  the  consuls 
to  whom  the  Saguntine  envoys  were  sent  at  the  beginning  of  the 
siege,  and  who  were  still  in  office  when  they  fought  the  battles 
of  the  Ticinus  and  the  Trebia  with  Hannibal,  one  of  them 
being  present  at  the  former,  both  at  the  latter.  All  this  either 
occupied  a  somewhat  shorter  time,  or  Saguntum  was  taken, 
instead  of  its  siege  having  been  begun,  early  in  the  year  in  which 
Cornelius  and  Sempronius  were  consuls.  For  the  battle  of  the 
Trebia  cannot  have  fallen  so  late  as  the  year  of  Servilius  or 
Flaminius,  as  Flaminius  entered  on  his  consulate  at  Ariminum  * 

LIVY.  15 

on  the  declaration  of  the  consul  Sempronius,  and  Sempronius,    book  xxi 
who  went  to  Rome  after  the  battle  of  the  Trebia  to  nominate 
the  consuls,  returned  to  his  army  in  winter-quarters  as  soon  as 
the  election  was  over. 

16.  It  was  at  almost  one  and  the  same  moment  that  the     Excitev:ent 

,  r  r^       1  1  •  at  home. 

envoys  who  had  returned  from  Carthage  reported  that  everythmg 

tended  to  war,  and  that  the  fall  of  Saguntum  was  announced. 

Grief  the  most  intense,  pity  for  the  unmerited  destruction  of 

their  allies,  shame  at  having  rendered  them  no  aid,  wrath  against  ^       . 

the  Carthaginians,  and  alarm  for  the  actual  safety  of  the  State,  '   ^^^*'^^jQ^ 

as  though  the  enemy  were  already  at  their  gates,  so  mastered  the  '  '  j^<- 

Senate,  and  so  distracted  them  with  the  variety  of  simultaneous  ".  .■         :  •  K--.' 

emotions,  that  there  was  more  confusion  than  counsel  among 

them.     A  fiercer  and  more  warlike  foe  they  had  never  had  to  f^*^  k, 

encounter,  nor  had  Rome  ever  been  so  slothful  and  unwarlike.  ■ ,  ^  \ 

The  Sardi,  the  Corsi,  the  Histri,  the  lUyrii,  had  annoyed  rather         ' 

than  practised  the  arms  of  Rome,  and  with  the  Gauls  there  had 

been  skirmishing  more  than  regular  war.      The  Carthaginian, 

their  old  enemy,  uniformly  victorious  through  three-and-twenty 

years  of  the  severest  fighting  amongst  the  nations  of  Spain,  and'><^,^^ 

trained  under  a  most  determined  leader,  was  now  crossing  theli^^^L 

Ebro,  fresh  from  the  destruction  of  one  of  the  richest  of  cities ;  ^^^.fjJ^ 

with  him  he  was  hurrying  onward  the  levies  of  many  Spanish  k>>.^,, 

tribes  ;  the  nations   of  Gaul,  ever   eager  for  arms,  would  rise^ 

at  his  bidding ;  a  war  with  the  whole  world  would  have  to  be 

fought  in  Italy,  and  before  the  walls  of  Rome. 

17.  The  provinces  to  be  assigned  to  the  consuls  had  been    Preparations 
already  named  ;  they  were  now  bidden  to  draw  lots  for  them.       for  war. 
Spain  fell  to  Cornelius  ;  Africa  with  Sicily  to  Sempronius.     Six 

legions  were  voted  for  the  year,  with  such  a  force  of  allies  as  the 
consuls  might  think  fit,  and  as  large  a  fleet  as  could  possibly  be 
equipped  ;  of  Romans  there  were  enrolled  twenty-four  thousand  ^  ,  "zOo 
.infantry,  eighteen  hundred  cavalry  ;  of  the  allies  forty  thousand  U  0 
infantry,  four  thousand  and  four  hundred  cavalry,  while  two 
hundred  and  twenty  five-banked  ships  and  twenty  light  galleys 
were  launched. 

The  question  was  then  put  to  the  Commons — Was  it  their 
will  and  pleasure  that  war  should  be  declared  against  the  people 
of  Carthage  ?   For  the  war  thus  sanctioned,  public  prayers  were 



offered  throughout  Rome,  ana  entreaty  made  to  the  gods  that 
what  the  people  of  Rome  had  decided  might  have  a  good  and 
prosperous  issue.  The  forces  were  then  divided  between  the 
consuls.  To  Sempronius  were  assigned  two  legions  (these  were 
each  four  thousand  infantry  and  three  hundred  cavalry),  and 
sixteen  thousand  of  the  allied  infantry,  with  eighteen  hundred 
cavalry,  one  hundred  and  sixty  great  war-ships,  and  twelve  light 
galleys.  Sempronius  was  despatched  with  these  land  and  sea 
forces  to  Sicily,  whence  he  was  to  cross  into  Africa,  if  the  other 
consul  proved  sufficient  to  keep  the  Carthaginians  out  of  Italy. 
Cornelius  had  a  smaller  army,  as  Lucius  Manlius,  the  praetor, 
was  himself  sent  to  Gaul  with  a  fairly  strong  force.  It  was  in  his 
fleet  that  he  was  weakest  ;  he  had  but  sixty  five-banked  ships, 
for  it  was  not  believed  that  the  enemy  would  invade  by  sea  or 
attempt  that  kind  of  warfare.  He  had  also  two  Roman  legions 
with  their  proper  complement  of  cavalry,  fourteen  thousand 
allied  infantry,  and  sixteen  hundred  cavalry.  The  province  of 
Gaul  contained  two  Roman  legions,  ten  thousand  allied  infantry, 
a  thousand  allied  and  six  hundred  Roman  cavalry,  now  destined 
for  the  same  object — the  Carthaginian  war. 

1 8.  Having  completed  these  preparations  the  Romans, 
anxious  to  insure  the  due  performance  of  all  the  proper  pre- 
liminaries to  war,  sent  as  envoys  to  Africa  Quintus  Fabius, 
Marcus  Livius,  Lucius  Aemilius,  Caius  Licinius,  Ouintus  Baebius, 
all  men  of  venerable  age,  who  were  to  question  the  Carthaginians 
whether  Hannibal  had  attacked  Saguntum  by  order  of  the  State. 
Should  they,  as  seemed  likely,  admit  and  justify  the  act  as  done 
by  order  of  the  State,  war  was  to  be  declared  against  the 

As  soon  as  the  Roman  envoys  arrived  and  audience  was 
given  them  in  the  Senate,  Quintus  Fabius  asked  nothing  more 
than  the  single  question  with  which  he  had  been  intrusted. 
Thereupon  one  of  the  Carthaginians  replied  :  "Your  previous 
"  embass3%  men  of  Rome,  was  peremptory  enough,  when  you 
"  demanded  Hannibal  on  the  assumption  that  he  was  attacking 
"  Saguntum  on  his  own  responsibility  ;  but  this  embassy,  though 
"  so  far  its  language  is  milder,  is  in  reality  harder  on  us.  On  that 
"  occasion  it  was  Hannibal  whom  you  denounced,  whose  sur- 
'*  render  you  demanded  ;  now,  you  want  to  extort  from  us  a 

LIVY.  17 

"confession  of  wrong-doing,  and  to  claim  instant  satisfaction    BOOK  XXI. 

"  on  the  strength  of  such  confession.     I  should  say  that  the 

"  question  ought    not  to  be  whether   Saguntum  was  attacked 

"on  the  responsibility  of  the  State,  or  of  a  private  citizen,  but 

"^as  the  attack  just  or  unjust  ?     It  is  surely  for  us  to  inquire  and 

*'  decide  about  our  own  citizen^  as  to  wKat  he  may  have  done  on  our 

"  instance  or  his  own  ;  with  you  we  have  only  to  discuss  whether 

"  tiSe  act  was  permissible  by  the  treaty.     Well,  as  you  wish  us 

**  to  distinguish  between  what  generals  do  on  the  State's  respon- 

"  sibihty  and  what  on  their  own,  we  have  a  treaty  with  ycu 

"  which  was  concluded  by  your  consul,  Caius  Lutatius,  and  in 

"  this,    though   it  guarded   the  interests  of  the  allies  of  both 

"  parties,  there  was  no  such  provision  for  the  Saguntines,  who,  in 

"  fact,  were  not  yet  your  allies.    But  you  will  say,  the  Saguntines        '  "*,.  ^    r. 

"  are  exempted  from  attack  by  the  treaty  which  you  concluded 

"  with  Hasdrubal.     Against  this  I  am  going  to  say  nothing  but 

"  what  I  have  learnt  from  you.     You  said  yourselves  that  you 

"  were  not  bound  by  the  treaty  which  Caius  Lutatius,  your  consul, 

"  first  made  with  us,  because  it  was  made  without  the  sanction 

"of  the  Senate  and  the  assent  of  the  Commons,  and  accord- 

"  ingly  another  treaty  was  concluded  with  the  sanction  of  the 

"^State.     If  you  are  not  bound  by  your  own  treaties  unless  they 

"are  made  with  your  full  sanction  and  assent,   assuredly  we '4 

"  cannot  accept  the  obligation  of  Hasdrubal's  treaty,  which  he 

"  made  without  our  knowledge.     So  cease  to  talk  of  Saguntum 

"  and  tlie  Ebro,  and  let  your  hearts  at  last  give  birth  to  the 

"  project  of  which  they  have  long  been  in  labour." 

Upon  this  the  Roman  gathered  his  robe  into  a  fold,  and  said  : 
"  Here  we  bring  you  peace  and  war  ;  take  which  you  please." 
Instantly  on  the  word  rose  a  shout  as  fierce  :  "  Give  us  which 
"  you  please."  The  Roman,  in  reply,  shook  out  the  fold,  and  spoke 
again  :  "  I  give  you  war."  The  answer  from  all  was ;  "  We  accept  declared 
"  it,  and  in  the  spirit  with  which  we  accept  it,  will  we  wage  it," 

19.  This  straightforward  question  and  declaration  of  war 
seemed  to  suit  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  people  better  than  a 
debate  about  treaty  obligations.  So  it  seemed  before,  and  more 
than  ever  now  that  Saguntum  was  destroyed.  Had  it  indeed 
been  a  matter  to  debate,  how  could  Hasdrubal's  treaty  be  pro- 
perly compared  with  the  earlier  treaty  of  Lutatius,  the  one  which 





was  chahged  ?  For  in  that  treaty  there  was  an  express  clause 
that  it  was  to  be  binding  only  on  condition  of  being  voted  by 
the  Commons,  while  in  Hasdrubal's  treaty  there  was  no  such 
exception,  and  the  silence  of  so  many  years  during  his  life- 
time had  so  thoroughly  ratified  it  that  even  after  its  author's 
death  it  was  not  altered  in  the  least.  Still,  if  they  were  to  stand 
by  the  first  treaty,  the  Saguntines  were  quite  enough  protected, 
as  the  allies  of  both  nations  were  exempted  from  attack.  Nor 
was  there  a  word  to  the  effect,  "  those  who  were  then  allies,"  or 
"  Qcft  such  as  may  be  taken  into  alliance  hereafter."  And  as  it 
was  permitted  to  make  new  allies,  who  could  think  it  fair  that 
they  should  admit  no  one  into  their  friendship,  whatever  his 
services,  or  that  having  received  people  under  their  protection 
they  should  not  defend  them,  always  provided  that  the  allies  of 
the  Carthaginians  were  not  either  to  be  excited  to  revolt,  or 
received  as  allies  should  they  revolt  of  themselves  ? 

The  Roman  envoys,  following  the  instructions  given  them  at 
Rome,  crossed  from  Carthage  into  Spain  with  the  view  of  visiting 
the  Spanish  states  and  drawing  them  into  alliance,  or  at  least 
alienating  them  from  the  Carthaginians.  First  they  came  to  the 
Bargusii,  who,  being  weary  of  Carthaginian  rule,  received  them 
favourably,  and  thus  they  roused  a  craving  for  a  change  of  con- 
dition among  several  tribes  beyond  the  Ebro,  Then  they  went 
to  the  Volciani,  whose  answer,  becoming  famous  throughout 
Spain,  set  the  other  tribes  against  the  Roman  alliance.  Their 
oldest  man  gave  the  following  reply  in  their  Council  ;  "  Where, 
"  Romans,  is  your  sense  of  shame  that  you  ask  us  to  prefer  your 
"  friendship  to  that  of  the  Carthaginians,  when  those  who  have 
"  done  so  have  been  betrayed  more  cruelly  by  you,  their  allies, 
''than  they  have  been  destroyed  by  the  Carthaginian  foe  ?  Seek 
"  you  allies,  so  I  say,  where  men  have  never  heard  of  the  de- 
"  struction  of  Saguntum,  as  the  ruins  of  that  city  are  a  warning, 
"  as  conspicuous  as  it  is  grievous,  to  the  tribes  of  Spain  not  to 
"  trust  in  any  case  to  Roman  faith  and  alliance."  They  were 
told  instantly  to  quit  the  territory  of  the  Volciani,  and  from  not 
a  single  assembly  in  Spain  did  they  subsequently  get  a  more 
favourable  answer. 

20.  Having  thus  travelled  through  Spain  with  no  result,  they 
passed  into  Gaul.     Here  they  witnessed  a  strange  and  alarming 



sight.     The  people  came  armed  to  the  assembly — their  national    book  xxi. 
custom.     When  the  envoys  extolled  the  glory  and  valour  of  the     y,^^     ^  .^^^^ 
Roman  people,  and  the  greatness  of  their  empire,  and  demanded  Gatd,  ha  get  no 
that  they  should  not  grant  the  Carthaginian  in  his  invasion  of         except 
Italy  a  passage  through  their  country  and  its  towns,  there  was     "'  Massiiia. 
such  a  burst,  it  is  said,  of  hooting  and  laughter,  that  the  magis- 
trates and  the  elders  could  hardly  quiet  the  younger  men  ;   so 
senseless  and  impudent  a  request  it  seemed,  to  propose  that  the 
Gauls,  rather  than  let  the  war  pass  into  Italy,  should  draw  it 
upon  themselves,  and  offer  their  own  lands  to  the  spoiler  to  save 
those  of  others.     At  last  the  uproar  was  hushed,  and  this  answer 
was  given  to  the  envoys  :  "  That  the  Romans  had  done  them  no 
"service,  the  Carthaginians  no  injury,  in  return  for  which  they 
"  need  either  take  up  arms  for  Rome  or  against  Carthage.     On 
"  the  other  hand,  they  heard  that  men  of  their  own  race  were 
"  being  driven   from   the  lands   and   borders    of  Italy  by  the 
"  Roman  people,  and  were  paying  tribute  and  suffering  other 

Much  the  same  was  said  and  heard  in  all  the  other  assemblies  Marseilles. 
throughout  Gaul,  and  not  a  friendly  or  even  tolerably  peacefiU 
answer  was  received  until  they  came  to  Massilia^  There  they 
got  all  the  information  which  their  allies  had  carefully  and  faith- 
fully acquired  for  them  ;  that  already  Hannibal  had  gained  a 
hold  on  the  minds  of  the  Gauls,  but  that  even  he  would  not  find 
the  nation  sufficiently  tractable  (so  fierce  and  untamable  was 
its  temper)  unless  he  further  won  the  affections  of  the  chiefs  with 
gold,  of  which  the  Gaul  is  intensely  greedy.  So  the  envoys, 
after  visiting  the  tribes  of  Spain  and  Gaul,  returned  to  Rome  soon 
after  the  departure  of  the  Consuls  to  their  provinces.  They 
found  the  whole  city  excited  by  its  anticipation  of  war,  all 
accounts  agreeing  that  the  Carthaginians  had  crossed  the  Ebro. 

21.  After  the  taking  of  Saguntum  Hannibal  had  withdrawn 
into  winter-quarters  at  New  Carthage.  Hearing  there  what  had 
been  done  and  decided  on  at  Rome  and  at  Carthage,  and  that 
he  was  himself  the  cause  of  the  war  as  well  as  its  leader,  he 
divided  and  distributed  the  remainder  of  the  booty  in  the  con- 
viction that  there  must  be  no  further  delay.  He  then  called 
together  his  soldiers  of  Spanish  blood. 

"  I  think,"  said  he, "  that  you,  my  allies,  can  see  for  yourselves 

C  2 


lets  his 

soldiers  go 
home  071 


"  that,  now  that  we  have  reduced  all  the  tribes  of  Spain,  we  must 
"end  our  campaigns  and  disband  our  army,  or  else  carry  the 
"  war  into  other  countries.  For  only  by  our  seeking  spoil  and 
"  glory  from  other  nations  will  these  tribes  enjoy  the  fruits  of 
"  victory  as  well  as  of  peace.  And  so,  as  you  are  about  to  engage 
"  in  a  war  far  away  from  your  homes,  and  it  is  uncertain  when  you 
"  will  again  see  those  homes  and  all  that  is  there  dear  to  you,  I 
"  grant  leave  of  absence  to  any  one  who  wishes  to  visit  his  kin- 
"  dred.  I  bid  you  be  present  in  early  spring,  that  with  the  gods' 
*•  good  help  we  may  begin  what  will  be  a  war  of  prodigious 
''  glory  and  recompense." 

All  or  nearly  all  welcomed  the  spontaneous  offer  of  an  oppor- 
tunity to  visit  their  homes  ;  even  then  they  had  a  longing  to  see 
their  kindred,  and  they  foresaw  a  longing  more  protracted  in 
time  to  come.  Rest  during  the  entire  winter  between  toils  that 
already  had  been  or  were  soon  to  be  endured,  renewed  both 
body  and  mind  with  strength  to  encounter  afresh  every  hardship. 
Early  in  spring  they  assembled  according  to  orders.  After  re- 
viewing each  tribe's  contingent,  Hannibal  went  to  Gades,  where 
he  paid  a  vow  to  Hercules,  and  bound  himself  by  fresh  vows 
should  his  other  schemes  prosper.  Then  dividing  his  attention 
between  a  war  of  attack  and  a  war  of  defence,  he  resolved  on 
securing  Sicily  by  a  strong  force,  so  that  Africa  might  not  be 
open  and  exposed  to  the  Romans  on  that  side,  while  he  was 
himself  advancing  on  Italy  overland  through  Spain  and  Gaul. 
To  take  the  place  of  these  troops  Hannibal  demanded  for  himself 
reinforcements  from  Africa,  chiefly  of  light-armed  spearmen,  so 
that  Africans  might  serve  in  Spain  and  Spaniards  in  Africa,  each 
set  of  soldiers  being  likely  to  fight  better  away  from  home,  as 
under  the  influence,  so  to  speak,  of  mutual  obligations.  To 
Africa  he  sent  off  thirteen  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty 
infantry  with  light  leathern  shields,  eight  hundred  and  seventy 
Balearic  slingers,  and  twelve  hundred  cavalry,  made  up  from  a 
number  of  tribes.  These  forces  were  by  his  order  partly  to 
garrison  Carthage,  partly  to  be  dispersed  throughout  Africa. 
He  likewise  sent  recruiting  officers  jnto  the  states,  and  having 
raised  a  levy  of  four  thousand  picked  youth,  directed  that  they 
should  be  marched  to  Carthage,  to  serve  both  as  garrison  troops 
and  as  hostages. 


22,  Spain,  too,  Hannibal  felt,  must  not  be  forgotten,  the  less 
so  indeed  as  he  was  well  aware  that  the  Roman  envoys  had 
travelled  through  the  country  to  sound  the  temper  of  the  chiefs.  So 
he  assigned  the  province  to  his  brother  Hasdrubal,  a  thoroughly 
energetic  man,  and  secured  it  with  troops,  mainly  African,  that 
is,  with  eleven  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty  infantry  of  African 
race,  three  hundred  Ligurians,  and  five  hundred  Baliarians.  To 
this  auxiliary  infantry  were  added  four  hundred  and  fifty  Liby- 
phoenician  cavalry,  a  race  this  of  mingled  Carthaginian  and 
African  blood,  with  Nuinidians  and  Moors,  dwellers  on  the 
shores  of  the  ocean,  to  the  number  of  eight  hundred,  and  a 
small  body  of  Ilergetes  from  Spain,  consisting  of  tWe  hundred 
cavalry,  and,  that  no  description  of  land  force  might  be  wanting, 
twenty-one  elephants.  Hasdrubal  had  also  a  fleet  given  him  to 
defend  the  coast,  fifty  five-banked,  two  four-banked,  and  five 
three-banked  ships,  for  it  might  well  be  believed  that  now  again 
the  Romans  would  wage  war  on  the  element  on  which  they 
had  already  been  successful.  But  of  these  only  thirty-two  five- 
banked,  with  the  five  three-banked  ships  were  furnishisd  and 
equipped  with  crews. 

From  Gades  Hannibal  returned  to  the  winter-quarters  of  his 
army  at  New  Carthage.  Thence  he  led  his  men  by  the  coast 
past  the  town  of  Onusa  to  the  Ebro.  There  he  saw  in  a  dream, 
so  the  story  goes,  a  youth  of  godlike  shape,  who  said  that  he  had 
been  sent  by  Jupiter  to  conduct  the  army  of  Hannibal  into  Italy  ; 
that  he  was  therefore  to  follow  and  nowhere  turn  his  eyes  away 
from  him.  At  first  Hannibal  followed  trembling,  neither  looking 
around  nor  behind  ;  after  a  while,  with  the  natural  curiosity  of 
the  human  mind,  as  he  thought  what  it  could  be  on  which  he 
was  forbidden  to  look  back,  he  could  not  restrain  his  eyes  ;  he 
then  saw  behind  him  a  serpent  of  marvellous  size  moving  onwards 
with  a  fearful  destruction  of  trees  and  bushes ;  close  after 
this  followed  a  storm-cloud  with  crashing  thunder.  When  he 
1<ed  what  was  the  monster  and  what  the  portent  meant,  he 
iS  told  it  was  ''  the  devastation  of  Italy  ;  let  him  go  straight 
on  and  ask  no  more  questions,  and  leave  the  fates  in 
■"  darlmess." 

23.  Cheered  by  the  vision,  he  crossed  the  Ebro  with  his 
army  in  three  divisions,  after  having  first  despatched  messengers 


He  crosses  the 

Ebro,  leaving' 

Hanno  to  guard 

the  passes 

between  Sfiain 

and  Gatil. 

Crosses  the 


with  gifts  to  gain  the  goodwill  of  the  Gauls  in  the  regions  which 
his  army  had  to  cross,  and  to  reconnoitre  the  passes  of  the  Alps. 
It  was  with  ninety  thousand  infantry  and  twelve  thousand  cavalry 
that  he  crossed  the  Ebro.  Then  he  reduced  the  Ilergetes,  the 
Bargusii,  and  the  Ausetani,  and  also  Lacetania,  a  district  at  the 
foot  of  the  Pyrenees.  All  this  country  he  put  in  charge  of  Hanno, 
who  was  to  have  the  control  of  the  passes  connecting  Spain  and 
Gaul.  Hanno  had  ten  thousand  infantry  and  a  thousand  cavalry 
given  him  to  garrison  the  district  which  he  was  to  hold.  At  this 
point,  as  soon  as  the  army  began  its  march  through  the  defiles  of 
the  Pyrenees,  and  more  distinct  rumours  of  war  with  Rome  had 
spread  through  the  barbarian  host,  three  thousand  infantry  of  the 
Carpetani  left  him.  It  was  understood  that  what  alarmed  them 
was  not  so  much  the  war  as  the  long  march  and  the  hopeless- 
ness of  the  passage  of  the  Alps.  As  to  recall  or  detain  them  by 
force  would  have  been  a  dangerous  experiment,  likely  to  exaspe- 
rate the  wild  tempers  of  his  other  allies,  Hannibal  sent  back  to 
their  homes  more  than  seven  thousand  men,  whom  he  had  also 
perceived  to  be  weary  of  the  service,  and  he  pretended  that  even 
the  Carpetani  had  been  dismissed  by.his  own  act. 

24.  Then,  that  his  men  might  not  feel  the  temptation  of 
delay  or  inaction,  he  crossed  the  Pyrenees  and  encamped  at  the 
town  of  Iliberri.*  Though  the  Gauls  understood  that  the  war 
was  directed  against  Italy,  yet,  as  it  was  rumoured  that  the 
Spaniards  beyond  the  Pyrenees  had  been  reduced  by  force  and 
strong  garrisons  set  over  them,  some  of  the  tribes  were  roused  to 
arms  by  the  dread  of  enslavement,  and  assembled  at  Ruscino. 
Hannibal  on  being  told  of  this,  as  he  feared  delay  more  than 
defeat,  sent  envoys  to  their  chiefs,  to  say  that  he  wished  to  have 
a  personal  interview  with  them  ;  they  might  either  come  nearer 
to  Jliberri,  or  he  would  himself  go  to  Ruscino  ;  thus  brought 
nearer  together  they  could  meet  more  easily.  "  I  will  gladly," 
he  added,  "receive  you  in  my  camp,  or  I  will  go  myself  to 
"  you  without  hesitation,  for  I  have  come  as  a  friend,  not  an 
"■  enemy  to  the  Gauls,  and  will  not  draw  sword,  unless  the  Gauls 
"  compel  me,  till  I  reach  Italy."  .Such  was  the  message  con- 
veyed by  the  envoys.  But  when  the  Gallic  chiefs,  instantly 
moving  their  camp  to  Iliberri,  came  without  any  reluctance  to 
Hannibal,  it  was  by  his  gifts  that  they  were  persuaded  to  let  his 



army  march  perfectly  unmolested  through  their  territories  past 
the  town  of  Ruscino. 

25.    In  Italy  meanwhile  nothing  was  known  but  the  bare  fact, 
reported  at  Rome  by  envoys  from  Massilia,*  that  Hannibal  had 
crossed  the  Ebro.     At  that  moment,  just  as  if  it  was  the  Alps 
that  had  been  crossed,  the  Boii,  after  sounding  the  Insubres,  re- 
volted, not  so  much  from   old  animosities   against  Rome,   as 
because  they  were  annoyed  at  the  recent  establishment  of  the 
colonies  of  Placentiaf  and  Cremona  near  the  Po  in  Gallic  terri-     t  Piacenza. 
tory.     Suddenly  they  flew  to  arms,  burst  into  the  territory  in 
dispute  and  spread  such  dismay  and  confusion  that  even  the 
three  Roman  commissioners  who  had  come  to  assign  the  lands, 
Caius  Lutatius,  Caius  Servilius,  and  Marcus  Annius,  as  well  as 
the  rural  population,  dared  not  trust  themselves  to  the  walls  of 
Placentia,  and  took  refuge  in  Mutina.J    About   the  name  of      t  Modena. 
Lutatius  there  .is  no  question ;  for  Annius  and  Servilius  some 
chronicles  give  the  names   of  Acilius   and  Herennius,  others 
those  of  Cornelius  Asina  and  Papirius  Maso.     There  is  some 
doubt  too  whether  the  envoys   sent  to  remonstrate  with  the 
Boii  were  insulted,  or  whether  the  commissioners,  as  they  were 
measuring  the  lands,  were  attacked.     While  they  were  besieged 
in  Mutina,  and  the  Gauls,  a  people  quite  ignorant  of  the  science 
of  assaulting  towns  and  very  indolent  in  all  military  operations, 
sat  idle  without  attempting  to  assail  the  walls,  sham  negotia- 
tions for  peace  were  begun  ;  the  envoys  were  summoned  by  the 
Gallic  chiefs  to  a  conference,  and  there,  contrary  to  all  inter- 
national law,  and  in  actual  violation  of  the  pledge  given  for  the 
special  occasion,  were  arrested,  the  Gauls  declaring  that  they 
would  not  let  them  go  unless  their  own  hostages  were  restored. 
On  hearing  of  this  treatment  of  the  envoys  and  of  the  danger  of 
Mutina  and  its  garrison,  the  praetor,  Lucius  Manlius,  burning 
with  anger,  marched  in  loose  order  to  the  place.     The  road  at 
that  time  was  surrounded  with  woods,  and  most  of  the  country 
was  wild.     Manhus  advanced  without  reconnoitring,  and  fell  Roman  dhas/e 
headlong  into  an  ambuscade,  out  of  which  he  struggled  with 
difficulty  into  open  ground  after  great  loss  to  his  men.     There 
he  fortified  a  camp,  and  as  the  Gauls  lacked  confidence  to  assail 
it,  the  spirits  of  his  soldiers  revived,  though  it  was  understood 
that  as  many  as  five  hundred  had  fallen.     He  then  began  his 



BOOK  XXI.  march  afresh,  nor  did  the  enemy  show  himself  as  long  as  the 
troops  advanced  over  open  ground ;  but  as  soon  as  the  woods 
were  once  more  entered,  the  Gauls  fell  on  the  rear,  spread  the 
greatest  confusion  and  panic  through  all  the  army,  and  cut  down 
seven  hundred  men,  capturing  also  six  standards.  When  they 
were  once  clear  of  the  pathless  and  intricate  forest,  the  Gauls 
ceased  to  terrify  and  the  Romans  to  feel  alarm.  Thence 
through  open  country,  where  they  marched  easily  and  safely, 

*  Near  Parma,  they  pushed  on  to  Tannetum,*  a  district  close  to  the  Po.  There 
protected  by  temporary  intrenchments  and  the  windings  of  the 
river,  with  the  help  too  of  the  Brixian  Gauls,  they  defended  them- 
selves against  the  daily  increasing  multitude  of  the  enemy. 

26.  As  soon  as  this  sudden  outbreak  was  reported  at  Rome, 
and  the  Senate  heard  that  a  war  with  the  Gauls  was  added  to 
the  war  with  Carthage,  Caius  Atilius,  the  praetor,  was  ordered  to 
reinforce  Manlius  with  one  Roman  legion  and  five  thousand 
allies,  newly  levied  by  the  consul.  Manlius  reached  Tannetum 
without  any  fighting,  as  the  enemy  had  retired  in  alarm. 
Arrival  0/  Publius  Comclius  too,  having  raised  a  new  legion  in  place  of 

"at^Massiiia!''  that  which  had  been  despatched  with  the  praetor,  sailed  frorti 
Rome  with  sixty  war  ships  along  the  coasts  of  Etruria  and 
Liguria,  and  thence  past  the  mountains  of  the  Salyes,  and  so 
arrived  at  Massilia.  He  pitched  his  camp  at  the  nearest  mouth  of 
the  Rhone,  for  that  river  divides  itself  into  several  streams  as  it 
flows  into  the  sea.  .  He  then  encamped,  hardly  believing  that 
Hannibal  had  yet  crossed  the  Pyrenees.  When,  however,  he 
understood  that  he  was  actually  meditating  the  passage  of  the 
Rhone,  as  he  did  not  know  where  he  might  meet  him,  and  his 
soldiers  were  not  properly  recovered  from  the  fatigue  of  the 
voyage,  he  sent  forward  meanwhile  three  hundred  picked  cavalry 
with  some  guides  from  Massilia,  and  from  the  fi-iendly  Gauls  to 
reconnoitre  the  whole  country  and  get  a  safe  view  of  the  enemy. 
By  this  time  Hannibal  had  reached  the  territory  of  the  Volcae, 
a  powerful  tribe,  after  having  frightened  or  bribed  all  their 
neighbours  into  submission.  They  dwell  on  both  banks  of  the 
Rhone  ;  but  not  feeling  confidence  that  they  could  keep  thq^ 
Carthaginian  out  of  the  territory  nearest  him,  and  anxious  to  have 
the  stream  as  a  defence,  they  crossed  the  river  with  almost  thei^ 
whole  tribe,  and  occupied  the  further  bank  in  arms.     The  othe^ 

LIVY.  25 

tribes  by  the  Rhone,  and  all  even  of  this  same  tribe  who  had    book  xxi. 
clung  to  their  homes,  Hannibal  bribed  into  collecting  and  build-       Hannibal 
ing  vessels,  and  it  was  indeed  their  own  wish  that  his  dsnxw  P>'epa.res  to  cross 

,        ,  ,  ,     1         u  T  1     •      1       J      r  1  ^         the  Rhone. 

should  cross  and  thereby  relieve  their  lands  from  the  pressure 
of  such  a  multitude.  Thus  an  immense  number  of  vessels  and 
boats,  carelessly  constructed  for  use  on  the  spot,  was  brought  to- 
gether. •  Then",  too,  the  Gauls  setting  the  example  of  making  fresh 
boats,  Avhich  they  hollowed  out  from  single  trees,  the  soldiers  also, 
tempted  by  the  abundance  of  timber  and  the  ease  of  the  work, 
hastily  shaped  out  some  clumsy  hulks  to  convey  themselves  and 
their  belongings  to  the  other  side,  satisfied  if  only  these  could 
float  and  hold  a  cargo. 

27.    And  now  all  was  fairly  ready  for  the  passage,  while 

facing  them  stood  the  enemy  in  menacing  array,  cavalry  and 

infantry,  occupying  the  entire  bank.     To  distract  their  attention 

}  Hannibal  ordered  Hanno,  son  of  Bomilcar,  to  go  with  part  of 

I  the  army,  chiefly  Spaniards,  one  day's  march  up  the  stream, 

j  starting  at  the  first  watch  of  the  night,  to  cross  the  river  on  the 

I  first  opportunity  as  stealthily  as  possible,  and  taking  a  circuit  to 

fall  on  the  enemy' s  rear  at  the  required  moment.     The  Gallic 

guides  provided  for  the  purpose,  told  him  that,  about  twenty-five 

j  miles  higher  up,  the  river  encircled  a  little  island,  and  could  be 

1  crossed  at  the  point  of  division,  where  the  channel  was  broader 

j  and  consequently  shallower.     At  this  place  timber  was  felled  in 

j  eager  haste,  and  rafts  constructed  for  the  passage  of  men  and 

[horses  and  other  cargo.     The  Spaniards,  without  any  trouble, 

j  threw  their  clothes  on  to  bladders,  laid  their  light  shields  on 

these,  and  resting  on  them  swam  the  stream.  The  rest  of  the  army   Passage  0/  the 

crossed  on   a  bridge  of  rafts ;    having  encamped  close  to  the 

river  they  recruited  themselves  by  a  day's  repose  after  the  fatigue 

lof  their  night's  march  and  laborious  work,  while  their  general 

[watched  intently  the  opportunity  of  executing  his  plan. 

I      Next  day  they  advanced,  and  showed  by  some  smoke  from 

an  eminence  that  they  had  crossed  and  were  not  far  off.     Han- 

inibal  seeing  this,  not  to  miss  his  opportunity,  gave  the  signal 

ifor  crossing.     His  infantry  now  had  their  light  boats  ready  and 

'in  order,  and  his  cavalry  had  larger  rafts  chiefly  on  account  of 

the  horses.     A  line  of  vessels  was  thrown  across  higher  up  to 

sustain  the  force  of  the  current,  and  so  gave  smooth  water  to  the 




Passage  of  the 

boats  which  were  crossing  below  ;  many  of  the  horses  as  they 
swam  were  towed  by  leathern  thongs  from  the  sterns,  beside  those 
which  had  been  put  on  board,  saddled  and  bridled  and  ready 
for  their  riders  as  soon  as  they  had  landed. 

28.  The  Gauls  on  the  bank  rushed  at  them  with  all  manner 
of  cries  and  their  customary  war  songs,  waving  their  shields  over 
their  heads  and  brandishing  javelins  in  their  right  hands,  though 
confronting  them  was  this  threatening  array  of  vessels,  with  the 
terrific  roar  of  the  water  and  the  confused  shouts  of  sailors  and 
soldiers,  some  of  whom  were  struggling  to  stem  the  force  of  the 
stream,  while  others  on  the  opposite  shore  were  cheering  on 
their  comrades  as  they  crossed.  Scared  as  they  were  already 
at  the  alarming  scene  before  their  eyes,  a  yet  more  appalling 
din  fell  on  their  ears  from  the  rear,  where  Hanno  had  taken  their 
camp.  In  another  moment  he  was  himself  on  the  spot ;  on 
either  side  they  were  beset  with  peril,  for  a  vast  array  of  armed 
men  was  landing  from  the  vessels,  and  a  host  was  unexpectedly 
pressing  them  in  their  rear.  The  Gauls  repulsed  in  their  attempt 
to  fight  a  double  battle,  broke  through  where  the  way  seemed 
most  open,  and  fled  in  wild  panic  to  their  villages.  Hannibal 
crossed  with  the  rest  of  his  army  at  his  leisure,  and  encamped, 
henceforth  heartily  despising  any  menaces  from  the  Gauls. 

For  the  passage  of  the  elephants  there  were,  I  believe, 
various  devices.  At  any  rate  there  are  various  traditions  how 
it  was  accomplished.  Some  say  that  the  elephants  were 
crowded  together  on  the  bank,  that  here  the  fiercest  of  them  was 
provoked  by  its  driver,  pursued  the  man  as  he  retreated  into  the 
water,  and  drew  the  whole  herd  after  it ;  afterwards  the  simple 
force  of  the  stream  carried  them  all  to  the  opposite  bank,  as  one 
by  one  in  their  terror  at  the  depth  they  lost  their  footing.  It  is, 
however  more  generally  understood  that  they  were  transported 
on  rafts  ;  such  a  plan  would  have  seemed  safer  beforehand,  as 
afterwards  it  is  certainly  more  credible.  A  raft  two  hundred  feet 
long  and  fifty  broad  was  extended  from  the  bank  into  the  waterj 
and,  to  save  it  from  being  carried  down  the  stream,  it  was  attached 
to  a  point  up  the  river  by  a  number  of  strong  hawsers,  and  ther 
covered  like  a  bridge  with  a  layer  of  earth,  so  that  the  beast; 
might  walk  on  it  as  confidently  as  if  it  was  firm  ground, 
this  was  fastened  another  raft  of  equal  breadth,  a  hundred 


LIVY.  27 

long,  suitable  for  being  ferried  across  ;  then  the  elephants  were    BOOK  xxi. 

driven,   the  females  taking  the  lead,  along  the  stationary  raft, 

as  if  it  were  a  road.    When  they  had  passed  on  to  the  smaller 

raft  attached  to  it,  the  ropes  with  which  this  was  slightly  fastened 

were  instantly  untied,  and  it  was  towed  to  the  opposite  bank  by 

some  light  craft.     In  this  way  as  soon  as  the  first  had  been 

landed,  the  rest  were  fetched  and  conveyed  across.   They  showed 

no  alarm  while   they  were  moving  on  what  seemed  a  bridge 

connected  with  the  land  ;  the  first  panic  was  when  the  raft  was 

detached  from  its  surroundings,  and  they  were  carried  into  the 

deep  channel.     Then  pressing  one  on  another,  as  those  on  the 

edge  drew  back  from  the  water,  they  showed  decided  signs  of 

terror,  till  their  very  fear  at  the  sight  of  the  water  all  around 

them  made  them  quiet.  •  Some  in  their  fury  fell  off  into  the 

stream,  but  their  weight  kept  them  steady,  and  shaking  off  their 

drivers  and  feeling  their  way  into  shallow  water  they  reached 


29.  During  the  passage  of  the  elephants,  Hannibal  sent  five 
hundred  Numidian  cavalry  to  the  Roman  camp  to  reconnoitre 
and  ascertain  the  position,  the  strength  and  the  plans  of  their 
army.  The  three  hundred  Roman  cavalry  which  had  been 
I  despatched,  as  before  related,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rhone, 
[  fell  in  with  this  squadron.    A  battle,  fierce  out  of  proportion  to  the   f  :'"^'v*  cavairy 

I  skiriinsh  between 

I  number  of  the  combatants,  ensued.  There  were  many  wounded  the  Rowans  and 
and  an  almost  equal  number  killed  on  both  sides,  and  the  """  ^""'^' 
I  Romans  were  thoroughly  exhausted  when  the  flight  and  panic  of 
the  Numidians  gave  them  the  victory.  Of  the  victors  there  fell 
about  a  hundred  and  sixty,  not  all  Romans,  some  being  Gauls  ; 
of  the  vanquished  more  than  two  hundred.  Here  was  at  once 
a  prelude  and  an  omen  of  the  war,  portending  indeed  to  Rome 
success  in  the  final  issue,  but  a  victory  far  from  bloodless,  to  be 
won  after  a  doubtful  struggle. 

On  the  return  of  the  men  after  this  battle  to  their  respective 
generals,  Scipio  could  form  no  resolution  but  to  take  his  plans 
!from  the  designs  and  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  Hannibal 
I  also  was  in  doubt  whether  he  should  persist  in  the  advance 
[towards  Italy  which  he  had  begun,  or  should  fight  the  Roman 
I  army,  which  had  been  the  first  to  encounter  him.  He  was  de- 
terred  from  immediate  battle  by  the  arrival  of  envoys  from  the 

28  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXI.  Boii,  and  their  chief  Magalus,  who  declared  that  they  would  be 
his  guides  in  all  his  marches,  and  his  comrades  in  danger,  while 
they  maintained  that  he  must  attack  Italy  with  all  the  resources 
of  his  arms  and  with  strength  unimpaired.  The  mass  indeed  of 
the  army  dreaded  the  enemy,  for  they  had  not  yet  forgotten  the 
last  war,  but  they  feared  still  more  the  endless  march  over  the 
Alps,  which  rumours  had  made  terrible,  at  any  rate  to  the 
Hannibal  30.     Hannibal  accordingly,  his  resolve  being  now  fixed  to 

vten.  pursue  his  march  and  to  advance  on  Italy,  assembled  his  men 

and  worked  on  their  feelings  by  the  various  methods  of  reproof 
and  encouragement.  "  I  wonder,"  said  he,  "what  sudden  panic 
"  can  have  seized  hearts  ever  fearless .?  For  many  a  year  have 
'*  you  fought  and  conquered  ;  nor  did  you  quit  Spain  till  all  the 
"  tribes  and  countries  embraced  between  two  distant  seas  were 
"  under  Carthaginian  sway.  Then,  in  your  wrath  at  the  demand 
"  of  the  Roman  people  for  the  surrender  as  criminals  of  the 
"  besiegers  of  Saguntum,  whoever  they  might  be,  you  crossed 
"  the  Ebro  to  blot  out  the  name  of  Rome  and  to  give  freedom 
"to  the  world.  Not  a  man  of  you  thought  the  march  too  long, 
"which  you  were  then  beginning,  from  the  setting  to  the  rising 
"  sun ;  now,  when  you  see  far  the  greatest  portion  of  it  actually 
"  traversed — the  passes  of  the  Pyrenees  amid  the  fiercest 
"  tribes  surmounted— the  Rhone,  that  broad  river,  crossed  in  the 
"  face  of  many  thousand  Gauls,  and  the  very  force  of  the 
*'  stream  itself  vanquished — when  you  have  in  sight  the  Alps 
"  the  other  side  of  which  is  in  Italy — here,  at  the  very  gates 
"  of  the  enemy,  you  are  halting  in  weariness.  What  do  yoi 
"  imagine  the  Alps  to  be  but  mountain-heights  1  Suppose  then 
'•'  to  be  loftier  than  the  ranges  of  the  Pyrenees,  surely  there  is  nt 
"spot  on  earth  which  touches  heaven  or  is  an  insuperabi 
"  barrier  to  man.  As  for  the  Alps,  they  are  inhabited  and  cult; 
"  vated  ;  they  produce  and  rear  living  creatures ;  their  gorges  ar 
'*  passable  for  armies.  Those  very  envoys,  whom  you  see,  wer 
"  not  wafted  aloft  on  wings  across  them  ;  neither  were  thei 
"  ancestors  natives  of  the  country  ;  they  were  foreign  settlers  i 
"  Italy,  who  often  in  vast  troops,  with  their  wives  and  children,  a 
"  is  the  habit  of  emigrants,  safely  crossed  these  very  Alps.  To 
"  armed  soldier,  who  carries  nought  but  the  implements  of 


LIVY.  29 

"what  is  impassable  or  insurmountable  ?    What  danger,  what    BOOK  xxi. 

"  toil  for  six  months  did  we  not  undergo  to  take  Saguntum  ? 

"  Aiming  as  we  are  at  Rome,  the  capital  of  the  world,  can  we 

"think  anything    so   formidable  and  arduous  as  to  delay  our 

"  enterprise  ?    The  Gauls  once  captured  what  the  Carthaginian 

"despairs  of  approaching.     Either  then  yield  in  spirit  and  in 

"  valour  to  a  people  whom  in  these  days  you  have  so  repeatedly 

"  vanquished,  or  look  forward  to  the  plain  between  the  Tiber 

"and  the  walls  of  Rome  as  the  goal  of  your  expedition." 

31.     Having  inspirited  them  with  these  words  of  encourage-  He  marches  up 

ment  Hannibal  bade  them  refresh  themselves  and  prepare  for 

their  march.     Next  day  he  advanced  up  the  Rhone  towards  the 

interior  of  Gaul,  not  because  this  was  the  more  direct  route  to 

the  Alps,  but  thinking  that  the  further  he  withdrew  from  the  sea, 

the  less  likely  he  was  to  encounter  the  Romans,  whom  it  was 

not  his  intention  to  engage  till  his  arrival  in  Italy.    In  four  days' 

[  march  he  reached  the  Island.     Here  the  I  sere  and  the  Rhone, 

i  which  pour  down  their  waters  from  Alpine  summits  far  apart, 

1  and  embrace  a  large  stretch  of  country,  unite  in  one  stream,  and 

I  the  plains  between  have  received  the  name  of  the  Island.     In 

the  neighbourhood  are  settled  the  Allobroges,  a  tribe  even  at 

that  time  inferior  to  none  of  the  tribes  of  Gaul  in  resources  or 

renown.     They  were  then  at  strife.     Two  brothers  were  con- 

{tending  for  the  throne.  The  elder,  who  had  previously  been  king, 

Brancus  by  name,  was  now  being  thrust  aside  by  his  younger 

brother,  and  a  party  of  the  younger  men,  who  had  more  might 

than  right  on  their  side.      The  settlement  of  the  feud  was  very    SetUeiafeud 

opportunely  referred  to  Hannibal,  and  he  having  thus  to  dispose      Aultfo^es. 

of  the  kingdom  restored  the  elder  brother  to  power,  such  having 

been  the  feeling  of  the  senate  and  the  chiefs.     For  this  service 

he  was  helped  with  supplies  and  an  abundance  of  all  things, 

clothing  especially,  which  the  notorious  horrors  of  the  cold  in 

the  Alps  compelled  him  to  provide. 

Having  composed  the  feuds  of  the  Allobroges,  Hannibal 
marched  towards  the  Alps,  not,  however,  pursuing  a  direct 
course,  but  turning  leftwards  to  the  country  of  the  Tricastini, 
from  whi^h  again  he  passed  to  that  of  the  Tricorii,  along  the 
extreme  frontier  of  the  Vocontii,  a  route  at  no  point  embarrassing 
till  he  reached  the  river  Druentia.*  One  of  the  rivers  of  the  Alps,      <  Durance. 




BOOK  XXI.  it  is  naturally  far  the  most  difficult  to  cross  of  all  the  streams 
in  Gaul ;  for  though  it  rushes  down  with  a  vast  body  of  water, 
it  is  not  navigable,  not  being  confined  within  banks,  and  flowing 
in  many  channels  at  once,  and  these  not  always  the  same.  Its 
ever-changing  shallows  and  eddies,  which  make  the  passage 
perplexing  even  to  one  on  foot,  and  the  rocks  and  gravelly  bed 
over  which  it  rolls,  allow  no  sure  and  safe  foothold ;  and  at  this 
time  it  happened  to  be  swollen  by  rains,  and  so  caused  much 
confusion  among  the  men  as  they  crossed — a  confusion  increased 
by  other  alarms  and  by  their  own  hurry  and  bewildered  cries. 

32.     About  three  days  after  Hannibal  had  moved  from  the 
Rhone,  the  consul  Publius  Cornelius  reached  the  enemy's  camp 
with  his  army  in  order  of  battle,  resolved  to  fight  without  a 
Scipio/aUs  to    moment's  delay.     Seeing,  however,  that  the  lines  were  aban- 
Hannib'ai'and  doncd  and  that  the  enemy  must  be  too  far  ahead  to  be  easily 
returns  to  his    overtaken,  he  went  back  to  the  sea  and  to  his  ships,  assured 
that  he   could   thus  more   safely  and  conveniently  encounter 
Hannibal  on  his  descent  from  the  Alps.   But  not  to  leave  Spain, 
his   allotted  province,  bare   of   Roman   defence,   he  sent  his 
brother  Cneius  Scipio  with  the  largest  part  of  his  army  against. 
Hasdrubal,    not    merely  to  protect  our  old    allies  and  form 
fresh  alliances,   but  actually  to   drive   Hasdrubal  out  of  the 
country.     Scipio  himself  with  quite  a   small  force  returned  to 
Genua,  purposing  to  defend  Italy  with  the  troops  encamped  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Po. 
Passage  of  the  From  the  Druentia  Hannibal  marched  through  a  country 

generally  flat  to  the  Alps,  wholly  unmolested  by  the  Gauls  in 
those  parts.  And  then,  though  rumour  which  usually  magnifies 
the  unknown  far  beyond  truth,  had  -given  some  anticipation  of 
the  facts,  still  the  near  sight  of  the  mountain-heights  with  their 
snows  almost  mingling  with  the  sky,  the  rude  huts  perched  on  the 
rocks,  cattle  and  beasts  of  burden  shrivelled  with  cold,  human 
beings  unkempt  and  wild,  and  all  things  animate  and  inanimate 
stiffened  with  frost,  with  other  scenes  more  horrible  to  behold 
than  to  describe,  revived  their  terror. 

As  the  vanguard  was  struggling  up  the  first  slopes,  the  moun- 
tain tribes  showed  themselves  on  the  overhanging  hills.  Had 
they  lain  hid  in  some  of  the  obscurer  valleys  and  suddenlf 
rushed  out  to  the  attack,  they  must  have  caused  terrible 



LIVY.  31 

and  loss.  Hannibal  ordered  a  halt ;  the  Gauls  were  sent  on  to  book  xxi. 
reconnoitre,  and  when  he  ascertained  that  here  there  was  no 
passage  for  his  troops,  he  pitched  his  camp  in  the  broadest 
valley  he  could  find,  where  all  around  was  rugged  and  pre- 
cipitous. Then  from  those  same  Gauls,  mingling  and  conversing  Attacks  0/  the 
with  the  mountaineers,  whom  indeed  in  language  and  manners  wamtainecrs. 
they  resembled,  he  learnt  that  it  was  only  by  day  that  the  pass 
was  barred,  and  that  at  night  all  dispersed  to  their  various 
dweUings.  With  early  dawn  he  advanced  to  the  foot  of  the 
hills,  as  if  he  meant  to  push  his  way  by  force  in  open  day 
through  the  defiles.  In  this  feint,  preparing  a  movement  not 
really  intended,  the  day  was  spent,  and  the  camp  was  fortified 
on  the  spot  on  which  it  had  been  pitched.  But  the  moment 
Hannibal  saw  the  mountaineers  coming  down  from  the  hills  and 
the  outposts  weakly  manned,  he  had  a  multitude  of  fires  lit  for 
show,  greater  than  would  correspond  with  the  number  of  troops 
in  camp,  and  then  leaving  behind  him  the  baggage  with  the 
cavalry  as  well  as  the  greater  part  of  the  infantry,  and  taking 
with  him  some  lightly  armed  men,  the  bravest  he  could  pick,  he 
rapidly  mounted  the  passes  and  established  himself  on  the  very 
hills  which  the  enemy  had  occupied. 

33.  At  daybreak  the  camp  was  broken  up  and  the  rest  of  the 
army  began  to  move.  The  mountaineers  on  a  signal  given  were 
now  gathering  in  force  from  their  fortresses  to  one  of  their 
regular  positions,  when  suddenly  they  saw  the  enemy,  some  on 
the  heights  over  their  heads  and  in  possession  of  their  own  strong- 
hold, the  remainder  marching  through  the  pass.  The  double  im- 
pression thus  made  on  their  sight  and  imagination,  held  them  for 
a  brief  while  rooted  to  the  earth.  Soon,  when  they  saw  the 
hurry  in  the  defiles  and  how  the  army  was  in  utter  confusion 
from  its  own  disorder,  the  horses  especially  being  wild  with 
fright,  they  thought  that,  could  they  in  any  way  increase  the 
panic,  it  would  insure  the  enemy's  destruction,  and  they  rushed 
down  the  face  of  the  rocks  they  knew  so  well,  whether  along 
pathless  steeps  or  obscure  tracks.  Then  indeed  both  the  foe 
and  the  perils  of  the  place  fought  against  the  Carthaginians,  and 
while  every  man  strove  for  himself  to  get  soonest  out  of  danger, 
there  was  more  struggling  among  the  soldiers  themselves  than 
between  them  and  the  enemy.     The  horses   were  the  most 



BOOK  XXI.  dangerous  hindrance  to  the  army.  They  were  terrified  and 
scared  by  the  confused  cries  which  the  woods  and  echoing 
valleys  further  multiplied,  and  if  they  chanced  to  be  struck  and 
wounded,  in  the  wildness  of  their  terror  they  made  fearful 
havoc  alike  among  the  men  and  the  baggage  of  every  description. 
The  pressure,  too,  in  the  defile,  each  side  of  which  was  a  sheer 
precipice,  hurled  numbers  down  to  an  immense  depth,  and 
among  them  were  soldiers  with  their  accoutrements  ;  but  it  was 
more  particularly  the  beasts  with  their  burdens,  which  rolled 
down  with  just  such  a  crash  as  a  falling  house. 

Horrible  as  all  this  was  to  behold,  Hannibal  halted  a  while 
and  kept  his  men  in  their  ranks,  so  as  not  to  aggravate  the  dis- 
order and  panic,  and  then,  as  soon  as  he  saw  a  break  in  the  line, 
and  the  danger  that  the  army  might  accomplish  the  passage 
safely  indeed  but  to  no  purpose,  because  stript  of  all  their  bag- 
gage, he  hurried  down  from  his  position  on  the  heights  and 
routed  the  enemy,  but  at  the  same  time  increased  the  confusion 
of  his  own  troops.  This  confusion,  however,  was  quieted  in  a 
moment  when  the  flight  of  the  mountaineers  left  the  roads  clear, 
and  all  soon  marched  through  the  pass  not  merely  in  peace 
but  almost  in  silence.  Next  he  took  a  fortress,  the  capital  of 
the  district,  and  some  villages  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  fed 
his  troops  for  three  days  on  the  corn  and  cattle  he  had  seized. 
In  those  three  days  he  accomplished  a  considerable  march,  as 
there  was  not  much  hindrance  from  the  ground  or  from  the 
mountaineers,  whom  they  had  cowed  at  the  outset. 

34.     Then  they  reached  a  canton,  which,  for  a  mountain  dis- 
trict, was  densely  peopled.     Here  Hannibal  was  all  but  cut  off, 
not  by  open  fighting,  but  by  his  own  peculiar  arts,  treachery  and] 
ambuscade.    Some  old  men,  governors  of  the  fortresses,  came  to  1 
him  as  envoys,  with   assurances  that  warned  by  the   salutary] 
examples  of  the  misfortunes  of  others,  they  preferred  to  mal 
trial  of  the  friendship  rather   than   of  the  might  of  the  Ca 
thaginians  ;  that  thereupon  they  would  obediently  do  his  bidding 
and  they  begged  him  to  accept  supplies,  guides  for  his  marcl 
and  hostages  as  a  guarantee  of   their  promises.      Hanniba 
feeling   that  he  must  not  either  rashly  trust  or   slight  ther 
lest  refusal  might  make  them  open  enemies,  gave  them  a  gr^| 
cious  answer.     He  accepted  the  offered  hostages,  and  used  thjj 

Peril  0/ the 




supplies  which  they  had  themselves  brought  to  the  road,  but    book  xxi. 

pe  followed  the  guides  with  his  army  in  fighting  order,  not  as  if 

le  was  among  a  friendly  people.     His  van  was  formed  of  the 

elephants  and  cavalry,  while  he  marched  himself  in  the  rear 

ffith  the  main  strength  of  the  infantry,  anxiously  reconnoitring 

It  every   step.      The  moment   they   entered   a    narrow   pass, 

dominated  on  one  side  by  an  overhanging  height,  the  barbarians 

iprang  out  of  their  ambuscades  in  every  direction,  attacking  in 

ront   and   rear,   discharging    missiles    and    coming    to    close 

quarters,  and  rolling  down  huge  stones  upon  the  army.     It  was 

)n  the  rear  that  the  enemy  pressed  in  greatest  force.     The 

nfantry-column  wheeled   and   faced   him ;    but  it  was  proved 

jeyond  a  doubt  that,  had  not  the  rear  been  well  strengthened,  a 

errible  disaster  would  have  been  sustained  in  that  pass.     Even 

is  it  was,  they  were  brought  to  the  extremest  jeopardy,  and  were 

vithin  a   hairsbreadth  of  destruction.      For    while    Hannibal 

vas  hesitating  about  sending  his  men  into  the  defile  because, 

hough  he  could  himself  support  the  cavalry,  he  had  no  reserve 

n  his  rear  for  the  infantry,  the  mountaineers  rushed  on  his 

ianks,  and  having  cut  his  line  in  half  barred  his  advance.    One 

light  he  had  to  pass  without  his  cavalry  and  his  baggage. 

35.  Next  day,  as  the  barbarians  were  less  active  in  their 
ttacks,  the  army  was  again  united,  and  fought  its  way  through 
he  pass,  but  not  without  loss,  which,  however,  fell  more  heavily 
n  the  beasts  of  burden  than  on  the  men.  From  this  point 
he  mountaineers  became  less  numerous  ;  hovering  round  more 
ke  brigands  than  soldiers,  they  threatened  now  the  van,  now 

e  rear,  whenever  the  ground  gave  them  a  chance,  or  stragglers 
advance  or  behind  offered  an  opportunity.     The  elephants, 

ough  it  was  a  tedious  business  to  drive  them  along  the  narrow 
frecipitous  passes,  at  least  protected  the  troops  from  the  enemy 
j'herever  they  went,  inspiring  as  they  did,  a  peculiar  fear  in  all 
l^ho  were  unused  to  approach  them. 

On  the  ninth  day  they  reached  the  top  of  the  Alps,  passing  r/iey  reach  the 
)r  the  most  part  over  trackless  steeps,  and  by  devious  ways,  """'^asf^'* 
Uo  which  they  were  led  by  the  treachery  of  their  guides. 
Two  days  they  encamped  on  the  height,  and  the  men,  worn  out 
Hth  hardships  and  fighting,  were  allowed  to  rest.  Some  beasts 
If  burden  too  which  had  fallen  down  among  the  crags,  found 
1  D 



BOOK  XXI.  their  way  to  the  camp  by  following  the  army's  track.  The  men 
were  already  worn  out  and  wearied  with  their  many  miseries, 
when  a  fall  of  snow  coming  with  the  setting  of  the  Pleiades 
added  to  their  sufferings  a  terrible  fear.  At  daybreak  the 
march  commenced,  and  as  the  army  moved  wearily  over  ground 
all  buried  in  snow,  languor  and  despair  were  visibly  written  on 
every  face,  when  Hannibal  stepped  to  the  front,  and  having 
ordered  a  halt  on  a  peak  which  commanded  a  wide  and  distant 

Italy  in  view,  prospect,  pointed  to  Italy  and  to  the  plains  round  the  Po,  as  they 
lay  beneath  the  heights  of  the  Alps,  telling  his  men,  '"Tis  the 
"walls  not  of  Italy  only  but  of  Rome  itself  that  you  are  now 
"  scaling.  What  remains,"  he  added,  "  will  be  a  smooth  descent ; 
"  in  one,  or  at  the  most,  in  two  battles  we  shall  have  the  citadel 
"  and  capital  of  Italy  in  our  grasp  and  power." 

The  army  then  began  to  advance,  and  now  even  the  enemy 
attempted  nothing  but  some  stealthy  ambuscades,  as  oppor 
tunity  offered.  The  remainder,  however,  of  the  march  provec 
Difficulty  of  the  far  more  difficult  than  the  ascent,  as  the  Alps  for  the  most  par 
on  the  Italian  side  have  a  shorter  and  therefore  a  steeper  slope 
In  fact  the  whole  way  was  precipitous,  narrow,  and  slippery,  stj 
much  so  that  they  could  not  keep  themselves  from  falling,  no 
could  those  who  had  once  stumbled  retain  their  foothold.  Thu 
they  tumbled  one  over  another  and  the  beasts  of  burden  ovj 
the  men. 

36.  Next  they  came  to  a  much  narrower  pass  with  walls 
rock  so  perpendicular  that  a  light-armed  soldier  could  han 
let  himself  down  by  feeling  his  way,  and  grasping  with  his  hai 
the  bushes  and  roots  sticking  out  around  him.  The  place 
old  was  naturally  precipitous,  and  now  by  a  recent  landsli 
had  been  broken  away  sheer  to  a  depth  of  a  thousand  f( 
Here  the  cavalry  halted,  as  if  it  must  be  the  end  of  their  ro 
and  Hannibal  wondering  what  delayed  the  march,  was  told  tn 
the  rock  was  impassable.  Then  he  went  himself  to  examij 
the  spot.  There  seemed  to  be  no  doubt  that  he  must  lead  1: 
army  round  by  pathless  and  hitherto  untrodden  slopes,  howev 
tedious  might  be  the  circuit.  This  route,  however,  was  impK 
ticable  ;  while  indeed  on  last  season's  still  unmelted  snow  la)' 
fresh  layer  of  moderate  depth.  The  foot  of  the  first  comer  fou 
a  good  hold  on  the  soft  and  not  very  deep  drift,  but  when 

LIVY.  35 

aaa  been  once  trampled  down  under  the  march  of  such  a  host  book  xxi. 
of  men  and  beasts,  they  had  to  walk  on  the  bare  ice  beneath, 
I  and  the  liquid  mud  from  the  melting  snow.  Here  there  was  a 
horrible  struggle.  The  slippery  ice  allowed  no  firm  foothold, 
and  indeed  betrayed  the  foot  all  the  more  quickly  on  the  slope, 
so  that  whether  a  man  helped  himself  to  rise  by  his  hands  or 
knees,  his  supports  gave  way,  and  he  fell  again.  And  here 
there  were  no  stalks  or  roots  to  which  hand  or  foot  could  cling. 
Thus  there  was  incessant  rolling  on  nothing  but  smooth  ice  or 
slush  of  snow.  The  beasts  broke  through,  occasionally  treading 
down  even  to  the  very  lowest  layer  of  snow,  and  when  they  fell, 
as  they  wildly  struck  out  with  their  hoofs  in  their  efforts  to  rise, 
they  cut  clean  to  the  bottom,  till  many  of  them  stuck  fast  in  the 
hard  and  deep  frozen  ice,  as  if  caught  in  a  trap. 

37.    At  last,  when  both  men  and  beasts  were  worn  out  with 
fruitless  exertion,  they  encamped  on  a  height,  in  a  spot  which 
with  the  utmost  difficulty  they  had  cleared  ;  so  much  snow  had 
to  be  dug  out  and  removed.     The  soldiers  were  then  marched 
off  to  the  work  of  making  a  road  through  the  rock,  as  there 
only  was  a  passage  possible.     Having  to  cut  into  the  stone,  they 
heaped  up  a  huge  pile  of  wood  from  great  trees  m  the  neigh- 
bourhood, which  they  had  felled  and  lopped.     As  soon  as  there 
was   strength   enough   in   the    wind    to   create    a    blaze   they  The  rocks  melted 
lighted  the  pile,   and  melted  the  rocksj_  as  they  heated,  by    ""'^-^  vinegar 
pouring  vinegar  on  them.     The  burning  stone  was 'cleft  open 
with  iron  implements,  and  then  they  relieved  the  steepness  of 
the  slopes  by  gradual  winding  tracks,  so  that  even  the  elephants 
as  well  as  the  other  beasts  could  be  led  down.     Four  days  were 
spent  in  this  rocky  pass,  and  the  beasts   almost  perished  of 
hunger,  as  the  heights  generally  are  quite  bare,  and  such  herbage 
|as  grows  is    buried   in  snow.     Amid  the  lower   slopes  were  y,^    ^    j  .^ 
[valleys,  sunny  hills  too,  and  streams,  and  woods  beside  them,    lower  valleys. 
jand  spots  now  at  last  more  worthy  to  be  the  habitations  of 
jman.     Here  they  sent  the  beasts  to  feed,  and  the  men  worn  out 
jwith  the  toil  of  road  making,  were  allowed  to  rest.    In  the  next 
jthree  days  they  reached  level  ground,  and  now  the  country  was 
iless  wild,  as  was  also  the  character  of  the  inhabitants. 
I       38.     Such  on  the  whole  was  the  march  which  brought  them 
|to  Italy,  in  the  fifth  month,  according  to  some  authors,  after 

D  2 

36  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXI.    leaving  New  Carthage,  the  passage  of  the  Alps  having  occupied 
_,  ,        fifteen    days.     As  to  the  numbers  of  Hannibal's  army  on  his 

The  numbers  ^ 

of  Hannibal's  arrival  in  Italy,  historians  are  not  agreed.  The  highest  reckon- 
army.  .^^  ^^  ^  hundred  thousand  infantry  and  twenty  thousand 
cavalry  ;  the  lowest  twenty  thousand  infantry  and  six  thousand 
cavalry.  Cincius  Alimentus,  who  tells  us  that  he  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Hannibal,  would  have  the  greatest  weight  with 
me,  did  he  not  confuse  the  numbers  by  adding  the  Gauls 
and  Ligurians.  Including  these  there  arrived  eighty  thousand 
infantry  and  ten  thousand  cavalry,  though  it  is  more  probable 
that  they  flocked  to  his  standard  in  Italy  ;  and  so  some  writers 
state.  Cincius  says  that  Hannibal  himself  told  him  that,  after 
crossing  the  Rhone,  he  lost  thirty-six  thousand  men^  and  a  vast 
number  of  horses  and  beasts  of  burden.  The  tribe  that  he  first 
encountered  on  his  descent  into  Italy  were  the  Taurini,  a  half 
Gallic  race.  About  this  all  agree,  and  therefore  I  am  the  more 
The  passes  by  Surprised  at  there  being  a  controversy  as  to  where  Hannibal 
w  ic  lecrosse  .  (,j.Qgggjj  ^^  Alps,and  at  the  vulgar  belief  that  he  marched  over  the 
Poenine  Pass,  and  that  the  range  thence  got  its  name.  I  wonder, 
too,  that  Caelius  says  that  he  crossed  by  the  heights  of  Cremo. 
Both  these  passes  would  have  brought  him,  not  to  the  Taurini,  but 
through  other  mountain  tribes  to  the  Libuan  Gauls.  Nor  is  it 
likely  that  those  routes  to  Gaul  were  then  open ;  certainly 
those  which  lead  to  the  Poenine  would  have  been  barred  by 
tribes  of  half  German  race.  And  assuredly  these  mountains, 
according  to  the  Seduni  and  Veragri,  the  inhabitants  of  the  range, 
did  not  get  their  name,  if  such  an  argument  has  any  weight,  from 
any  passage  of  the  Poeni,  but  from  the  deity  to  whom  the  summit 
is  sacred,  and  whom  the  mountaineers  call  Poeninus. 

Hannibal  gives  39.  Very  Opportunely  for  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  w; 
had  broken  out  between  the  Taurini,  the  nearest  tribe,  and  t 
Insubres.  But  Hannibal  could  not  get  his  army  ready  to  hel 
either  side,  for  it  was  in  recovering  itself  that  it  felt  most  keenly  the 
miseries  which  had  accumulated  on  it.  Ease  after  hardshi 
plenty  after  want,  comfort  after  squalor  and  filth  acted  various]; 
on  their  neglected  and  well-nigh  'brutalised  frames.  This  wal 
enough  to  make  the  consul  Publius  Cornelius  march  rapidly 
to  the  Po,  as  soon  he  had  reached  Pisae  by  sea,  though  the  troops 
which  he  took  over  from  Manlius  and  Atilius  were  raw  levie^ 

his  soldiers  rest. 




Livy.  37 

still  cowed  by  recent  disgraces.      He  desired  to  engage  the    book  xxi. 
enemy  before  he  had  recovered  himself.     But  by  the  time  that 
he  had  arrived  at  Placentia,  Hannibal  had  moved  from  his  camp,  He  advances  to 
and  had  stormed  one  of  the  towns  of  the  Taurini,  the  capital  of  Tad cllfedThl" 
the  tribe,  as  the  citizens  chose  to  decline  his  friendship.     He  P"- 

would  have  secured  the  alliance  of  the  Gauls  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Po,  not  merely  by  intimidation  but  with  their  own 
consent,  had  not  the  consul's  sudden  arrival  surprised  them,  as 
they  were  looking  out  for  an  opportunity  of  revolt.  Hannibal  at 
the  same  moment  left  the  Taurini,  feeling  that  the  Gauls,  in  their 
uncertainty  which  side  they  ought  to  take,  would  range  themselves 
on  that  of  the  first  comer. 

The  two  armies  were  now  nearly  in   sight  of  each  other, 
and  the  generals  had  almost  met,  each  penetrated  with  a  certain 
admiration  for  his  antagonist,  though  as  yet  he  knew  but  little 
of  him.      Hannibal's  name,  indeed,   even  before   the   fall  of 
Saguntum,  was    familiar    to   the    Romans,  while  Scipio  was  ^ 
regarded  by  Hannibal  as  an  eminent  man,  from  the  simple  fact  11 
that  he  had  been  singled  out  for  command  against  himself.     And  " 
now  they  had  risen  in  each  other's  esteem ;    Scipio,  because, 
though  left  in  Gaul,  he  had  confronted  Hannibal  on  his  descent 
into  Italy ;  Hannibal,  because  he  had  attempted  and  accom- 
plished the  passage  of  the  Alps.     Scipio,  however,  was  the  first 
to  cross  the  Po.     He  moved  his  camp  to  the  river  Ticinus,  and 
before  leading  his  men   into  action   delivered  the  following 
harangue  for  their  encouragement : — 

40.  "  Soldiers,  were  I  leading  into  battle  the  army  I  had  sdpio's address 
*'  with  me  in  Gaul,  I  should  have  thought  it  needless  to  address 
"  you.  What  use,  indeed,  could  there  be  in  words  of  encourage- 
"  ment  to  the  horsemen  who  gloriously  defeated  the  enemy's 
*' cavalry  at  the  Rhone,  or  to  the  legions  with  which  I  pursued 
**  that  same  enemy  in  his  flight,  finding  in  his  retreat,  and  in  his 
"  refusal  to  give  battle  the  equivalent  of  victory  ?  Now,  since  that 
"  army,  having  been  levied  for  Spain,  is  fighting  there,  as  the 
*'  Senate  and  people  of  Rome  willed  that  it  should,  with  my 
"brother  Cn.  Scipio  in  command,  and  under  my  auspices,  and 
"  since  I  have  volunteered  to  command  in  this  battle,  that  you 
"  may  have  a  consul  to  lead  you  against  Hannibal  and  the 
"  Carthaginians,  I,  a  new  commander  over  new  soldiers,  am 

to  his  soldiers. 

38  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXI.  "  bound  to  say  a  few  vfords.  I  would  have  you  know  both  the 
"enemy  and  the  conditions  of  the  war.  You  have  to  fight, 
"  soldiers,  with  the  men  whom  you  vanquished  by  sea  and  land 
"  in  the  former  war,  from  whom  for  twenty  years  you  have 
''  exacted  tribute,  from  whom  you  wrested  as  prizes  of  the  contest 
"  provinces  which  you  now  hold,  Sicily  and  Sardinia.  In  this 
"  battle,  therefore,  there  will  be  in  you  and  in  them  the  spirit 
"  which  belongs  respectively  to  the  victors  and  the  vanquished. 
"  Even  now  they  are  going  to  fight,  not  because  they  are  con- 
"  fident,  but  because  they  are  compelled.  For  surely  you 
"  cannot  think  that  the  very  men  who  declined  battle  with  their 
"  army  in  its  full  strength,  have  found  more  confidence  now 
"  that  they  have  lost  two-thirds  of  their  infantry  and  cavalry  in 
"  crossing  the  Alps.  Well,  but  you  will  say  that  though  they 
"are  but  few,  they  have  such  stout  hearts  and  frames,  that 
"  scarce  any  strength  can  bear  the  brunt  of  their  resolute 
"  attack.  No  ;  they  are  nothing  but  ghosts  and  shadows  of 
"  men,  half  dead  with  hunger,  cold,  filth,  and  misery,  bruised  and 
"  maimed  amid  crags  and  rocks  ;  add  to  this  their  limbs  frost- 
"  bitten,  their  fingers  stiffened  by  the  snow,their  frames  shrivelled 
"  with  the  frost,  their  arms  shattered  and  broken,  their  horses 
"  lame  and  feeble.  Such  is  the  cavalry,  such  the  infantry  with 
"  which  you  are  going  to  fight.  It  is  not  an  enemy,  it  is  the  last 
"  remnant  of  an  enemy  that  you  will  have  before  you  ;  and  what 
"  I  fear  most  is  that  when  you  have  fought,  it  will  be  the  Alps 
"  that  will  seem  to  have  conquered  Hannibal.  Yet  perhaps  if 
"was  right  it  should  be  so,  and  that  the  gods,  without  huma; 
"  aid,  should  begin  and  all  but  terminate  a  war  waged  agains. 
"  a  treaty-breaking  leader  and  people,  while  we,  who  next  to 
"  the  gods  have  been  grievously  wronged,  merely  finish  off  whai 
"  they  have  both  begun  and  almost  ended.  ■ 

41.  "I  have  no  fear  that  any  of  you  will  think  that  I  airf 
"talking  grandly  to  encourage  you,  while  in  heart  I  feel  far 
"  otherwise.  I  might  have  gone  with  my  array  to  Spain,  my 
"allotted  province,  for  which  I  had  started,  where  I  should 
"  have  a  brother  to  share  my  counsels  and  be  the  companion  ol 
"  my  dangers,  Hasdrubal  instead  of  Hannibal  for  my  foe,  ancl 
"an  unquestionably  less  formidable  war.  But,  as  I  was  sailing; 
"  along  the  shores  of  Gaul,  on  hearing  the  rumours  about  this 



"  enemy  I  landed,  sent  on  my  cavalry  and  advanced  my  camp  to    BOOK  xxi. 

"  the  Rhone.     In  an  action  fought  by  my  cavalry,  the  only 

"  portion  of  my  army  with  vi'hich  I  had  an  opportunity  of  fight- 

"  ing,  I  vanquished  the  enemy.     His  infantry,  which  hurried  on 

"  with  the  rapidity  of  a  flight,  I  could  not  overtake,  and  so  I 

"  returned  with  all  possible  speed  to  my  ships,  made  this  long 

"  circuit  by  sea  and  land,  and  now  almost  at  the  foot  of  the 

"  Alps  have  met  this  dread  foe.     Can  you  think  that  I  have 

"  stumbled-  on  him  unexpectedly,  when  seeking  to  shun  a  con- 

"flict,  rather  than  that  I  am  confronting  him  on  his  very  track, 

"  challenging  and  forcing  him  to  fight  ?     It  is  a  joy  to  me  to  try 

"  whether  in  the  last  twenty  years  the  earth  has  suddenly  pro- 

"  duced  another  race  of  Carthaginians,  or  whether  they  are  the 

"  same  as  they  were  when  they  fought  at  the  Agates  Islands, 

'*  whom  you  then  let  go  from  Eryx  at  a  valuation  of  eighteen 

"  denarii  for  each  man.    And  this  Hannibal,  is  he,  as  he  boasts, 

"  a  rival  of  Hercules  in  his  expeditions,  or  the  man  whom  his 

"  father  left  to  pay  tax  and  tribute  and  be  the  slave  of  the  Roman 

"  people  ?    Were  it  not  that  his  crime  at  Saguntum  is  driving 

"  him  on,  he  would  surely  look  back,  if  not  on   his  conquered 

"  country,  at  least  on  his  home  and  his  father,  and  on  those  treaties 

"in  the  very  handwriting  of  that  Hamilcar  who,  at  our  consul's 

'•  bidding,   withdrew   his   garrison  from    Eryx,  accepted  with 

"  murmurs  and  lamentation  the  hard  terms  imposed  on  Carthage, 

"  and  consented  to  give  up  Sicily  and  pay  tribute  to  Rome./    So 

"  I  would  have  you  fight,  soldiers,  not  merely  with  the  feelings 

"  you  have  towards  any  other  foe,  but  with  a  pecuiiar  wrath  and 

"fury,  as  if  you  saw  your  own  slaves  suddenly  bearing  arms 

"  against  you.     You  might  have  destroyed  them  by  that  worst 

"  of   all    human    punishments,    starvation,    when    they    were 

"  shut  in  at  Eryx  ;  you  might  have  crossed  with  your  victorious 

"  fleet  into  Africa,  and  within  a  few  days  have  effaced  Carthage 

"  without  a  struggle.     But  we  gave  quarter  when  they  begged 

"  it ;  we  released  them  from  blockade  ;  we  made  peace  with 

"  the  conquered ;  finally,  we  took  them  under  our  protection  in 

"  their  SDrc  distress  during  the  African  war.     By  way  of  return 

"  for  these  boons,  they  come  following  the  lead  of  a  young  mad- 

"  man,  to  attack  our  country.     And  would  that  this  battle  were 

"  only  for  your  honour,  and  not  for  your  safety.     Not  for  the 

40  LIVY. 

BOOK.  XXI.  "possession  of  Sicily  and  Sardinia,  which  were  formerly  in 
"  dispute,  but  for  Italy  you  have  now  to  fight.  There  is  no 
"other  army  behind  you  to  bar  the  enemy's  way  if  we  do  not 
'■  conquer  ;  there  are  no  more  Alps,  during  the  passage  of  which 
'■  new  forces  can  be  raised.  Here,  soldiers,  you  must  make  a 
"  stand  as  if  we  were  fighting  before  the  walls  of  Rome.  Let 
"  every  man  of  you  assure  himself  that  he  is  defending  with 
"  his  arms,  not  himself,  but  his  wife  and  his  little  children  ;  and 
"  let  him  not  cmrikieJiimself  to  thoughts  of  his  family  ;  let  him 
"  reflect  again  and  again  that  the  Senate  and  Commons  of  Rome 
"  are  now  anxTtJttsly  watching  our  prowess,  and  that  such  as 
"  shall  be  our  strength  and  resolution,  such  too  in  the  future 
"  will  be  the  fortune  of  that  gceat  city  and  of  the  empire 
"  of  Rome." 
Hannibal  lets  4^'  So  spake  the  consul  to  the  Romans.  Hannibal, 
Ais  prisoners     thinking  that  his  men  might  be  best  stirred  by  deeds  first  and 

/i^'/ti  in  single  °  °  .  . 

combat,  and     words  aftcrwards,  formed  his  army  in  a  circle  and  exhibited  to 

the  vic7orious°  them  a  spectacle.     Some  prisoners  taken  from  the  mountaineers 

,  were  placed  bound  in  the  midst.     Gallic   weapons  were  flung 

down  at  their  feet,  and  an  interpreter  was  ordered  to  ask  whether 

any  of  them  would  like  to  fight,  if  he  were  to  be  released  from 

his  bonds  and  were  to  receive,  as  ilia-prize-of  victory,  arms  and 

a  charger.     All  to  a  man  cried  out  for  arms  and  a  combat,  and 

when  the  lot  had  been  thrown  for  that  purpose,  every  man  was 

eager  to  be  the  person  whom  fortune  should  select  for  the  deed. 

Each  man  too,  as  his  lot  fell  out,  with  brisk  alacrity  and  joyful 

exultation,  amid  congratulating  comrades,  hurriedly  seized  his 

weapons  and  danced  after  his  country's  fashion.     When   they 

came  to  fight,  the  prevailing  temper,  not  only  of  their  fellows  in 

the  same  plight  as  themselves,  but  also  of  the  crowd  of  spectators 

was  such  that  the  fortune  of  the  man  who  nobly  fell  was  as  much 

applauded  as  that  of  the  conqueror. 

Hannibal's  43.     Hannibal    having    thus    impressed  his    men    by    the 

^^"'artny  '^"     spectacle   of  several   pairs  of  combatants  and  then  dismissed 

them,    afterwards   summoned    them    together    and    spoke    as 

follows  ; — 

"  If,  soldiers,  you  mean  to  exhibit  in  estimating  your  own  lot 
"  that  same  temper  which  you  have  just  shown  in  witnessing  the 
"  exhibition  of  the  fortunes  of  others,  we  have  already  conquered. 

LIVY.  41 

"  What  you  saw  yonder,  was  not  a  mere  spectacle  ;  it  was,  so  to  book  xxi. 
"  say,  a  picture  of  your  present  position.  I  almost  think  that 
"  fortune  has  imposed  heavier  bonds  and  heavier  necessities  on 
"you  than  on  your  prisoners.  .On  your  right  and  on  your  left 
"  two  seas  shut  you  in,  and  you  have  not  so  much  as  a  single 
"  vessel  for  your  escape.  Round  you  is  the  river  Po,  a  broader 
"and  more  rapid  stream  than  the  Rhone  ;  behind  ha»g=ov©j; 
"  you  the  Alps,  which  in  the  fiill  freshness  of  your  strength  you 
"  could  har-dly  cross.  Here,  soldiers,  you  must  conquer  or  die, 
*  as  soon  as  you  have  met  the  enemy ;  and  that  same  fortune, 
"  which  has  imposed  on  you  the  necessity  of  fighting,  holds  out 
"  to  you,  if  victorious,  the  grandest  rewards  which  men  can  hope 
"  for  even  from  the  immortal  gods.  Were  Sicily  and  Sardinia, 
"  which  were  wrested  from  our  forefathers,  all  we  were  about  to 
"  recover  by  our  valour,  even  this  would  be  an  ample  recompense. 
"  All  that  the  Romans  have  won,  all  the  accumulated  fruits  of 
"  their  many  triumphs,  all  this  and  its  possessors  will  be  yours. 
"  For  so  magnificent  a  reward  haste  to  arm  yourselves,  the  gods 
"being  your  good  helpers.  Hitherto  while  you  hunted  cattle 
"amid  those  wild  mountains  of  Lusitania  and  Celtiberia,  you 
"  have  seen  no  recompense  for  your  hardships  and  dangers  ; 
"  now  it  is  time  for  you  to  enter  on  rich  and  lucrative  campaigns, 
"  and  to  earn  great  wages  for  your  service.  Your  vast  marches 
"  over  these  many  mountains,  over  these  rivers,  through  these 
"  warlike  tribes,  you  have  already  accomplished  ;  here  Fortune 
"has  given  you  an  end  of  your  labours  ;  here,  when  you 
"  have  finished  your  campaigning,  she  will  give  you  a  worthy 
"  reward. 

"  And  do  not  think  that,  because  the  war  has  a  great  name, 
"  victory  will  be  correspondingly  difficult.  Often  has  a  despised 
"  foe  fought  a  bloody  battle,  and  famous  nations  and  kings  been 
"  vanquished  with  a  very  slight  effort.  If  you  take  away  the  mere 
"  glitter  of  Rome's  name,  what  ground  is  there  for  comparing  the 
"  Romans  with  yourselves  ?  Not  to  speak  of  your  twenty  years' 
"  service,  marked  by  a  valour  and  a  success  known  to  all,  you  have 
"  marched  hither  victorious  from  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  from 
"  the  ocean  and  the  remotest  limits  of  the  earth,  through  a  host  of 
"  the  fiercest  peoples  of  Spain  and  Gaul.  You  will  fight  with  raw 
"  levies,  which  this  very  summer  have  been  beaten,  vanquished 

42  LIVY. 

HOOK  XXI.  "and  hemmed  in  by  the  Gauls  ;  an  army  of  which  their  com- 
"  mander  knows  nothing,  and  which  knows  nothing  of  him.  Am 
"  I,  born  as  I  almost  was,  certainly  bred  in  my  father's  tent,  and 
"  he  the  most  famous  of  generals,  I,  the  conqueror  of  Spain  and 
"  Gaul,  victorious  over  the  Alpine  tribes,  and,  what  is  even  more, 
"  over  the  Alps  themselves,  to  compare  myself  with  this  six 
"  months'  officer,  this  deserter  from  his  own  army  ?  Why,  I  am 
"  sure  that  if  he  were  to  be  shown  the  Carthaginians  and  Romans 
"  without  their  standards,  he  would  not  know  which  army  he 
"commanded.  It  is,  I  consider,  no  light  matter,  soldiers,  that 
"  there  is  not  a  man  among  you  before  whose  eyes  I  have  not 
"  myself  achieved  some  soldierly  deed,  not  a  man  whose  valour 
"  I  have  not  personally  witnessed,  and  whose  honourable  dis- 
"  tinctions  I  cannot  call  to  mind  with  their  proper  dates  and 
"  scenes.  As  your  foster-son  rather  than  as  your  commander, 
"  with  those  whom  I  have  praised  and  rewarded  a  thousand 
"  times,  I  shall  go  into  battle  against  men  unknowing  and  unknown 
"  to  each  other. 

44.  "  Wherever  I  turn  my  eyes,  I  see  around  me  nothing 
"  but  courage  and  solid  strength,  veteran  infantry,  cavalry  regular 
"  and  irregular  from  the  noblest  tribes,  you  the  most  loyal  and 
"  bravest  of  allies,  you,  men  of  Carthage,  resolving  to  fight  for 
"  your  country,  and  in  a  most  righteous  quarrel.  'Tis  we  who 
"  attack,  who  with  hostile  standards  are  marching  down  on 
"  Italy,  certain  to  fight  more  bravely  and  fearlessly  than  the  foe, 
"  inasmuch  as  he  who  attacks  has  higher  hope  and  greater  spirit 
"  than  he  who  defends.  Our  hearts  too  are  burning  with  the 
"  excitement  of  wrath,  of  wrong  remembered  and  indignities 
"  endured.  They  demanded  for  execution  first  myself,  your 
"  general,  then  all  of  you  that  were  at  the  siege  of  Saguntum  ; 
"  had  we  been  surrendered,  they  meant  to  inflict  on  us  the 
"  extremest  tortures.  The  most  merciless,  the  most  arrogant  ol 
"  nations  would  have  everything  its  own  and  at  its  owr 
"  disposal,  and  thinks  it  right  to  prescribe  to  us  with  whon^ 
"  we  may  have  war,  with  whom  peace.  It  confines  and  incloses 
"  us  within  the  boundaries  of  mountains  and  rivers,  which  wt 
"  are  not  to  pass,  but  it  does  not  itself  observe  those  boundaries 
"  which  it  fixes.  *  You  are  not  to  cross  the  Ebro  ;  you  are  not  t( 
"  meddle  with  Saguntum.'     Well,  but  Saguntum  is  not  on  th; 



The  Rotitnns 
cross  the 

"  Ebro.      'You    are  not  to  move  a  foot's  breadth  anywhere.'    book  xxi 

"  Is  it  a  trifle  that  you  are  robbing  me  of  my  oldest  provinces, 

"  Sicily  and  Sardinia  ?     Will  you  also  cross  over  into  Spain,  and 

"  if  I  withdraw  thence,  into  Africa  ?  Will  cross  over,  do  I  say  ? 

"  They  have  crossed  over.     Of  the  two  consuls  of  this  year  they 

"  have  sent  one  to  Africa,  the  other  to  Spain.     Nothing  is  left 

"  us  but  what  we  shall  make  good  by  our  arms.      They  can 

"  afford  to  be  cowards  and  dastards,  they  who  have  something 

"  to  fall  back  on,  whom  their  own  country,  their  own  territory 

"  will  receive,  as  they  flee  through  its  safe  and  peaceful  roads. 

"  For  you  it  is  a  necessity  to  be  brave  ;  and  now  that  you  have 

"  resolved   in  despair  to  cast  away  all  but  the  alternatives  of 

"  victory  or  death,  you  must  either  conquer,  or,  if  fortune  be 

"  doubtful,  meet  your  fate  in  battle  rather  than  in  flight.     If  this 

"  is  the  fixed  resolve  of  every  heart,  I  say  again,  you  have  con- 

"  quered.     Contempt  of  death  is  the  mightiest  weapon  given  by 

"  the  gods  to  man  for  the  winning  of  victory." 

45.  Such  were  the  stirring  words  by  which  the  soldiers' 
hearts  on  both  sides  were  kindled  for  the  battle.  The  Romans 
threw  a  bridge  over  the  Ticinus,  building  a  fort  also  on  it  for 
its  defence.  While  the  enemy  was  busy  with  this  work,  the 
Carthaginian  despatched  Maharbal  with  a  squadron  of  five 
hundred  Numidian  cavalry  to  ravage  the  lands  of  the  allies  of 
Rome,  with  orders  to  spare  the  Gauls  as  much  as  possible  and 
to  incite  the  minds  of  their  chiefs  to  revolt.  As  soon  as  the 
bridge  was  completed,  the  Roman  army  was  marched  across  it 
into  the  territory  of  the  Insubres,  and  encamped  five  miles  from 
Ictumuli.  Here  Hannibal  had  his  camp.  He  promptly  recalled 
Maharbal  and  the  cavalry,  when  he  saw  that  a  battle  was 
imminent ;  and  as  he  thought  that  he  could  not  say  enough  by 
way  of  encouragement  to  inspirit  his  men,  he  summoned  them 
'  to  an  assembly  and  offered  definite  rewards,  in  the  hope  of 
j  which  they  were  to  fight.  He  would  give  them  land  in  Italy, 
I  Africa,  Spain,  wherever  each  man  liked,  free  of  all  burdens  to 
j  its  possessor  and  his  children  ;  the  man  who  preferred  money  to 
j  land  he  would  furnish  amply  with  coin  ;  those  of  the  allies  who 
i  wished  to  become  Carthaginian  citizens  should  have  the 
:  opportunity  ;  as  for  those  who  chose  to  return  to  their  homes, 
j  he  would  take  care  that  they  would  never  wish  to  exchange 


prepares  for 


44  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXI.  their  lot  for  that  of  any  of  their  fellow-countrymen.  To  slaves 
also  who  accompanied  their  masters  he  offered  freedom,  and  to 
the  masters  were  to  be  given  two  slaves  in  place  of  each.  That 
they  might  be  assured  of  the  fulfilment  of  these  promises,  he 
held  in  his  left  hand  a  lamb  and  a  flint  knife  in  his  right,  and 
invoked  Jupiter  and  the  other  gods  to  slay  him  as  he  slew  the 
lamb  should  he  break  faith.  After  this  imprecation,  he  crushed 
the  animal' s  head  with  the  stone.  Then,  as  if  every  man  felt 
that  the  gods  authorised  his  hopes,  to  delay  the  fight  seemed  to 
be  to  delay  the  attainment  of  their  desires,  and  they  all  with 
one  heart  and  voice  clamoured  for  battle. 

46.  Among  the  Romans  there  was  no  such  eagerness. 
Beside  other  fears,  some  recent  portents  had  dismayed  them.  A 
wolf  had  entered  their  camp,  and  after  mangling  all  he  met  had 
escaped  uninjured.  A  swarm  of  bees  too  had  settled  on  a  tree 
overhanging  the  general's  tent.  Scipio  went  through-  the  due 
propitiations,  and  then  with  his  cavalry  and  light- armed  spear- 
men set  out  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  camp  and  learn  from  a 
near  view  the  composition  of  his  army.  He  met  Hannibal,  also 
riding  forward  with  some  troopers  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the 
neighbouring  ground.  Neither  at  first  saw  the  other.  Soon  the 
dust  rising  more  and  more  densely  with  the  movement  of  such 
a  host  of  men  and  horses  indicated  an  enemy's  approach.  Both 
armies  halted  and  prepared  for  battle. 
The  Romans  are        Scipio    posted  his    light-armed   spearmen   and  his    Gallic 

cavalry  action,   cavalry  in  his  first  line,  his  Roman  soldiers  with  the  flower  <jj 
the  allies  in  his  reserves.     Hannibal  ranged  his  regular  cavalry 
in  his  centre  ;  his  wings  he  strengthened  with  his  Numidian%( 
Scarce  had  the  battle-shout  been  raised,  when  the  spearmi 
fled  to  the  second  line  among  the  reserves.     For  some  ti 
after  this  the  fight  between  the  cavalry  was  doubtful ;  but  after 
while  as  the  foot-soldiers  mingling  with  their  ranks  frightem 
the  horses,  and  many  of  the  riders  were  thrown  or  dismounti 
on  seeing  their  fellow-soldiers  hard  pressed  and  in  danger, 
battle  came  to  be  fought  to  a   great  degree   on   foot.     The 
the   Numidians  on  the  wings,  making  a  slight  wheel,  show< 
themselves  on  the  rear.     This  alarming  sight  quite  confound* 
the  Romans,  and  their  terror  was  increased  by  the  wounding 
their  general,  who  was  rescued  from  his  danger  by  the  prom] 



The  Romans 

fall  back  on 


arrival  of  his  son,  then  in  his  early  youth.     This  was  the  young    book  xxi. 

jman  to  whom  belongs  the  glory  of  the  ending  of  this  war,  and  ^^^.^-^  ^^„„^  ^ 

who  was  named  Africanus  for  his  splendid  victory  over  Hannibal   end  rescued  by 

and  the   Carthaginians.     Still  there  was   a  disorderly    flight, 

especially  among  the  spearmen,  who  were  the  first  whom  the 

Nuniidians  had  charged.     Some  of  the  cavalry  closed  up,  re- 

beived  the  consul  into  their  centre,  and  defending  him   with 

;heir  persons  as  well  as  with  their  weapons  brought  him  back 

0  the  camp  in  a  retreat  free  from  hurry  and  confusion.     The 

jlory  of  having  saved  the  consul  is  ascribed  by    Ccelius  to  a 

ilave  of  Ligurian  origin ;  but  I  prefer  myself  to  accept  as  true 

he  story    about  the   son,   which   has    the    preponderance    of 

Luthority  and  has  been  uniformly  asserted  by  tradition. 

47.  Such. was  the  first  battle  with  Hannibal.  It  clearly 
howed  the  Carthaginian's  superiority  in  cavalry,  and  that,  con- 
equently,  open  plains,  such  as  those  between  the  Po  and  the 
jUps,  were  not  a  suitable  battle-field  for  the  Romans.  Accord- 
ligly  on  the  following  night,  orders  were  given  to  the  soldiers  to 
ollect  their  baggage,  the  camp  was  moved  from  the  Ticinus, 
nd  a  forced  march  made  to  the  Po,  in  the  hope  of  finding  the 
afts  with  which  the  river  had  been  bridged  still  unbroken,  and  so 
if  crossing  without  confusion  and  pursuit  from  the  enemy.  They 
eached  Placentia*  before  Hannibal  knew  for  certain  that  they 
kad  left  the  Ticinus  ;  as  it  was,  however,  he  captured  about  six 
^undred  who  were  lingering  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Po,  lazily 
posing  the  raft.  He  could  not  cross  the  bridge,  as  the  entire 
jaft  drifted  down  the  stream,  as  soon  as  its  extremities  were 
Infastened.  According  to  Caelius,  Mago  at  once  swam  across 
^e  river  with  the  cavalry  and  Spanish  infantry,  while  Hannibal 
[imself  took  his  men  across  by  the  upper  fords  of  the  Po,  first 
iosting  his  elephants  in  line  so  as  to  check  the  force  of  the 
lurrent.  This  will  hardly  find  belief  with  those  who  know  the 
iver ;  for  it  is  not  likely  that  cavalry  could  with  safety  to  their 
|rms  and  horses  have  stemmed  so  rapid  a  stream,  even  supposing 
hat  all  the  Spaniards  had  already  crossed  it  on  inflated  bladders ; 
[esides  a  circuit  of  several  days  would  have  been  required  to 
liscover  fords  on  the  Po  by  which  an  army  encumbered  with 
'aggage  could  cross.  I  put  more  confidence  in  those  historians 
jrho  relate  that  with  difficulty,  in  two  days'  search,  a  place  was 


46  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXI.  found  for  bridging  the  river  with  a  raft,  by  which  Mago  and 
the  light-armed  Spaniards  were  sent  on  in  advance.  While 
Hannibal,  who  tarried  a  while  near  the  river  to  receive  embassies 
from  the  Gauls,  was  crossing  with  his  heavy  infantry,  Mago  and 
his  horsemen  in  one  day's  march  after  the  passage  came  up  with 
the  enemy  at  Placentia.  A  few  days  afterwards  Hannibal 
Hannibal  fortified  his  camp  at  a  distance  of  six  miles  from  Placentia  ;  the 
fo  ows  t  lem  up.  ^^^^  ^^^  j^g  drew  up  his  army  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  and  offered 

48.     The  following  night  some  auxiliary  Gauls  perpetrated 
an  outrage  in  the  Roman  camp ;  there  was  more  disturbance, 
however,  than  damage.     As  many  as  two  thousand  infantry  and 
two  hundred  cavalry,  cutting  down  the  sentries  at  the  camp-gates, 
deserted  to  Hannibal.     The  Carthaginian  received  them  kindly, 
animated  them  with  thehope  of  great  rewards,  anddismissedevery 
man  to  his  native  state  that  he  might  work  on  the  minds  of  his 
fellow-countrymen.     Scipio  looked  on  the  outrage  as  a  sign  of 
the  impending  revolt  of  all  the  Gauls,  who,  affected  by  the 
contagion  of  the  crime,  would  fly  to  arms  in  a  sudden  access  of- 
madness.  Though  still  suffering  from  his  wound,  he  yet  set  off  with 
his  army  in  silence  at  the  fourth  watch  of  the  following  night,  and 
Sciph  encamps  moved  his  camp  to  the  river  Trcbia,  where  was  some  rather  high 
ground  and  hills  ill  adapted  for  cavalry.     He  was  less  successfjj 
in  escaping  observation   than   he  had  been    at  the   Ticimi 
Hannibal  first  despatched  his  Numidians,  then  all  his  caval 
and  would  at  least  have  thrown  into  disorder  Scipio's  rear,  ha 
not  the  Numidians  in  their  greed  for  spoil  turned  off  into  tl 
Roman  camp.     Ransacking  every  corner  in  the  camp  and  was 
ing  time  without  any  adequate  compensation  for  such  delay,  thej 
let  the  enemy  slip  from  their  grasp.     After  taking  a  view  of  1 
Romans,  who  had  now  crossed  the  Trebia  and  were  measurii 
out  their  camp,  they  cut  down  a  few  loiterers  whom  they 
surprised  on  their  own  side  of  the  stream. 

Scipio,   no   longer  able  to  bear  up  against  the  pain  of 
wound,   which  the  march  had  irritated,  and  thinking  that 
ought  to  wait  for  his  colleague,  who  had,  he  understood,  bee 
already  recalled  from  Sicily,  selected  and  fortified  a  positic 
near  the  river,   which   seemed  safest    for  a  permanent  camjl 
Hannibal  also  encamped  at  no  great  distance ;  though  he  w^l 




elated  by  his  successful  cavalry  engagement,  he  was  equally 
perplexed  by  the  daily  increasing  scarcity  which  encountered 
him  in  his  advance  through  the  enemy's  country,  in  which  no 
supplies  had  been  anywhere  prepared.  He  sent  therefore  to  the 
town  of  Clastidium,*  where  the  Romans  had  accumulated  vast 
stores  of  corn.  His  troops  were  on  the  point  of  attack,  when 
hope  was  held  out  that  the  place  would  be  betrayed  to  him.  At 
no  great  cost,  merely  that  of  four  hundred  got^  coins,  Dasius 
BrundisinuS,  the  officer  of  the  garrison,  was  bribed,  and 
Clastidium  delivered  up  to  Hannibal.  The  place  served  as  a 
magazine  to  the  Carthaginians  while  in  camp  on  the  Trebia. 
There  was  no  cruel  treatment  of  the  prisoners  from  the 
surrendered  garrison,  as  Hannibal  sought  at  the  outset  to  get  a 
name  for  clemency. 

49.  Though  the  war  by  land  was  at  a  standstill  at  the 
Trebia,  some  operations  had  been  carried  on  by  the  consul 
Sempronius,  and  also  before  his  arrival,  both  by  land  and  sea, 
round  Sicily  and  the  closely  adjacent  islands.  Twenty  five- 
banked  ships  had  been  sent  by  the  Carthaginians  with  a 
thousand  soldiers  to  ravage  the  coasts  of  Italy.  Of  these  nine 
Ireached  the  Liparae  islands  and  eight  the  Isle  of  Vulcan,  while 
jthree  were  driven  into  the  straits  by  a  heavy  sea.  They  were 
{seen  from  Messana  and  Hiero,  king  of  Syracuse,  who  happened 
jat  the  time  to  be  at  Messana  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  Roman 
jconsul,  despatched  twelve  ships  against  them ;  these  captured 
jthem  without  resistance  and  brought  them  into  that  port.  From 
jthe  prisoners  it  was  ascertained,  that  beside  tbe  fleet  of  twenty 
Iships,  to  which  they  themselves  belonged,  thirty-five  other  five- 
[banked  ships  were  making  for  Sicily  with  the  view  of  rousing 
lold  allies  ;  that  the  chief  object  was  the  seizure  of  Lilybaeum  t  ; 
jthat  it  was  their  belief  that  these  ships  also  had  been  driven 
ion  the  .Agates  islands  in  the  same  storm  by  which  they  were 
themselves  scattered.  King  Hiero  communicated  all  this  by 
[letter,  just  as  he  had  heard  it,  to  Marcus  .^milius,  the  praetor, 
j  whose  province  Sicily  was,  and  advised  him  to  hold  Lilybaeum 
|with  a  strong  garrison.  Instantly  the  praetor  sent  off  to  the 
(various  states  envoys  and  military  officers,  who  were  to  urge 
jtheir  allies  to  vigilance  in  self-defence.  Above  all,  Lilybaeum 
|was  busy  with  warlike  preparations,  orders  having  been  publicly 

-"-vnf  w' 

*  Castegnio. 



surrendered  to 



operations  off 


t  Marsala. 

48  LIVY. 

BOGrL  jiXi.  issued  that  the  seamen  were  to  bring  to  the  ships  cooked  food 
for  ten  days.  There  would  thus  be  nothing  to  delay  embark- 
ation as  soon  as  the  signal  was  given.  Along  the  whole  coast 
too  men  were  despatched  to  observe  the  enemy's  approach  from 

Accordingly,  though  the  Carthaginians  had  purposely  de- 
layed the  advance  of  their  fleet,  so  as  to  approach  Lilybaeum 
before  daylight,  yet  they  were  perceived,  as  the  moon  shone  all 
night,  and  they  came  with  their  masts  standing.  In  a  moment 
the  signal  was  given  from  the  watch-towers,  and  in  the  town 
there  was  a  call  to  arms,  and  the  fleet  was  manned.  Some  of 
the  soldiers  were  on  the  walls  and  on  guard  at  the  gates,  some  on 
board  the  ships.  The  Carthaginians,  seeing  that  they  would  have 
to  deal  with  an  enemy  who  was  by  no  means  unprepared,  kept 
outside  the  harbour  till  daybreak,  passing  the  time  in  taking  down 
the  masts  and  getting  their  vessels  ready  for  action.  At  dawn 
of  day  they  sailed  bacTc  with  their  fleet  into  the  open  sea,  that 
there  might  be  room  for  a  battle,  and  that  the  enemy's  ships 
might  have  free  passage  out  of  the  harbour.  Nor  did  the 
Romans  decline  an  engagement,  encouraged  as  they  were  by  the 
memories  of  past  achievements  on  those  same  seas,  and  by  the 
multitude  and  valour  of  their  soldiers. 
j-f^g  50.     As   soon   as  they  had  reached  the   open  water,  the 

'^^^i^dff^'^rd  Roi^^-ns  were  eager  to  close  and  to  try  their  strength  at  neaij 
off  Lilybaum.  quarters.  The  Carthaginians,  on  the  contrary,  avoided  th 
enemy,  preferring  manoeuvres  to  direct  attack,  and  wishing  t 
make  it  a  contest  of  ships  more  than  of  men  and  arms  ;  for  thei 
fleet,  though  amply  manned  with  mariners,  was  poor  in  soldiers 
and  whenever  a  ship  was  grappled  by  the  foe,  the  troops  whic 
fought  from  it  were  in  numbers  decidedly  inferior.  This  havin 
been  observed,  the  confidence  of  the  Romans  rose  at  the  sight  0: 
their  numerous  soldiery,  while  that  of  the  enemy  was  depressed  b; 
their  deficiency.  Seven  Carthaginian  vessels  were  at  once  sur 
rounded ;  the  remainder  took  to  flight.  In  the  captured  shipg 
were  seventeen  hundred  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  among  them 
three  Carthaginian  nobles.  The  Roman  fleet  returned  without 
loss  into  harbour,  only  one  vessel  having  been  pierced,  but  even 
this  was  brought  back  safely. 

Immediately  after  this  battle,  before  those  at  Messana 




anything  of  it,  Sempronius  the  consul  arrived  at  the  town. 
As  he  entered  the  straits,  King  Hiero  met  him  with  a 
fleet  fully  manned  and  equipped  ;  went  from  his  own  to  the 
admiral's  ship,  and  after  congratulating  the  consul  on  his  safe 
arrival  with  his  army  and  his  fleet,  and  praying  that  his  passage 
to  Sicily  might  have  a  prosperous  and  successful  issue,  ex- 
plained to  him  the  state  of  the  island  and  the  aims  of  the 
Carthaginians.  He  promised,  too,  that  now  in  his  old  age  he 
would  help-the  Roman  people  with  as  willing  a  heart  as  he  had  • 
done  in  his  youth  in  the  former  war.  Corn  and  clothing  for 
the  consul's  legions  and  for  the  seamen  he  would  provide 
free  of  cost,  and  he  added  that  there  was  the  greatest  danger 
hanging  over  Lilybasum  and  the  cities  on  the  coast,  and  that 
some  would  welcome  a  revolution.  Hearing  this  the  consul 
thought  that  he  ought  without  a  moment's  delay  to  proceed  with 
his  fleet  to  Lilybzeum  The  king  and  the  ro\al  fleet  started 
with  him.  During  the  voyage  from  Messana  they  heard  of  the 
battle  off  Lilybaeum,  and  of  the  rout  and  capture  of  the  enemy's 

51.     From  Lilybasum  the  consul,  dismissing  Hiero  and  the 
royal  fleet  and  leaving  the  praetor  to  guard  the  coasts  of  Sicily, 
crossed   over    himself  to  the    island  of   Melita,*  then    in    the 
possession  of  the  Carthaginians.     On  his  approach,  Hamilcar, 
son  of  Gisgo,  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  surrendered  him- 
self, with  nearly  two  thousand  troops,  the  town  and  the  island. 
A  few  days  afterwards  the  consul  returned  from  Messana  to 
Lilybaeum,  and  the  prisoners  taken  both  by  him  and  the  consul 
(were  sold  by  auction,  such  as  were  distinguished  by  noble  birth 
being  excepted.  When  he  thought  that  Sicily  was  safe  enough  on 
[this  side,  he  crossed  to  the  islands  of  Vulcan,t  as  report  said  that 
the  Carthaginian  fleet  was  moored  there.   Not  a  man,  however,  of 
jthe  enemy  was  found  near  the  islands,  for  it  so  happened  that 
they  had  sailed  away  to  ravage  the  shores  of  Italy,  where  they 
had  wasted  the  territory  round  Vibo  and  were  also  threatening 
:hat  city.     As  the  consul  was  returning  to  Sicily,  this  raid  of 
:he  enemy  into  the  territory  of  Vibo  was  reported  to  him,  and 
:here  was  also  handed  to   him  a  despatch   from   the  Senate 
elling  of  Hannibal's  passage  into  Italy,  and  bidding  him  on 
he  very  first  opportunity  render  aid  to  his  colleague. 


King  Hiero 
Promises  aid  to 
the  Romatis. 

Surrender  0/ 

Malta  to 

*  Malta. 

t  The  Lipari. 

50  LIVY. 

EOOK  XXI.  Harassed  by  a  combination  of  many  anxieties,  he  at  once  put 
his  troops  on  shipboard  and  sent  them  up  the  Adriatic  to 
Ariminum,  while  to  his  lieutenant  Sextus  Pompeius  he  assigned 
the  defence  of  the  country  round  Vibo  and  of  the  shores  of 
Italy  with  five-and-twenty  warships.  He  made  up  the  fleet  of 
Marcus  ^milius,  the  prjetor,  to  fifty  vessels.  As  soon  as  he 
had  settled  the  affairs  of  Sicily,  he   went  in  person,  cruising 

He  returns  to  ^^°"S  ^^^  Italian  coast,  with  ten  ships  to  Ariminum.  Thence 
Italy,  and  joins  he  Set  out  with  his  army  for  the  river  Trebia  and  joined  his 

his  col'cague  on 

the  Trebia.        COUeagUe. 

52.  Both  consuls  and  all  the  available  strength  of 
Rome  were  now  opposed  to  Hannibal,  a  plain  proof  that 
either  the  Roman  empire  could  be  defended  by  these  forces 
or  that  no  other  troops  remained.  Still  one  of  the  consuls, 
disheartened  by  a  single  cavalry  action  and  the  wound  he 
had  received,  wished  to  defer  battle.  The  other,  whose  courage 
was  unbroken  and  spirits  high,  would  not  brook  delay. 

The  country  between  the  Trebia  and  the  Po  was  then  inhabited 
by  the  Gauls,  wlio  during   this    struggle   between    two    over 
whelmingly  powerful  nations  showed  no  decided  bias,  and  had 
an  eye  undoubtedly  to  the  favour  of  the  conqueror.    Provid 
only  they  remained  quiet,  the  Romans  were  well  satisfied,  b 
the  Carthaginians  were  gi'eatly  mortified,  repeatedly  declari 
that  they  had  come  at  the  invitation  of  the  Gauls  to  set  the: 
free.     Resentment,  and  the  wish  to  support  their  soldiers  oj 
the  plunder,  suggested  the  sending  of  five  thousand  infant 
and  a  thousand  horse,  Numidians  for  the  most  part,  with  so; 
Gauls  interspersed  among  them,  to  lay  waste  the  whole  country 
district  after  district  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Po.     In  their  son 
need  of  help  the  Gauls,  though  hitherto  they  had  maintained  ai 
undecided  attitude,  were  driven  to  turn  from  the  authors  of  thi 
wrong  to  those  who  would,  they  hoped,  avenge  it.    They  sen 
envoys  to  the. consul,  imploring  Roman  aid  for  a  country  suffer 
ing  grievously  from  the  too  faithful  loyalty  of  its  inhabitants 
Neither  the  ground  nor  the  occasion  for  interference  approve 
itself  to  Cornelius,  and  he  suspected  the  nation  for  its  many  ac 
of  faithlessness,  but  above  all,  if  other  memories  had  faded  in  ? 
forgotten  past,  for  the  recent  treachery  of  the  Boii.    Semproniu  | 
on  the  contrary,  held  that  the  defence  of  the  first  who  need«f 

LIVY.  51 

succour  -was  the  surest  bond  for  the  preservatioa  of  the  loyalty    book  xxi. 

of  the  allies.     While  his  colleague  hesitated,  he  sent  his  own 

cavalry  with  a  thousand  infantry  attached  to  it,  almost  all  light-        Cavalry 

armed,  to  protect  the  territory  of  the  Gauls  beyond  the  Trebia.       '  '""" '" 

Suddenly  attacking  the  dispersed  and  disorderly  pillagers,  who 

were  also  for  the  most  part  encumbered  with  booty,  they  caused 

an  intense  panic,  slaying  them  and  driving  them  before  them 

to  their  camp  and  .out-posts.     Driven  back  by  the  numbers  that 

Isallied  forth,  they  renewed  the  fight  when  reinforced  by  their 

own  men.     With  varying  fortune   of  battle  they  pursued  and 

retired,  and  left  the  action  undecided  at  last.     But  the  enemy's 

oss  was  the  heavier,  and  the  honour  of  victory  rested  with  the 


53.     No  one,  indeed,  thought  their  success  greater  and  more    Sempronius  is 

:omplete  than  the  consul  himself.     He  was  transported  with  joy .  "      *" 

it  having  been  victorious  with  the  very  arm,  the  cavalry,  with 

vhich  the  other  consul  had  been  beaten.     The  spirits  of  the 

soldiers,  he  was  sure,  were  restored  and  revived,  and  no  one  but 

kis  colleague  wished  to  defer  the  action,  and  he,  ailing  as  he 

ras,  more  in  mind  than  body,  shrank  from  battle  and  the  steel, 

s  he  thought  of  his  wound.      But  they  must  not  let  themselves 

ink  into  a  sick  man's  languor.     What  good  was  there  in  further 

elay  and  waste  of  time .''     Where  is  the  third  consul  and  the 

liird  army  we  are  waiting  for.f*      The  Carthaginian  camp  is  in 

taly,  almost  within  sight  of  Rome.    It  is  not  Sicily  or  Sardinia, 

llready  lost  to  the  conquered,  it  is  not  Spain  this   side  of  the 

Ibro  which  is  threatened  ;  it  is  from  their  native  soil,  from  the 

md  in  which  they  were  born,  that  the  Romans  are  to  be  driven. 

What  a  sigh,"  he  exclaimed,  "  would  our  fathers  heave,  they 

\\  ho  were  wont  to  fight  round  the  walls  of  Carthage,  were  they 

to  see  us,  their  offspring,  two  consuls  and  two  consular  armies 

cowering  within  their  camp  in  the  heart  of  Italy,  while  the 

Carthaginian   has  brought  under   his    sway  all  the   country 

between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines  ?  "  Such  was  the  language, 

ehement    almost   as   a   popular  harangue,    which  he    would 

our  forth  as  he  sat  by  his  ailing  comrade,  or  in  the  head- 

^ariers.      He  was  goaded  on  too  by  the  near  approach  of  the 

(ections,  and  by  the  fear  that  the  war,  with  its  opportunity  of 

bcuring   all    the  glory  for   himself,  while   his    colleague   was 

E   2 



BOOK  XXI.  disabled,  would  be  postponed  till  new  consuls  came  into 
office.  Accordingly  he  bade  the  soldiers  prepare  for  the  coming 
battle,  while  Cornelius  in  vain  dissented. 
Preparations  of  Hannibal,  Seeing  clearly  what  was  best  for  his  foe,  had 
Hannibal.  h.-^rdly  a  hopc  that  the  consuls  would  act  at  all  rashly  or 
imprudently.  But  now  being  well  aware  that  the  temper  of  one 
of  them,  as  he  knew  at  first  by  report,  and  subsequently  by  ex- 
perience, was  impetuous  and  headstrong,  and  surmising  that  it 
was  the  more  so  after  the  successful  skirmish  with  his  pillaging 
parties,  he  felt  sure  that  the  happy  opportunity  for  action  was  at 
hand.  Anxiously  and  intently  did  he  watch  not  to  let  the 
moment  slip,  while  the  enemy's  soldiery  were  raw  recruits,  while 
the  better  of  the  generals  was  disabled  by  his  wound,  and  while 
the  courage  of  the  Gauls  was  in  its  freshness.  Their  numerous 
host,  he  knew,  would  follow  him  with  less  alacrity  the  further 
they  were  dragged  from  their  homes.  For  these,  and  like, 
reasons,  he  hoped  the  battle  was  at  hand,  and  he  was  eager  tOj 
force  it,  if  there  was  any  hesitation.  When  the  Gauls  who  acted 
as  his  spies  (as  Gauls  were  serving  in  both  camps,  these  coulc 
be  most  safely  employed  to  give  the  knowledge  he  desired" 
had  brought  back  word  that  the  Romans  were  ready  for  battle 
he  proceeded  to  look  out  a  position  for  an  ambuscade. 

Jif  reconnoitres        54-     Between  the  armies  was  a  stream  closed  in  by  very  hii 
thi-  ground  and  banks,  and  by  an  overgrowth  on  either  side  of  marshy  grass,  ai 

J>ojts  an  amlmsli.  '  ^  "  j    ,     J 

of  the  underwood  and  bramble-bushes  that  usually  spread  thei| 
selves  over  uncultivated  ground.  Hannibal  himself  rode  rou 
the  place  and  saw  with  his  own  eyes  that  it  afforded  am; 
cover  for  the  concealment  even  of  cavalry.  "  This,"  said  he 
his  brother  Mago,  "will  be  the  spot  for  you  to  occupy.  Pi 
"  out  a  hundred  men  from  our  entire  infantry,  and  as  many  frot 
"  the  cavalry,  and  come  with  them  to  me  in  the  first  watch  of  tl 
"  night ;  now  it  is  time  to  refresh  yourselves.'  So  saying,  I 
dismissed  his  staff.  Mago  soon  arrived  with  his  picked  me 
"  I  see  before  me,"  said  Hannibal,  "a  band  of  heroes;  b 
"  that  you  may  be  strong  in  numbers  as  well  as  in  couraf 
"  choose  each  of  you  nine  men  like  himself  from  the  squadro 
"  and  the  companies.  Mago  will  show  you  the  place  where  y- 
"  are  to  lie  hid  ;  you  have  an  enemy  blind  to  these  stratagems 
"  war."     Having  then  dismissed  Mago  with  his  thousand 


LIVY.  53 

and  thousand  foot,  Hannibal  at  dawn  ordered  his  Numidian    book  xxi. 

cavalry  to  cross  the  Trebia  and  ride  up  to  the  gates  of  the 

enemy's  camp.     There  by  discharging  missiles  at  the  sentries 

they  were  to  lure  the  enemy  to  an  engagement,  and  then,  the 

battle  once  commenced,  gradually  to  draw  him  after  them  to 

their  side  of  the  river.     Such  were  his  orders  to  the  Numidians. 

The  other  infantry,  and  cavalry  officers  were  directed  to  see  that 

ill  the  men  had  a  meal,  and  then  to  await  the  signal,  armed, 

md  with  horses  saddled. 

Eager  for  battle,  for  his  purpose  was  already  fixed,  Sem-  TheKomans 
Jronius,  on  the  first  alarm  caused  by  the  Numidians,  led  '^^"Z a'bittfrfj'^ 
)ut  the  whole  of  his  cavalry,  the  arm  in  which  he  had  peculiar  cold  day. 
:onfidence,  then  six  thousand  infantry,  and  at  last  his  entire 
.rmy.  It  happened  to  be  winter,  and  a  snowy  day  ;  the  region, 
00,  lies  between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines,  and  the  neighbour- 
jiood  of  rivers  and  marshes  renders  it  intensely  cold.  And  then 
[s  the  men  and  the  horses  had  to  be  hurriedly  marched  out 
without  a  previous  meal,  and  with  no  protection  against  the  cold, 
liere  was  no  warmth  in  them,  and  as  they  approached  the  river, 
lore  and  more  piercingly  did  the  frosty  air  blow  in  their  faces. 
ls  soon  as  they  plunged  into  the  water  in  pursuit  of  the  retreat- 
ig  Numidians  (and  it  was  breast  high  from  having  been 
wollen  by  rain  in  the  night)  their  limbs  grew  stiffer  and  stiffer, 
o  that  when  they  stepped  out  of  it,  they  had  hardly  strength 
)  grasp  their  weapons,  and  grew  faint  from  fatigue  and  from 
unger  also  as  the  day  wore  on. 

55.  Hannibal's  soldiers  meanwhile  had  had  fires  lit  before 
leir  tents  ;  oil  was  distributed  among  the  companies  with  which 
)  make  their  limbs  supple,  and  they  had  enjoyed  a  leisurely  meal, 
s  soon  as  the  news  came  that  the  enemy  had  crossed  the  river, 
ley  armed  themselves  and  marched  out  to  battle  in  full  vigour  of 
»rt  and  frame.  His  Baliaric  slingers,  all  light-armed,  Hannibal 
isted  in  front  of  the  standards,  to  the  number  of  about  eight 
lousand,  ne.xt  his  heavy-armed  infantry — the  strength  and  stay 
j  his  army.  His  flanks  he  covered  with  ten  thousand  cavalry,  . 
lid  placed  his  elephants  in  two  divisions  on  either  flank. 
The  consul,  seeing  that  his  cavalry  were  pursuing  in  loose 
er  and  were  confronted  unexpectedly  by  a  sudden  resistance 
m  the  Numidians,  gave  the  signal  for  retreat,  recalled  his 





T!ie  battle. 

men,  and  received  them  within  his  infantry.     Of  Romans  there 
were  eighteen  thousand ;   of  the  Latin  alHes,  twenty  thousand, 
and  some  auxiliaries  of  the  Cenomani,  the  only  GaUic   tribe 
which  had  stood  firm  to  its  loyalty.     Such  were  the  forces  which 
met  in  action.     The  slingers  began  the  battle,  but  as  they  were 
encountered  by  the  superior  strength  of  the  infantry,  these  light 
troops  were  suddenly  withdrawn  to  the  wings,  the  result  being  that 
the  Roman  cavalry  was  at  once  hard  pressed.    Even  before,  four 
thousand  troopers  could  by  themselves  barely  hold  their  ground 
against  ten  thousand,  most  of  whom  were  fresh  while  they  were 
fatigued,  and  now  they  were  overwhelmed,  so  to  say,  by  a  cloud 
of  missiles  from  the  Baliares.     Then,  too,  the  elephants,  tower- 
ing conspicuously  as  they  did  on  the  flanks,  and  scaring  the 
horses  by  their  appearance  and  above  all   by  their  strange 
smell,  caused  widespread  panic.     The  contending  infantry  were 
well  matched  as  to  courage  but  not  as  to  physical  strength, 
which  indeed  the  Carthaginians,  who  had  just  refreshed  them- 
selves, had  brought  in  full  vigour  into  the  battle.     The  Romans, 
on   the  other  hand,  had  hungry,   weary   frames,  stiff  and  be- 
numbed with  cold.    Still  their  courage  would  have  held  out,  had 
they  had  to  fight  only  with  infantry.      But  the  Baliares,  aft 
driving  back  the  cavalry,  kept  up  a  discharge  of  missiles  on  thj 
Roman  flanks,  and  the  elephants  had  now  thrown  themselv 
into  the  midst  of  the  infantry,  while  Mago  and  his  Numidian 
the  moment  the  army  had  unawares   passed  their  ambusl 
started  up  in  the  rear,  spreading  terrible  confusion  and  pani 
Yet  with  all  these  horrors  around  them,  the  ranks  stood  fin 
some  time,  even  against  the  elephants,  very  much  against  al 
expectation.     Some  light-armed  troops,  posted  for  the  purposej 
drove  them  off  with  showers  of  darts,  then  pursued  them,  anO 
as  they  turned  their  backs,  stabbed  them  under  their  tails,  wher« 
they  can  receive  wounds,  as  the  skin  is  particularly  soft. 

56.  In  their  confusion  they  were  beginning  to  rush  wildly  a 
their  own  men,  when  Hannibal  ordered  them  to  be  driven  fronj 
the  centre  to  the  extreme  left « against  the  Gallic  auxiliaries' 
Among  these  they  created  at  once  a  very  decided  panic,  and  fresl ; 
fear  fell  on  the  Romans  as  ?oon  as  they  saw  their  auxiliarie  < 
routed.  They  now  stood  fighting  in  square,  when  nearly  te: 
thousand  men,  having  no  other  way  of  escape,  broke  throug 

LIVY.  55 

the  centre  of  the  African  troops,  where  this  had  been  strength-    book  xxi. 

ened  by  some  Gallic  auxiliaries,  making  great  slaughter  among 

the  enemy.     Cut  off  by  the  river  from  return  into  their  camp, 

and  not  being  able  to  see  for  the  rain  where  they  could  help 

their  comrades,  they  marched  straight  to  Placentia.     Then  fol-   Total  d.-f.-at  cf 

lowed  rush  after  rush  in  all  directions  ;  some  made  for  the  river       '    ^"""'"  ■ 

and  were  swept  away  in  its  eddies,  or  were  cut  down  by  the 

enemy  as  they  hesitated  to  plunge  into  the  stream.     Such  as 

were  dispersed  in  flight  over  the  country  followed  the  track  of 

the  main  body  in  its  retreat,  and  made  for  Placentia.     Others 

there  were  to  whom  dread  of  the  enemy  gave  courage  to  plunge 

into  the  river,  which  they  crossed,  and  arrived  at  the  camp.     A  ,     a*'' 

storm  of  mingled  rain  and  snow  with  an  unendurable  intensity    A*kX^^'» 

cf  cold  destroyed  many  of  the  men  and  of  the  beasts  of  burden,  ' 

and  almost  all  the  elephants. 

The  Trcbia  was  the  final  Hmit  of  the  Carthaginian  pursuit. 
JThey  returned  to  their  camp  so  benumbed  with  cold  that  they 
hardly  felt  the  joy  of  victory.     Consequently  on  the  next  night, 
when  the  camp  garrison  and  the  other  survivors,  mainly  wounded 
men,  crossed  the  Trebia  on  rafts,  they  either  perceived  nothing^  ■A^-*''**^tiLi.. 
or,  not  being  able  to  move  from  fatigue  and  wounds,  they  pre-    /t^'^^^''*'^  ,- 
(tended  to  perceive  nothing.     Thus,  unmolested  by  the  Cartha- 
ginians, the  consul   Scipio  marched  his  army  in  perfect  quiet  to  Sc//ia  retires  on 
Placentia,  whence  he  crossed  the  Po  to  Cremona,  that  a  single         """' '"' 
:olony  might  be  spared  the  burden   of   two   armies  in  winter 

57.  At  Rome  such  a  panic  followed  on  this  disaster  that 
seople  imagined  that  the  enemy  would  at  once  appear  before 
he  city  in  battle  array,  and  that  there  was  no  hope,  or  any 
ncans  of  repelling  his  attack  from  their  walls  and  gates — 
I'V'  consul  having  been  beaten  at  the  Ticinus,  the  other  having 
1  recalled  from  Sicily  ;  and  now,  with  two  consuls  and  two 
consular  armies  defeated,  what  other  generals  or  legions  had 
hey  to  summon  to  the  rescue  ?  In  the  midst  of  their  alarm  the 
:onsul  Sempronius  arrived.  At  great  risk  he  had  made  his  way  Arrivalof 
hrough  the  enemy's  cavalry,  who  were  scouring  the  country  for  avw"."  " 
)lunder,  relying  on  audacity  rather  than  on  skill  or  any  hope  of 
:luding  them  or  chance,  should  he  fail  to  elude,  of  successful 
esistance.     The  one  thing  which  at  the  moment  was  felt  to  be 




He  holds  the 

Hannibal  fails 

if  I  an  ^i  I  tack  on 



most  important,  he  did  ;  he  held  the  elections  for  consuls,  and 
then  went  back  to  his  winter  camp.  Cneius  Servilius  and  Caius 
Flaminius  were  appointed  consuls. 

Meanwhile  there  was  no  peace  or  rest  for  the  Romans,  even  in 
their  winter  camp.  Everywhere  the  Numidian  cavalry  scoured 
the  country,  or  where  the  ground  was  too  difficult  for  them,  the 
Celtiberi  and  Lusitani.  Consequently,  all  supplies  were  cut 
off,  except  such  as  were  brought  up  the  Po  by  vessels. 
Near  Placentia  stood  Emporium  ;  the  place  had  been  fortified 
with  great  labour,  and  was  held  by  a  strong  garrison.  In  the 
hope  of  storming  the  fortress  Hannibal  set  out  with  some  cavalry 
and  light-armed  troops.  It  was  in  the  concealment  of  his  design 
that  he  mainly  rested  his  confidence  of  success,  but  though  he 
attacked  by  night,  he  was  not  unperceived  by  the  sentries.  A 
shout  was  instantly  raised,  so  loud  as  to  be  heard  at  Placentia. 
At  daybreak  the  consul  was  on  the  spot  with  his  cavalry,  his 
legions  having  had  orders  to  follow  in  fighting  order.  Meantime 
a  cavalry  action  was  fought,  in  which  a  panic  seized  the  enemy, 
because  Hannibal  left  the  field  wounded,  and  so  the  position  was. 
brilliantly  defended. 

Thence,  after  a  few  days'  rest,  before  his  wound  was  thorough!} 
cured,  Hannibal  marched  on  Victumviae  to  attack  the  place.     It 
had  been  fortified  by  the  Romans  as  a  magazine-d^pot  during 
the  Gallic  war,  and  a  mixed  multitude  had  flocked  to  it  from  al) 
the   neighbouring   tribes.      Many  more  had  now  been   driveu 
into  it  out  of  the  rural  districts  by  fear  of  the  enemy's  ravages, 
It  was  a  gathering  thus  composed  that,  with    hearts  kindled 
by  the  report  of  the  brave  defence  of  the  fort  near  Placentia 
flew   to   arms,  and  went  forth  to  meet  Hannibal.     More  likl 
a  crowd  than  an  army,  they  encountered  him  on  his  marcl 
and  as  on  one  side  there  was  nothing  but  a  disorderly  thror 
while   on  the   other  was   a   general   who   trusted  his  soldie 
and  soldiers  who  trusted  their  general,  upwards  of  thirty-fi^ 
thousand  were  routed  by  a  handful  of  men.     Next  day  there  w^ 
a  surrender,  and  a  garrison  was  admitted  within  the  walls.     Tl 
moment  they   obeyed   the  order  to  give   up  their  amis,  tl 
conquerors    received  a  signal  to  plunder  the  town,  as  if  tM 
had  stormed  it,  and  not  a  dreadful  deed,  which  under  such  c^ 
cumstances  historians   usually  think  worthy  of  note,  was  le 

LIVY.  57 

unperpetrated.      Every  kind  of  outrage  that  lust,  cruelty,  and    book  xxi. 
brutal  insolence  could  suggest  was  practised  on  the  miserable 
inhabitants.     Such  were  Hannibal's  winter  expeditions. 

58.  For  a  brief  space,  while  the  cold  was  intolerable,  the 
soldiers  were  allowed  rest.  At  the  first  dubious  signs  of  spring 
Hannibal  quitted  his  winter  quarters,  and  led  them  into  Etruria 
with  the  design  of  attaching  that  people  to  himself,  by  force  or 
by  persuasion,  as  he  had  attached  the  Gauls  and  Ligurians.  \yhile  Hannibal 
he  was  crossing  the  Apennines,  he  was  assailed  by  a  tempest  so  "'"kcApcnniti^s^, 
Ifierce  that  it  almost  exceeded  the  horrors  of  the  Alps.     A  storm  of  ,  '^"',"  driven 

'  back  by  a  violent 

wind  and  rain  was  driving  straight  into  the  men's  faces.     At  first         storm. 

they  halted,  as  they  had  either  to  drop  their  weapons,  or,  if  they 

still  struggled  on  against  it,  were  caught  by  the  whirlwind  and 

dashed  to  the  earth.     Then  finding  that  it  actually  stopped  their 

jbreath  and  prevented  respiration,  they  sat  down  for  a  few  mo- 

Iments  with  their  backs  to  the  wind.     And  now  the  whole  heaven 

iresounded  with  awful  rumblings,  and  amid  terrific  peals  flashed 

put  the  lightnings.     Blinded  and  deafened,  all  stood  numb  with 

ear,  till  at  last,  as  the  rain  was  exhausted  and  the  fury  of  the 

ale  became  in  consequence   the  more   intense,  it  seemed   a 

ecessity  to  encamp  on  the  spot  where  they  were  thus  overtaken. 

This  indeed  Avas,  as  it  were,  to  begin  their  toils  anew,  for  they 

bould  unfurl  nothing  and  fix  nothing,  or  what  they  had  fixed  did 

lot  keep  its  place,  everything  being  rent  and  swept  away  by 

he  wind.     Soon  the  moisture  which  the  air  held  aloft,  froze  in 

;he  cold  of  the  mountain  heights,  and  discharged  such  a  shower 

)f  snow  and  hail,  that  the  men, ceasing  all  effort,  threw  themselves 

o  the  earth,  buried  under  their  coverings  rather  than  protected 

3y  them.     Then  followed  a  frost  so  intense  that  any  one  who  in 

his  miserable  wreck  of    men  and  beasts  sought  to  raise  and 

ift  himself  was  long  unable  to  do  so  ;  his  sinews  were  paralysed 

vith  cold  so  that  he  could  hardly  bend  his  limbs.     After  a  while 

hey  began  at  last  to  stir  themselves  into  movement  and  to 

ecover  their  spirits  ;  here  and  there  a  few  fires  were  lit,  and  the 

jitterly  helpless  sought  relief  from  their  comrades.     Two  days 

(hey  lingered  on  the  spot,  like  a  besieged  garrison.    Many  beasts 

j)f  burden,  and  seven  too  of  the  elephants  which  had  survived  the 

battle  on  the  Trebia,  perished. 

59.     Descending  from  the  Apennines  Hannibal  moved  his 

5S  LIVY. 

BOOK  XX f,    camp  back  towards  Placentia,  halting  after  an  advance  of  about 
He  fights  an     ten  miles.     NexL  day  he  marched  against  the  enemy  with  twelve 
u^thTcmpl-miius  thousand  infantry  and  five  thousand  cavalry,  and  Sempronius, 
nea7-  Piaccntia.  who  by  this  time  had  returned  from  Rome,  did  not  refuse  battle. 
That  day  the  two  camps  were  separated  by  an  interval  of  three 
miles  ;    on   the  morrow   the  armies   fought  with   the   greatest 
courage,  the  result  being  doubtful.     At  the  first  onset  the  arms 
of  Home  were  so  superior  as  not  only  to  prevail  in  the  field  but 
even  to  drive  the  routed  enemy  to  his  camp,  which  itself  they 
attacked.      Hannibal,   after    posting  a  few   defenders   on  the 
ramparts  and  at  the  camp  gates,  retired  the  rest  of  his  troops  in 
close  order  into  the  centre  of  his  camp,  bidding  them  attentively 
await  the  signal  for  a  sortie.     It  was  now  about  the  ninth  hour 
of  the  day,  and  the  Roma:n  general,  whose  men  had  wearied 
themselves  in  vain,  seeing  that  there  was  no  hope  of  taking  the 
camp,  gave  the  signal  for  retreat.     When  Hannibal  knew  this, 
and  saw  that  the  attack  had  slackened  and  that  retreat  had  com. 
mcnced,  he  hurled  his  cavalry  right  and  left  against  the  enemy 
and  sallied  in  person  from  the  centre  of  his  camp  with  the  whol* 
strength  of  his  infantry.      Seldom  had  there  been  a  fiercer  fight 
and  the  destruction  of  one  army  would  have  rendered  it  mc 
memorable  had  the  light  allowed  it  to  have  been  considerab 
prolonged.      Night    however    abruptly   terminated    an    acti< 
begun  with  prodigious  ardour.     The  slaughter  was  consequent 
less  terrible  than  the  fighting,  and  as  the  success  was  almc 
evenly  balanced,  the  two  sides  quitted  the  field  with  equal  los 
No  more  than  s'x  hundred  infantry  and  half  as  many  caval| 
fell  on  either  side,  but  the  Roman  loss  was  out  of  proportion ; 
their  numbers,  for  several  men  of  equestrian  rank,  five  militai 
tribunes,  and  three  commanding  officers  of  the  allies,  were  slaii 
Immediately  after  the  battle   Hannibal  retired  to  Liguri 
Sempronius  to  Luca.     As  Hannibal  was  on  his  way  to  Ligui 
two  Roman  quaestors,  Caius  Fulvius  and  Lucius  Lucretius,  wl 
had  been  treacherously  intercepted,  along  with  two  militaij 
tribunes  and  five  men  of  equestrian  rank,  nearly  all  sons 
Senators,  were  surrendered  to  him,  that  he  might  have  a  betti 
assurance  of  a  secure  peace  and  alliance  with  the  Ligurians. 

60.     During  these  events  in   Italy,  Cneius  Cornelius  Scip 
had  been  despatched  with  a  fleet  and  an  army  to  Spain.     Startit 


LIVV.  59 

from  the  mouth  of  the  Rhone  he  sailed  round  the  Pyrenees  and    book  xxi. 

brought  his  ships  to  anchor  at  Emporiae  *  ;  there  he  disembarked     »  Ampurias. 

his  army,  and  beginning  with  the  Lacetani,  while  he  renewed 

old  as  well  as  formed  new  alliances,  he  brought  under  Roman     operations  of 

dominion   the  entire   coast   as   far  as   the   river    Ebro.       The    "^'"siahl.'" '" 

character  for  clemency  thus  acquired  spread  not  only  among 

the  maritime  population,  but  even  to  the  wilder  tribes  in  the 

interior  and  among  the  mountains.     With  these  he  secured  not 

simply  peace,  but  also  an  armed  alliance,  and  some  strong  auxiliary 

cohorts  were  levied  from  among  them.     Hanno's  province  was 

on  this  side  the  Ebro.     He  had  been  left  by  Hannibal  to  defend 

this  district.     Feeling  that  he  must  meet  the  danger  before  the 

whole  country  was  lost,  he  encamped  within  sight  of  the  enemy 

and  led  out  his  men  for  battle.     The  Roman  too  thought  that 

there  ought  to  be  no  delay  about  fighting,  for  he  knew  that  he 

would  have  to  encounter  Hannoand  Hasdrubal,  and  he  preferred 

to  deal  with  them  separately  rather  than  united.     Nor  did  the 

battle  prove  a  severe  contest.     Six  thousand  of  the  enemy  were 

slain  and  two  thousand  captured  with  the  camp  garrison  ;  for  both 

the  camp  was  stormed  and  the  general  himself  made  prisoner 

with  several  of  his  chief  officers.     Cissis,  a  town  near  the  camp, 

was  also  stormed.     The  spoil  of  this  place  indeed  consisted  of 

things  of  small  value,  rude  household  furniture  andsome  worthless 

slaves.     The  camp  really  enriched  the  soldiers.      It  was  the 

camp  not  of  the  defeated  army  alone,  but  also  of  that  which  was 

now  serving  with  Hannibal  in  Italy,  almost  everything  of  value 

having  been  left  on  the  Spanish  side  of  the  Pyrenees,  that  his 

troops  on  their  march  might  have  no  burdensome  baggage. 

6i.  Before  any  certain  tidings  of  this  defeat  had  reached  him, 
Hasdrubal  had  crossed  the  Ebro  with  eight  thousand  infantry 
and  a  thousand  cavalry,  jneaning,  it  seemed,  to  oppose  the 
Romans  immediately  on  their  arrival.  But  when  he  heard  of 
the  ruinous  disaster  at  Cissis  and  the  loss  of  the  camp,  he 
directed  his  march  towards  the  sea.  In  the  neighbourhood  of 
Tarraco  our  marines  and  seamen  were  roaming  all  over  the 
[Country,  success  as  usual  producing  carelessness.  Sending  out 
jhis  cavalry  far  and  wide,  Hasdrubal  drove  them  to  their  ships  with 
great  slaughter  and  yet  greater  panic.  But  not  daring  to  linger 
|in  the  neighbourhood,  lest  Scipio  should  swoop  down  on  him,  he 



BOOK  XXI,  retired  to  the  further  side  of  the  Ebro.  Scipio  too,  who,  on 
the  rumour  of  a  new  enemy,  had  advanced  by  forced  marches, 
after  executing  a  few  of  the  captains  of  the  ships  and  leav- 
ing a  moderate  garrison  at  Tarraco,  returned  with  his  fleet 
to  Emporias.  Almost  instantly  on  his  departure  Hasdrubal 
appeared,  stirred  to  revolt  the  Ilergetes,  who  had  given  hostages 
to  Scipio,  and,  taking  with  him  the  youth  of  that  tribe,'  ravaged 
the  lands  of  the  allies  who  remained  loyal  to  Rome.  This 
roused  Scipio  from  his  winter  quarters,  and  Hasdrubal  again 
withdrew  from  the  whole  country  on  this  side  of  the  Ebro. 
Scipio  marched  his  army  to  the  tribe  of  the  Ilergetes,  now 
abandoned  by  the  instigator  of  their  revolt.  Having  driven  them 
all  into  Atanagrum,  their  principal  town,  he  besieged  the  place, 
and  within  a  few  days  received  them  under  the  protection  and 
jurisdiction  of  Rome,  while  fining  them  in  money  and  exacting 
more  hostages  than  before. 

He  next  entered  the  territory  of  the  Ausetani,  near  the 
Ebro,  themselves  also  allies  of  the  Carthaginians.  He  be- 
sieged their  capital,  and  when  the  Laeetani  were  marching 
by  night  to  help  their  neighbours,  he  intercepted  them  by  an 
ambuscade  near  the  town  which  they  were  about  .to  enter. 
Upwards  of  twelve  thousand  were  slain  ;  nearly  all  the  survivors 
stripped  themselves  of  their  arms  and  fled  to  their  homes,  after 
wandering  hither  and  thither  through  the  country.  As  for  the  ■ 
besieged,  their  sole  defence  was  the  bad  weather,  which  much  emJ 
barrassed  their  assailants.  The  siege  lasted  thirty  days,  during 
which  the  snow  lay  on  the  ground  to  a  depth  of  seldom  les 
than  four  feet,  and  it  had  so  completely  buried  the  Romaij 
siege-works  and  mantlets  that  of  itself  alone  it  was  a  protectioE 
against  the  fiery  missiles  discharged  from  time  to  time  by  the 
enemy.  At  last  their  chief,  Amusicus,  having  made  his  escapfl 
to  Hasdrubal,  they  surrendered,  agreeing  to  make  a  payment 
twenty  silver  talents.  The  army  returned  into  its  winte?! 
quarters  at  Tarraco. 

62.     At    Rome,  or   in  the   neighbourhood,    many  portents 
occurred  that  winter,  or,  as  often  happens,  when  once  men's 
minds  are  affected  by  religious  fears,  many  were  reported  ancj 
thoughtlessly  believed.      These,   among  others,  were  related 
a    child,   six   months   old,  of  free-born   parents,   had   shoutet 


LIVY.  6i 

"  triumph  ; "  in  the  cattle-market  an  ox  mounted  of  its  own  BOOK  XXI. 
accord  to  a  third  story,  from  which  it  threw  itself,  in  alarm  at 
the  commotion  of  the  inhabitants  ;  phantom  ships  had  been 
seen  glittering  in  the  sky  ;  the  temple  of  Hope  in  the  vegetable 
market  had  been  struck  by  lightning  ;  at  Lanuvium  a  spear 
had  moved  of  itself;  a  crow  had  flown  down  on  the  temple 
of  Juno,  and  perched  on  the  very  shrine  of  the  goddess  ;  at 
several  places  in  the  country  round  Amiternum  had  been  seen 
figures  like  men  in  white  clothing,  whom,  however,  nobody 
actually  met ;  in  Picenum  there  had  been  a  shower  of  stones, 
at  Caere  the  sacred  tablets  had  shrunk,  and  in  Gaul  a  wolf  had 
carried  off  a  sentry's  sword,  first  pulling  it  out  of  its  sheath. 
As  to  the  other  portents,  the  College  of  the  Ten  were  bidden 
to  consult  the  sacred  books,  but  for  the  shower  of  stones  at 
Picenum  a  holy  feast  of  nine  days  was  proclaimed,  and  then,  Kfi^gums 
for  the  expiation  of  others,  almost  all  the  citizens  busied  them-  "''"'^yZZry"^ 
selves  with  sacrifices.  First  of  all,  the  city  was  purified,  and  offeriii^s. 
victims  of  the  larger  sort  were  offered  to  such  deities  as  the 
sacred  books  directed.  An  offering  of  forty  pounds'  weight  of 
gold  was  conveyed  to  Lanuvium  for  Juno,  and  a  bronze  statue 
was  also  dedicated  by  the  married  women  to  Juno  of  the  Aventine. 
I  At  Caere,  where  the  sacred  tablets  had  shrunk,  orders  were 
j  given  for  a  festival  of  the  gods,  and  on  Mount  Algidus  there 
[were  to  be  public  prayers  to  Fortune.  At  Rome,  too,  there 
was  a  sacred  feast  for  the  youth  and  a  litany  at  the 
temple  of  Hercules,  which  was  specially  named,  and  the  same 
for  all  the  citizens  at  all  the  prescribed  shrines.  To  the 
Guardian  Spirit  of  the  city  were  sacrificed  five  victims  of  the 
larger  sort,  and  the  prnetor,  Caius  Alilius  Soranus,  was  directed 
to  vow  certain  offerings,  should  the  State  continue  in  its 
present  position  for  ten  years.  These  ceremonies  and  vows, 
performed  in  obedience  to  the  Sibylline  books,  greatly  relieved 
men's  minds  of  their  religious  fears. 

63.  One  of  the  consuls-elect,  Flaminius,  to  whom  the  lot 
jhad  given  command  of  the  legions  in  winter  quarters  at 
jPlacentia,  sent  orders  by  a  despatch  to  the  consul  there  that 
jthese  troops  were  to  be  in  camp  at  Ariminum  on  the  fifteenth  of 
March.  It  was  his  intention  to  enter  on  his  consulship  in  his 
jprovince,  for  he  well  remembered  his  old  quarrels  with  the 



BOOK  xxr. 


leaves  Rome 

secretly  for  his 


Senate,  first  when  he  was  tribune,  then  when  he  was  consul  and 
they  sought  to  deprive  him  of  his  consulship,  lastly  when  his 
Triumph  was  refused.  He  was  hated,  too,  by  the  Senators,  in 
consequence  of  an  unprecedented  bill  which  Ouintus  Claudius, 
as  tribune,  had  introduced  in  defiance  of  the  Senate  by  the 
support  of  Flaminius  alone  among  its  members.  The  bill  for- 
bade any  Senator  or  Senator's  son  to  possess  a  sea-going  vessel 
of  more  than  three  hundred  amphoras'  burden.  This  was 
thought  sufficient  for  the  conveyance  of  produce  from  their 
estates,  all  trade-profit  being  regarded  as  discreditable  for  a 
Senator.  The  matter  was  discussed  in  a  very  sharp  debate,  and 
had  earned  for  him,  as  the  supporter  of  the  bill,  much  dislike 
from  the  nobiUty,  while  it  gave  him  popularity  with  the  Commons 
and  thereby  a  second  consulship.  Thinking,  therefore,  that  they 
would  detain  him  at  Rome  by  falsifying  the  auspices,  by  delays 
arising  out  of  the  Latin  festival,  and  other  hindrances  in  a 
consul's  way,  he  left  on  a  pretended  journey,  and  went  away 
secretly  as  a  private  citizen  to  his  province. 

As  soon  as  this  was  made  public,  it  stirred  fresh  wrath  in  the 
already   angry   Senators.      "  Flaminius,"    they    said,    "  is   now 
'  making  war  not  only  on  the  Senate,  but  even  on  the  immortal 
'  gods.     When  he  was  previously  elected  consul  without  due 
'  auspices,  and  we  recalled  him  from  the  field  of  battle,  he  was 
'  disobedient  both  to  God  and  man.    Now,  conscious  of  having 
'  despised  them,  he  has  fled  away  from  the   Capitol  and  the 
'  sacred  recital  of  the  usual  vows.     He  is  unwilling  on  his  day 
'  of  taking  office  to  approach  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Optimus 
'  Maximus,  to  see  and  consult  the  Senate  which  hates  him,  an^ 
'  which  he  alone  of  their  members  himself  hates,  to  proclaim  ti 
'  Latin  festival  and  offer  on  the  mount  the  customary  sacrifi 
'  to  Jupiter  Latialis,  to  go  with  due  auspices  to  the  Capitol 
'  recite  the  vows,  and  thence  to  his  province  in  his  general 
'  cloak  with  lictors  about  him.     He  has  left  Rome  like  a  cam] 
'  follower,  with  no   official   badge,   without   a   lictor,  secretl; 
*  stealthily,  just  as  if  he  were  quitting  his  country  to  become 
'  exile.     He  supposes  doubtless  that  it  is  more  consistent  wii 
'  the  dignity  of  the  empire  for  him  to  enter  on  his  office 
'  Ariminum  than  at  Rome,  and  to  assume  his  official  robe 
'  some  wayside  inn  rather  than  before  his  own  hearth." 





Attempt  io 
recall  hint. 

All  maintained  that  he  ought  to  be  recalled,  nay,  even 
dragged  back,  and  forced  to  perform  in  person  every  duty 
owing  to  God  and  man  before  he  went  to  the  army  in  his 
province.  It  was  decided  to  despatch  envoys  ;  but  the  men 
sent  on  this  errand,  Quintus  Terentius  and  Marcus  Antistius, 
had  no  more  effect  on  him  than  had  the  despatches  of  the 
Senate  in  his  previous  consulship.  He  entered  on  his  office  in 
the  course  of  a  few  days.  A  calf  which  he  was  offering,  and 
which  was  already  wounded,  broke  loose  from  the  grasp  of  the 
sacrificing  priests,  sprinkling  several  of  the  bystanders  with  its 
blood.  At  a  distance  from  the  altar,  where  no  one  knew  what 
caused  the  commotion,  there  was  still  greater  panic  and  excite- 
ment. It  was  regarded  by  many  as  an  omen  of  very  fearful 
import.  Flaminius  then  received  two  legions  from  Sempronius, 
the  consul  of  the  previous  year,  and  two  more  from  Caius  Atilius,  He  marches 
the  praetor,  and  began  to  lead  his  army  through  the  passes  of  ^'^^^  Etmria. 
the  Apennines  into  Etruria. 



B.C.    217,  216. 

BOOK  XXII.  !•     It  was  nearly  spring  when  Hannibal  moved  out  of  his 

Hannibal  nt  j  .  ^^'"'^tcr  quarters.  He  had  before  attempted  to  cross  the  Apennines, 
out  of  his  winter  \)\xi\\\ys}^x\.,%o  intolerable  was  the  cold;  and  his  sojourn  had 
been  prolonged  amidst  extreme  peril  and  apprehension.     The 
Gauls  had  been  attracted  by  the  hope  of  spoil  and  rapine  ;  but 
when  they  found  that  instead  of  their  plundering  their  neigh- 
bours, their  own  country  was  made  the  battle-field,  and   that 
it   was   burdened   by  the  winter  quarters   of  the  two  armies 
they   transferred   their   hatred  from  the  Romans  to  Hannib; 
Again  and  again  plots  were  hatched  by  the  chiefs  against  h: 
life  ;  again  and  again  he  was  saved  by  their  treachery  to  ea 
other,   while   they   revealed  their   conspiracies  with   the   sa 
levity  with  which  they  had  conspired.     He  would  also  chan 
now  his  dress,  now  his  wig,  and  found  protection  in  thus  confui 
ing  his  assailants.     However,  these  fears  were  another  reas^ 
for  his  early  movement  out  of  winter  quarters. 
Anxiety  at  About  the  Same  time,  on  the  fifteenth  of  March,  the  consu] 

Cneius  Servilius,  entered  on  his  office  at  Rome.  When  he  sub 
mitted  to  the  Senate  his  proposals  for  the  year,  their  angry  feelii^ 
against  Caius  Flaminius  broke  out  afresh.  "  We  have  made  twi 
"  consuls,"  they  exclaim.ed,  *"'  but  we  have  only  one.  What  lega 
"  authority,  what  religious  sanction  does  this  man  possess  ?  It  i 
"  from  his  home,  from  the  hearth'  of  the  State  and  of  the  family 
"  it  is  after  keeping  the  Latin  Feast,  and  sacrificing  on  the  Alba 
"  Hill,  and  praying  with  all  due  solemnity,that  the  new  magistral 
"  takes  this  sanction  with  him.     No  such  sanction  can  atte: 



LIVY.  65 

''private  person ;  the  man  who  has  started  without  it  cannot   book  xxii. 
"acquire  it  afresh  in  its  fulness  on  a  foreign  soil." 

These  fears  were  increased  by  the  tidings  of  marvels  which  More  portents. 
now  came  from  many  places  at  once.  Some  soldiers'  spears  in 
Sicily  had  burst  into  a  blaze ;  so  too  in  Sardinia  had  the  staff 
which  an  officer  held  in  his  hand  as  he  went  his  rounds  inspect- 
ing the  sentries  on  the  wall ;  two  shields  had  sweated  blood  ; 
certain  soldiers  had  been  struck  by  lightning  ;  there  had  been 
seen  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  ;  at  Praeneste  *  blazing  stones  had  *  Palestrina. 
[fallen  from  the  sky ;  at  Arpi  shields  had  been  seen  in  the  sky, 
and  the  sun  had  seemed  to  fight  with  the  moon  ;  at  Capua  two 
nioons  had  risen  in  the  day  time ;  the  stream  at  Caere  f  had  t  Cervetri. 
jflowed  half  blood  ;  gouts  of  blood  had  been  seen  on  the  water 
ithat  dripped  from  the  spring  of  Hercules  ;  reapers  in  the  fields 
|near  Antium  +  had  seen  the  ears  fall  all  bloody  into  the  basket ;  i  Porto  d'AnzD. 
lat  Falerii  the  sky  had  seemed  parted  by  a  huge  cleft,  while 
[an  overpowering  light  shone  forth  from  the  opening  ;  certain 
JDracle  tablets  had  spontaneously  shrunk,  and  on  one  that  fell  out 
Kvere  the  words  "Mars  shakes  his  spear";  at  the  same  time, 
jit  Rome,  sweat  came  out  on  the  statue  of  Mars  that  stands  in 
the  Appian  Road  by  the  images  of  the  wolves  ;  at  Capua  the 
Bky  had  seemed  to  be  on  fire,  and  a  moon  to  fall  in  the  midst 
t)f  a  shower.  Then  men  began  to  believe  less  solemn  marvels. 
5ome  persons  had  had  goats  become  sheep  ;  a  hen  had  changed 
nto  a  cock,  and  a  cock  into  a  hen.  The  consul  gave  the  whole 
tory  at  length,  as  it  had  been  told  him,  at  the  same  time  intro- 
lucing  into  the  Senate  those  who  vouched  for  it,  and  asked  the 
>pinion  of  the  House  on  the  religious  aspect  of  the  matter. 

It  was  resolved  that  such  expiation  should  be  made  as  these  Solemn  religious 
)ortents  demanded,  with  victims,  some  of  which  should  be  full-      '^^^'^""'«'"- 
frown,  some  sucklings  ;  that  public  prayers  should  be  offered 
{luring  three  days  at  every  shrine.     Everything  else  was  to  be 
[one  after  the  College  of  the  Ten  had  inspected  the  holy  books 
[1  such  fashion  as  they  might  declare  from  the  prophecies  to  be 
leasing  to  the  gods.     They  ordered  that  the  first  offering,  of 
old  weighing  fifty  pounds,  should  be  made  to  Jupiter,  that  to 
unc   and   Minerva   offerings   of  silver   should  be   presented ; 
hat  full-grown  victims  should  be  sacrificed  to  Juno  the  Queen 
n  the  Aventine  Hill,  and  to  Juno  the  Preserver  at  Lanuvium§  ;  §  Civitii  Lavlnla. 


66  ~  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  that  the  matrons,  collecting  a  sum  of  money,  as  much  as  it  might 
be  convenient  for  each  to  contribute,  should  carry  it  as  an  offering 
to  Juno  the  Queen  on  the  Aventine  ;  that  a  religious  feast  should 
be  held,  and  that  even  the  very  freedwomen  should  raise  con- 
tiibutions  according  to  their  means  for  a  gift  to  the  goddess 
Feronia.  After  all  this  the  College  of  the  Ten  sacrificed  full- 
grown  victims  in  the  market-place  at  Ardea.  Last  of  all,  as  late 
as  December,  a  sacrifice  was  made  at  the  temple  of  Saturn  in 
Rome ;  a  religious  feast  was  ordered  (furnished  by  the  Senators) 
and  a  public  banquet ;  and  a  festival  of  Saturn  to  last  a  day 
and  a  night  proclaimed  throughout  Rome.  This  day  the  people 
were  enjoined  to  keep  and  observe  as  a  holiday  for  ever. 
Hannibal  makes  2.  While  the  consul  was  busy  at  Rome  propitiating  the  gods 
his  way  into  ^^  ^^^  holding  a  levy,  Hannibal,  who  had  quitted  his  winter  quarters, 

the  marshes  of  heard  that  the  consul  Flaminius  had  already  reached  Arretium.* 
,  Accordingly,  though   another  route,   longer  indeed  but  more 

convenient,  was  open  to  him,  he  took  the  nearer  way  across  the 
marshes  of  the  Arno,  which  happened  at  the  time  to  be  more 
flooded  than  usual.     He  arranged  that  the  Spanish  and  African 
soldiers,  who  were  the  whole  strength  of  his  veteran  army,  should 
go  first,  taking  in  their  columns  their  own  baggage,  that  wher 
•ever  they  might  be  compelled  to  halt,  supplies  might  not  fa 
them;- the  Gauls  were  to  follow,  occupying  the  middle  of  tl 
line  of  march  ;  last  were  to  come  the  cavalry  ;  after  these  Mag 
with  some  light  Numidian  troopers  was  to  close  up  the  line,  an 
especially  to  keep  the  Gauls  together,  if,  weary  of  the  long  an 
toilsome  march  (and  this  is  a  thing  which  they  are  ill  fitted  t 
endure),  they  began  to  straggle  or  halt.    The  first  columns,  whei 

Miseries  of  the  ever  the  guides  led  the  way,  through  deep  and  almost  bottomlei 
march.  pools  of  the  river,  nearly  swallowed  up  in  the  mud  and  plungin] 
into  the  water,  still  followed  the  standards.  The  Gauls  could  no) 
recover  their  footing  when  they  slipped,  nor  extricate  themselveJ 
from  the  pools ;  without  spirit  to  eke  out  their  strength,  withoui 
hope  to  eke  out  their  spirit,  some  just  dragged  along  their  wear] 
limbs,  others  fainted  in  sheer  despair  and  lay  dying  amid  crowd| 
of  dying  horses.  Of  all  things  it  was  the  want  of  sleep,  and  this 
they  had  to  endure  for  four  days  and  three  nights,  that  mos 
exhausted  them.  The  floods  were  everywhere,  and  not  a  spot  o 
dry  ground  could  be  found  where  they  might  rest  their  wear; 



Position  0/  the 
Roman  army. 

bodies.   They  could  just  pile  up  the  baggage  in  the  water  and  he   BOOK  xxii 

down  on  the  top  ;  or  the  heaps  of  horses  that  had  perished  all 

along  the  line  of  march  just  stood  out  of  the  water  and  supplied 

the  necessary  place  where  they  might  snatch  a  few  moments, 

repose.     Hannibal  himself,  whose  eyes  suffered  from  the  trying 

weather  of  the  spring,  with  its  great  variations  of  heat  and  cold, 

rode  on  the  one  elephant  which  was  left,  that  he  might  be  as 

high  as  possible  above  the  water.     But  long  watches,  together 

with  the  damps  of  night  and  the  moist  cUmate,  affected  his 

head ;    there  was    no    place   or  time  for  the    application   of 

remedies,  and  he  lost  one  of  his  eyes. 

3.  At  last  he  struggled  out  of  the  marshes,  after  losing 
amid  horrible  misery  a  multitude  of  men  and  horses,  and 
pitched  his  camp  on  the  first  spot  of  dry  ground  that  he  reached. 
Here  he  learnt  from  the  scouts  whom  he  had  sent  forward,  that 
the  Roman  army  lay  round  the  walls  of  Arretium.  P'rom  that 
time  he  continued  to  acquaint  himself  by  the  most  diligent 
inquiry  with  all  particulars,  the  consul's  plans,  his  temper,  the 
j  geography  of  the  country,  his  movements,  his  facilities  for 
I  procuring  supplies,  everything  in  fact  which  it  might  serve  him 
to  know.  The  district  was  one  of  the  most  fertile  in  Italy,  the 
Etrurian  plain  lying  between  Fassulae  and  Arretium,  a  country 
rich  in  corn  and  cattle  and  all  kinds  of  wealth. 

Flaminius,  full  of  the  fierce  memories  of  his  first  consulship, 
stood  in  little  awe  not  merely  of  the  laws  and  of  the  dignity  of 
the  Senators,  but  even  of  the  gods.  The  good  fortune  which 
had  given  him  success  at  home  and  in  the  field,  had  fostered 
this  natural  recklessness.  It  was  plain,  then,  that  one  who  was 
equally  careless  of  God  and  man  would  be  utterly  rash  and 
headstrong.  That  he  might  yield  the  sooner  to  his  special 
failings,  the  Carthaginian  general  laid  his  plans  to  harass  and 
provoke  him.  He  marched  on  Faesulae,  leaving  his  enemy  on 
|the  left,  made  his  way,  plundering  as  he  went,  through  the  heart 
if  Etruria,  and  making  the  consul  behold  from  afar  all  the 
ievastation  which  fire  and  sword  could  possibly  spread. 

Flaminius,  who  had  the  enemy  sat  still  would  not  have  sat 
;till  himself,  now  saw  the  possessions  of  the  allies  pillaged 
almost  under  his  eyes,  and  regarded  it  as  a  personal  disgrace  that 
the  Carthaginian  chief  should  rove  at  his  will  through  the  very 

1  F   2 

Rashness  oj 


He  gives  the 

order  for  an 


BOOK  XXII.  heart  of  Italy  and  march  unopposed  to  assault  the  very  walls 
of  Rome.  Every  other  voice  in  the  council  of  virar  was  raised 
for  a  policy  of  safety  rather  than  of  display.  "Wait  for  your 
"  colleague,"  they  said  ;  "  when  your  armies  are  united,  you  may 
"  conduct  your  campaign  on  one  common  purpose  and  plan  ; 
"  meanwhile  the  cavalry  and  the  light-armed  auxiliaries  must 
"  check  the  enemy  in  their  wild  license  of  plunder." 

Full  of  fury,  Flaminius  rushed  out  of  the  council.  He  ordered 
the  trumpets  to  give  the  signal  for  march  and  battle,  crying, "  We 
"are  to  sit,  I  suppose,  before  the  walls  of  Arretium, because  our 
"  country  and  our  home  are  here.  Hannibal  we  let  slip  out  of  our 
"hands, and  let  him  ravage  Italy  and  plunder  and  approach  the 
"  very  walls  of  Rome,  but  we  are  not  to  move  hence  till  the  Senate 
"  send  to  Arretium  for  Flaminius,  just  as  in  old  days  they  sent 
"  to  Veil  for  Camillus."  With  these  fierce  words  on  his  lips  he 
ordered  the  standard  to  be  pulled  out  of  the  ground  with  all 
haste,  and  himself  leapt  upon  his  horse,  when  lo  !  in  a  moment 
the  horse  fell,  throwing  the  consul  over  his  head.  Amid  the 
terror  of  all  who  stood  near— for  this  was  an  ill  omen  for  the 
beginning  of  a  campaign — came  a  message  to  say  that  the 
standard  could  not  be  wrenched  from  the  ground,  though  the 
standard-bearer  had  exerted  all  his  strength.  Turning  to  the 
messenger,  the  consul  said,  "  Perhaps  you  bring  me  a  despatch 
"from  the  Senate,  forbidding  me  to  fight.  Go,  tell  them  to  dig 
"  the  standard  out,  if  their  hands  are  so  numb  with  fear  that  they 
"  cannot  wrench  it  up."  The  army  then  began  its  march.  The 
superior  officers,  not  to  speak  of  their  having  dissented  from  the 
plan,  were  alarmed  by  these  two  portents ;  the  soldiers  generally 
were  delighted  with  their  headstrong  chief.  Full  of  confidence, 
they  thought  little  on  what  their  confidence  was  founded. 

4.  Hannibal  devastated  with  all  the  horrors  of  war  thi 
country  between  Cortona  and  Lake  Trasumennus,  seeking  t 
infuriate  the  Romans  into  avenging  the  sufferings  of  their  alliei 
They  had  now  reached  a  spot  made  for  an  ambuscade,  where  thi 
lake  comes  up  close  under  the  hills  of  Cortona.  Between  them  ii 
nothing  but  a  very  narrow  road,  for  which  room  seems  to  hav 
been  purposely  left.  Further  on  is  some  comparatively  broa 
Hannibal's  level  ground.  From  this  rise  the  hills,  and  here  in  the  openj 
disposiuonof  his  plain  Hannibal  pitched  a  camp  for  himself  and  his  African  andl 



Spanish  troops  only  ;  his  slingers  and  other  light-armed  troops  BOOK  xxil 
he  marched  to  the  rear  of  the  hills  ;  his  cavalry  he  stationed  at 
the  mouth  of  the  defile,  behind  some  rising  ground  which  con- 
veniently sheltered  them.  When  the  Romans  had  once  entered 
the  pass  and  the  cavalry  had  barred  the  way,  all  would  be 
hemmed  in  by  the  lake  and  the  hills. 

Flaminius  had  reached  the  lake  at  sunset  the  day  before.  Cn 
the  morrow,  without  reconnoitring  and  while  the  light  was  still 
uncertain,  he  traversed  the  narrow  pass.  As  his  army  began  to 
deploy  into  the  widening  plain,  he  could  see  only  that  part  of 
the  enemy's  force  which  was  in  front  of  him  ;  he  knew  nothing 
of  the  ambuscade  in  his  rear  and  above  his  head.  The  Car- 
thaginian saw  his  wish  accomplished.  He  had  his  enemy 
shut  in  by  the  lake  and  the  hills  and  surrounded  by  his  own 
troops.  He  gave  the  signal  for  a  general  charge,  and  the 
attacking  columns  flung  themselves  on  the  nearest  points.  To 
the  Romans  the  attack  was  all  the  more  sudden  and  unexpected 
because  the  mist  from  the  lake  lay  thicker  on  the  plains  than  on 
the  heights,  while  the  hostile  columns  on  the  various  hills  had 
been  quite  visible  to  each  other  and  had  therefore  advanced  in 
concert.  As  for  the  Romans,  with  the  shout  of  battle  rising 
all  round  them,  before  they  could  see  plainly,  they  found  them- 
selves surrounded,  and  fighting  begun  in  their  front  and  their 
flanks  before  they  could  form  in  order,  get  ready  their  arms,  or 
draw  their  swords. 

S.  Amidst  universal  panic  the  consul  showed  all  the  courage 
that  could  be  expected  in  circumstances  so  alarming.  The  broken 
ranks,  in  which  every  one  was  turning  to  catch  the  discordant 
shouts,  he  re-formed  as  well  as  time  and  place  permitted,  and,  as 
far  as  his  presence  or  his  voice  could  reach,  bade  his  men  stand 
their  ground  and  fight.  "  It  is  not  by  prayers,"  he  cried,  "  or 
"  entreaties  to  the  gods,  but  by  strength  and  courage  that  you 
"  must  win  your  way  out.  The  sword  cuts  a  path  through  the 
"  midst  of  the  battle ;  and  the  less  fear,  there  for  the  most  part 
"  the  less  danger."  But,  such  was  the  uproar  and  confusion, 
neither  encouragements  nor  commands  could  be  heard ;  so  far 
were  the  men  from  knowing  their  standards,  their  ranks,  or 
jtheir  places,  that  they  had  scarcely  presence  of  mind  to  snatch 
up  their  arms  and  address  them  to  the  fight,  and  some  found 

Destruction  of 
the  Roman 

70  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  them  an  overwhelming  burden  rather  than  a  protection.  So 
dense  too  was  the  mist  that  tlie  ear  was  of  more  service  than  the 
eye.  The  groans  of  the  wounded,  the  sound  of  blows  on  body 
or  armour,  the  mingled  shouts  of  triumph  or  panic,  made  them 
turn  this  way  and  that  an  eager  gaze.  Some  would  rush  in 
their  flight  on  a  dense  knot  of  combatants  and  become  entangled 
in  the  mass  ;  others  returning  to  the  battle  would  be  carried 
away  by  the  crowd  of  fugitives.  But  after  a  while,  when 
charges  had  been  vainly  tried  in  every  direction,  when  it  was 
seen  that  the  hills  and  the  lake  shut  them  in  on  either  side, 
and  the  hostile  lines  in  front  and  rear,  when  it  was  manifest 
that  the  only  hope  of  safety  lay  in  their  own  right  hands  and 
swords,  then  every  man  began  to  look  to  himself  for  guid- 
ance and  for  encouragement,  and  there  began  afresh  what  was 
indeed  a  new  battle.  No  battle  was  it  with  its  three  ranks 
of  combatants,  its  vanguard  before  the  standards  and  its  second 
line  fighting  behind  them,  with  every  soldier  in  his  own  legion, 
cohort,  or  company  :  chance  massed  them  together,  and  each 
man's  impulse  assigned  him  his  post,  whether  in  the  van  or 
rear.  So  fierce  was  their  excitement,  so  intent  were  they  on 
the  battle,  that  not  one  of  the  combatants  felt  the  earthquake 
which  laid  whole  quarters  of  many  Italian  cities  in  ruins, 
changed  the  channels  of  rapid  streams,  drove  the  sea  far  up 
into  rivers,  and  brought  down  enormous  landslips  from  the 

6.     For  nearly  three  hours  they  fought,  fiercely  everywhere, 
but  with  especial  rage  and  fury  round  the  consul.     It  was  to 
him  that  the  flower  of  the  army  attached  themselves.     He,  wher- 
ever he  found  his  troops  pressed  hard  or  distressed,  was  indefatig- 
able in  giving  help ;  conspicuous  in  his  splendid  arms,  the  enemy 
assailed  and  his  fellow-Romans  defended  him  with  all  their  mighli 
At  last  an  Insubrian  trooper  (his  name  was  Ducarius),  reco; 
nising  him  also  by  his  face,  cried  to  his  comrades,  "  See!  this 
"  the  man  who  slaughtered  our  legions,  and  laid  waste  our  fiel 
"  and  our  city;    I  will  offer  him  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  shades 
"  my  countrymen  whom  he  so  foully  slew."     Putting  spurs  to  hi 
horse,  he  charged  through  the  thickest  of  the  enemy,  struck  dowl 
the  armour-bearer  who  threw  himself  in  the  way  of  his  furiou 
advance,  and  ran  the  consul  through  with  his  lance.     When  h^ 



would  have  stripped  the  body,  some  veterans  thrust  their  shields   book  xxii. 
between  and  hindered  him. 

Then  began  the  flight  of  a  great  part  of  the  army.  And 
now  neither  lake  nor  mountain  checked  their  rush  of  panic  ; 
by  every  defile  and  height  they  sought  blindly  to  escape, 
and  arms  and  men  were  heaped  upon  each  other.  Many 
finding  no  possibility  of  flight,  waded  into  the  shallows  at 
the  edge  of  the  lake,  advanced  until  they  had  only  head 
and  shoulders  above  the  water,  and  at  last  drowned  them- 
selves. Some  in  the  frenzy  of  panic  endeavoured  to  escape  by 
swimming ;  but  the  endeavour  was  endless  and  hopeless,  and 
they  either  sunk  in  the  depths  when  their  courage  failed  them, 
or  they  wearied  themselves  in  vain  till  they  could  hardly  struggle 
back  to  the  shallows,  where  they  were  slaughtered  in  crowds 
by  the  enemy's  cavalry  which  had  now  entered  the  water. 
Nearly  six  thousand  men  of  the  vanguard  made  a  determined 
rush  through  the  enemy,  and  got  clear  out  of  the  defile,  knowing 
nothing  of  what  was  happening  behind  them.  Halting  on  some 
high  ground,  they  could  only  hear  the  shouts  of  men  and 
clashing  of  arms,  but  could  not  learn  or  see  for  the  mist  how 
the  day  was  going.  It  was  when  the  battle  was  decided  that 
the  increasing  heat  of  the  sun  scattered  the  mist  and  cleared 
the  sky.  The  bright  light  that  now  rested  on  hill  and  plain 
showed  a  ruinous  defeat  and  a  Roman  army  shamefully  routed. 
Fearing  that  they  might  be  seen  in  the  distance  and  that  the 
cavalry  might  be  sent  against  them,  they  took  up  their  standards 
and  hurried  away  with  all  the  speed  they  could.  The  next  d,ayj 
finding  their  situation  generally  desperate,  and  starvation  also 
imminent,  they  capitulated  to  Hannibal,  who  had  overtaken 
them  with  the  whole  of  his  cavalry,  and  who  pledged  his  word 
that  if  they  would  surrender  their  arms,  they  should  go  free,  each 
man  having  a  single  garment.  The  promise  was  kept  with 
Punic  faith  by  Hannibal,  who  put  them  all  in  chains. 

7.  Such  was  the  famous  fight  at  Trasumennus,  memorable 
as  few  other  disasters  of  the  Roman  people  have  been. 
Fifteen  thousand  men  fell  in  the  battle  ;  ten  thousand,  flying 
in  all  directions  over  Etruria,  made  by  different  roads  for 
Rome.  Of  the  enemy  two  thousand  five  hundred  fell  in  the 
battle.     Many  died  afterwards  of  their  wounds.     Other  authors 

72  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  speak  of  a  loss  on  both  sides  many  times  greater.  I  am  myself 
averse  to  the  idle  exaggeration  to  which  writers  are  so  com- 
monly inclined,  and  I  have  here  followed  as  my  best  authority 
Fabius,  who  was  actually  contemporary  with  the  war.  Hannibal 
released  without  ransom  all  the  prisoners  who  claimed  Latin 
citizenship  ;  the  Romans  he  imprisoned.  He  had  the  corpses 
of  his  own  men  separated  from  the  vast  heaps  of  dead, 
and  buried.  Careful  search  was  also  made  for  the  body  of 
Flaminius  to  which  he  wished  to  pay  due  honour,  but  it  could 
not  be  found. 

Consternation  at  At  Rome  the  first  tidings  of  this  disaster  brought  a  terror- 
stricken  and  tumultuous  crowd  into  the  Forum.  The  matrons 
wandered  through  the  streets  and  asked  all  whom  they  met  what 
was  this  disaster  of  which  news  had  just  arrived,  and  how  the  army 
had  fared.  A  crowd,  thick  as  a  thronged  assembly,  with  eyes 
intent  upon  the  Senate-house,  called  aloud  for  the  magistrates, 
till  at  last,  not  long  before  sunset,  the  praetor,  Marcus  Pom- 
ponius,  said,  "  We  have  been  beaten. in  a  great  battle."  Nothing 
more  definite  than  this  was  said  by  him ;  but  each  man  had 
reports  without  end  to  tell  his  neighbour,  and  the  news  which 
they  carried  back  to  their  homes  was  that  the  consul  had 
perished  with  a  great  part  of  his  troops,  that  the  few  who  had 
survived  were  either  dispersed  throughout  Etruria,  or  taken 
prisoners  by  the  enemy. 

The  mischances  of  the  beaten  army  were  not  more  numerous 
than  the  anxieties  which  distracted  the  minds  of  those  whose 
relatives  had  served  under  Flaminius.  All  were  utterly  ignorant 
how  this  or  that  kinsman  had  fared  ;  no  one  even  quite  knew 
what  to  hope  or  to  fear.  On  the  morrow,  and  for  some  days 
after,  there  stood  at  the  gates  a  crowd  in  which  the  women 
even  outnumbered  the  men,  waiting  to  see  their  relatives  or 
hear  some  tidings  about  them.  They  thronged  round  all 
whom  they  met,  with  incessant  questions,  and  could  not  tear 
themselves  away,  least  of  all  leave  any  acquaintance,  till  they 
had  heard  the  whole  story  to  an  end.  Different  indeed  were 
their  looks  as  they  turned  away  from  the  tale  which  had  filled 
them  either  with  joy  or  grief,  and  friends  crowded  round  to  con- 
gratulate or  console  them  as  they  returned  to  their  homes.  The 
women  were  most  conspicuous  for  their  transports  and  their  grief. 

LIVY.  73 

Within  one  of  the  very  gates,  a  woman  unexpectedly  meeting  a   book  xxii. 

son  who  had  escaped,  died,  it  is  said,  in  his  embrace ;  another 

who  had  had  false  tidings  of  her  son's  death  and  sat  sorrowing 

at  home,  expired  from  excessive  joy  when  she  caught  sight  of 

him  entering  the  house.     The  praetors  for  some  days  kept  the 

Senate  in  constant  session  from  sunrise  to  sunset,  deliberating 

who  Avas  to  lead  an  army,  and  what  army  was  to  be  led  against 

the  victorious  foe. 

8.  Before  any  definite  plans  could  be  formed,  there  came  ridirigs  of  fresh 
without  warning  news  of  another  disaster.  Four  thousand  tsaster. 
cavalry,  sent  with  the  consul  Servilius  under  the  command  of  the 
propraetor  Gaius  Centenius  to  the  help  of  Flaminius,  had  been 
surrounded  by  Hannibal  in  Umbria,  into  which  country  they 
had  marched  on  hearing  of  the  battle  at  Trasumennus.  The 
tidings  of  this  occurrence  affected  men  very  variously.  Some, 
whose  thoughts  were  wholly  occupied  by  the  greater  trouble, 
counted  this  fresh  loss  of  a  body  of  cavalry  a  mere  trifle  in 
comparison  with  the  previous  disasters  ;  others  felt  that  this 
incident  could  not  be  taken  as  standing  by  itself.  In  a  weakened 
frame  the  most  insignificant  cause  is  felt  as  causes  far  more 
serious  are  not  felt  in  the  healthy  ;  so,  they  argued,  any  loss  that 
falls  upon  a  suffering  and  weakened  State  must  be  estimated 
not  by  its  intrinsic  rhagnitude,  but  by  the  impaired  strength, 
which  can  endure  nothing  tliat  would  increase  its  burden. 
The  country  hastily  betook  itself  to  a  remedy  which  had  not 
been  either  wanted  or  employed  for  many  years,  the  creation  of 
a  dictator.  But  the  consul  was  absent,  and  it  was  the  consul 
only,  it  would  seem,  who  could  create  him  ;  it  was  no  easy 
matter  to  send  him  a  messenger  or  a  letter  with  the  Carthaginian 
armies  in  possession  of  Italy  ;  nor  could  the  Senate  make  a 
{dictator  without  consulting  the  people.  In  the  end  a  step 
IwhoUy  unprecedented  was  taken.  The  people  created  Quintus  Pabius 
iFabius     Maximus     dictator,    and     Marcus     Minucius     Rufus       ^f'^fi''"J^ 

I  '  created  dictator. 

master  of  the  horse.  The  Senate  charged  them  to  strengthen 
he  walls  and  towers  of  the  city,  to  put  garrisons  in  whatever 
places  they  thought  best,  and  to  break  down  the  bridges  over 
he  rivers.  Italy  they  could  not  defend,  but  they  could  still 
v^\\\.  for  their  city  and  their  homes. 

;.    Hannibal  marched  straight  through  Umbria  to  Spoletum.*       *  Spoleto. 

74  LIVY. 

HOOK  XXII.    From  this  place  he  was  repulsed  with  great  loss,  when,  after 
Hannibal  fails  devastating  the  country,  he  attempted  the  city  by  assault.     It 
"onspoletnm.     '^^^^   "^^   °"^   °f    the   largest    colonies,   and   having   tried  its 
strength  with  such  ill  success,  he  was  led  to  reflect  what  a  vast 
undertaking    Rome   itself  would  be.      Accordingly  he  turned 
aside  to  the  territory  of  Picenum,  a  country  abounding  in  pro- 
duce of  every  kind,  and  richly  stored  with  property  which  the 
rapacious  and  needy  soldiery  plundered  with  eagerness.     There 
he  kept  his  army  stationary  for  a  few  days,  refreshing  his  men 
exhausted   by  winter  marches,  by  their  passage  through  the 
marshes,  and  by  a  battle,  which,  however  successful  in  its  issue, 
had  been  no  slight  or  easy  struggle.     A  short  rest  was  enough 
for  a  soldiery  which  loved  plunder  and  ravage  more  than  ease  and 
He  ravages     repose.     Then  moving  forward  he  wasted  the  district  of  Prae- 
^/llTJ^inili    tutia*  and  Hadria,  and  next  the  country  of  the  Marsi,  Marrucini 
districts.       3^p(j  Peligni,  with  the  region  round  Arpi  and  Luceria,t  near  the 
+  Lucera.       borders  of  Apulia.     The  consul  Cn.  Servilius  had  had  mean- 
while some  slight  engagements  with  the  Gauls,  and  had  stormed 
one  town  of  no  note.     When  he  heard  that  the  other  Consul 
with  his  army  had  perished,  he  trembled  for  his  country's  saftity, 
Servilius  falls   and  rcsolving  not  to  be  absent  in  its  hour  of  peril,  marched  rapidly 

hack  on  Rome.  i  i  >.       j 

to  Rome. 

On  the  day  that  Q.  Fabius  Maximus,  who  was  now  dictator 
for  the  second  time,  entered  upon  his  office,  he  convoked  the 
Senate.       He   began  with  mention   of  the  gods  ;  it   was.  he 
proved  to  the  Senators,  in  neglect  of  religious  rites  and  auspiceSj 
rather   than  in  rashness  and  want  of  skill  that   the   error  of 
Flaminius  had  lain,  and  heaven  itself,  he  urged,  must  be  asked 
how  the  anger  of  heaven  could  be  propitiated.    He  thus  prevailed 
upon  them  to  do  what  is  scarcely  ever  done  except  when  the  most 
sinister  marvels  have  been  observed,  to  order  the  Ten  to  consult 
The  Sibylline^   the  books  of  the  Sibyl.     They  inspected  the  volumes  of  destin) . 
and  reported  to  the  Senate  that,  seeing  that  a  vow  to  Mars  was  the 
cause  of  the  war,  this  vow,  not  having  been  duly  performed,  must 
be  performed  anew  and  on  a  larger  scale,  that  games  of  thiH 
first  class  must  be  vowed  to  Jupiter,  a  temple  to  Venus  of  Ery 
and  another  to  Reason,  that  there  must  be  a  public  litany  and 
banquet  of  the  gods  and  a  year  of  consecration  vowed,  if  th 
arms  of  Rome  should  be  found  to  have  prospered  and  the  Stal 

books  cpnsulted. 






to  remain  in  the  same  position  which  it  had  occupied  before  the   book  xxii. 
war.     The  Senate,  knowing  that  Fabius  would  be  occupied  with 
the  business    of  the   campaign,    directed   the   praetor,  Marcus 
Emilias,  who  had  been  nominated  by  the  College  of  Pontiffs,  to 
see  all  things  speedily  done. 

lo.     These  resolutions  of  the  Senate  duly  passed,  Lucius 

Cornelius  Lentulus,  chief  pontiff,  declared  (for  the  praetor  had 

the  advice  of  the  Sacred  College)  that  the  people  must  be  con- 

isulted  about  the  year  of  consecration.     Without  the  people's 

Iconsent  it  could  not,  he  said,  be  vowed.     The  question  was  put 

to  the  people  in  these  words  :  "  Is  it  your  will  and  pleasure  that  it 

'  shall  be  done  as  is  hereinafter  set  forth  1    If  the  common  weal 

■'  of  the  Roman  people  and  of  the  Quirites  be  kept,  according  to 

'  my  wish  and  prayer,  whole  and  safe  for  the  live  years  ne.xt 

'  following  in  these  wars,  to  wit,  the  war  that  now  is  with  the 

'  people  of  Carthage  and  the  wars  that  now  are  with  the  Gauls 

'  dwelling  on  the  hither  side  of  the  Alps,  then  the  Roman  people 

'  and  the  Quirites  give  as  a  free  gift,  all  the  increase  in  the 

spring  next  following  of  swine,  sheep,  goats,  cattle,  not  being 

'  already  consecrated,  to  be  sacrificed  to  Jupiter,  on  and  after 

'  the  day  which  the  said  Senate  and  people  shall  appoint.    And 

whosoever  shall  sacrifice,  he  may  sacrifice  whensoever  and 

after  what  order  it  shall  please  him.     In  what  manner  soever 

he  shall  sacrifice,  it  shall  be  counted  duly  done.    If  that  which 

'  should  be  sacrificed  die,  then  shall  it  be  counted  as  a  thing  un- 

cons'ecrated,  and  the  man  shall  be  free.    If  any  one  should  hurt 

or  slay  a  consecrated  thing,  not  knowing,  he  shall  be  innocent. 

If  aught  should  be  stolen,  the  people  shall  be  free  and  also  he 

from  whom  it  hath  been  stolen.    If  a  man  shall  sacrifice  on  an 

ill  day  not  knowing,  he  shall  be  innocent.    If  he  shall  sacrifice 

by  day  or  by  night,  if  he  shall  sacrifice,  being  a  slave  or  free, 

it  shall  be  counted  duly  done.     If  aught  shall  be  sacrificed 

before  that  the  Senate  and  the  people  shall  have  ordered  such 

sacrifices,  the  people  shall  be  free  and  acquitted  therefrom." 

or  the  same  reason  games  of  the  first  class  were  vowed  at  a 

ost  of  three  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  three  hundred  and 

hirty  three  brass  pieces  and  a  third,  with  three  hundred  oxen 

lesides  to  Jupiter,  and  white  oxen  and  the  other  customary 

Bctims  to  many  other  deities.     When  the  vows  had  been  duly 



frefia  ra  tions. 

BOOK  XXII.  made,  a  public  litany  was  ordered,  to  join  in  which  came  with. 
their  wives  and  children  not  only  the  population  of  the  city,  but 
also  the  country  folk,  whom  the  public  troubles  were  now  begin- 
ning to  touch  in  some  of  their  interests.  Then  a  sacred  banquet 
was  held  for  three  days,  under  the  care  of  ten  ecclesiastical 
commissioners.  Six  banqueting  tables  were  publicly  exhibited, 
to  Jupiter  and  Juno  one,  a  second  to  Neptune  and  Minerva,  a 
third  to  Mars  and  Venus,  a  fourth  to  Apollo  and  Diana,  a  fifth 
to  Vulcan  and  Vesta,  a  sixth  to  Mercury  and  Ceres.  Then  the 
two  temples  were  vowed,  that  to  Venus  of  Eryx  by  the  dictator, 
Q.  Fabius  Maximus,  because  it  had  been  given  forth  from  the 
books  of  destiny  that  the  vow  should  be  made  by  him  who  held 
the  supreme  authority  in  the  State  ;  that  to  Reason  by  the  praetor, 
T,  Otacilius. 

II.  The  duties  of  religion  thus  discharged,  the  dictator 
brought  the  state  of  the  war  and  of  the  country  before  the 
Senate,  which  had  to  determine  what  and  how  many  should  be 
the  legions  with  which  the  victorious  enemy  must  be  met.  It 
was  resolved  that  he  should  take  over  the  army  of  the  consul 
Servilius,  should  enlist  into  the  cavalry  and  infantry  as  many 
citizens  and  allies  as  he  thought  fit,  and  should  generally  act  as 
he  considered  best  for  the  good  of  the  State.  Fabius  said  that 
he  should  add  two  legions  to  the  army  of  Servilius.  These  the 
master  of  the  horse  was  to  levy,  and  the  dictator  named  a  day 
on  which  they  were  to  assemble  at  Tibur.*  He  made  proclama- 
tion that  all  inhabitants  of  unfortified  towns  and  stations  shoulc 
remove  into  places  of  safety,  that  all  the  population  of  the 
country  through  which  Hannibal  was  likely  to  pass  shoulc 
desert  it,  first  burning  all  buildings  and  destroying  all  crops 
that  he  might  find  no  supphes.  He  then  marched  along  th( 
Flaminian  Road  to  meet  the  consul. 

On  reaching  the  Tiber,  near  Ocriculum,t  he  came  in  \\t\\ 
of  the  army  and  saw  the  consul  advancing  towards  him  witl 
some  troopers  ;  upon  this  he  sent  his  apparitor  with  a  messagi 
to  the  consul  that  he  was  to  come  to  the  dictator  without  hi 
lictors.  The  consul  obeyed  him,"  and  their  meeting  produced  ; 
vast  impression  on  citizens  and  allies,  who  had  almost  forgotto 
what  this  obsolete  office  of  dictator  meant.  Then  came  des 
patches  from  Rome  with  news  that  some  merchantmen,  carryin) 


t  Otricoli 

LIVY.  .  77 

tores  from  Ostia  to  the  army  in  Spain,  had  been  taken  by  a   BOOK  xxil. 

;arthaginian  fleet  near  the  harbour  of  Cosa.     Fabius  imme- 

iately  ordered  the  consul  to  start  for  Ostia,  to  man  any  ships 

hat  might  be  there  or  at  Rome  with  soldiers  and  seamen,  to 

lursue  the  enemy's  fleet,  and  to  protect  the  coasts  of  Italy. 

^  vast  number  of  men  had  been  enlisted   at  Rome.     Even 

reedmen,  having  children  and  being  of  the  military  age,  had 

aken  the  oath.     Out  of  these  city  troops  such  as  were  under 

hirty-five  were  sent  to  man  the  ships,  others  were  left  to  garrison 

he  city. 

12.     The  dictator  took  over   the   consul's   army  from   the 
kands   of  Fulvius   Flaccus,    second    in   command,   and  then, 
raversing  the  Sabine  country,  came  to  Tibur,  where  he  had 
[ommanded  the  new  levies  to  meet  by  a  certain  day.     From 
jTibur  he  marched  to  Prasneste,  and  so,  by  cross  ways,  to  the 
atin  Road';  and  then,  always  reconnoitring  his  ground  most 
arefully,  advanced  against  the  enemy,  resolved  nowhere  to  risk 
nything  more  than  necessity  might  compel.     The  first  day  that 
e  pitched  his  camp  in  sight   of  the  enemy    (the  place  was 
ot  far  from  Arpi),   Hannibal,  without  a  moment's  delay,  led 
ut  his  men  and  offered  battle.     When  he  saw  that  all  was 
uiet  in  the  Roman  army,  and  that  there  was  no  sign  of  any 
ir  in  their   camp,   he   returned   to   his   quarters,   loudly  ex- 
lainiing  that  at  last  the  martial  spirit  of  Rome  was  broken — 
ley  had  made  open  confession  of  defeat  and  yielded  the  palm 
glory  and  valour.     But  in  his  heart  was  a  secret  fear  that 
had  now  to  deal  with  a  general  very  diff'erent  from  Flaminius 
Sempronius,  and  that,  taught  by  disasters,  the  Romans  had  at 
st  found  a  general  equal  to  himself.     He  felt  at  once  afraid  of 
e  wariness  of  the  new  dictator  ;  of  his  firmness  he  had  not  yet 
ade  trial,  and  so  began  to  harass  and  provoke  him  by  repeat- 
ly  moving  his  camp  and  wasting  under  his  eyes  the  territory 
the  allies.     At  one  time  he  would  make  a  rapid  march  and 
jsappear  ;  at  another  he  would  make  a  sudden  halt,  concealed 
^  )me  winding  road,  where  he  hoped  that  he  might  catch 
antagonist   descending  to   the    plain.      Fabius   continued  cautions  tactics 
move  his  forces  along  high  ground,  preserving  a  moderate      o/  Fabius. 
tancefrom  the  enemy,  neither  letting  him  out  of  his  sight 
encountering  him.     He  kept  his  soldiers  within  their  camp. 

78  1.1  VV. 

BOOK  XXII.  unless  they  were  required  for  some  necessary  service.  Wher 
they  went  in  quest  of  forage  or  wood,  it  was  not  in  small  partie; 
or  at  random.  Pickets  of  cavalry  and  light  troops  were  tok 
off  and  kept  in  readiness  to  meet  sudden  alarms,  a  constan 
protection  to  his  own  troops,  a  constant  terror  to  the  vagran 
marauders  of  the  enemy.  He  refused  to  stake  his  all  on  th( 
hazard  of  a  general  engagement,  but  slight  encounters,  of  littl( 
importance  with  a  refuge  so  near,  could  be  safely  venturec 
on  ;  and  a  soldiery  demoralised  by  former  disasters  were  thus 
habituated  to  think  more  hopefully  of  their  own  courage  and  gooc 
luck.  But  these  sober  counsels  found  an  adversary  not  only  ir 
Hannibal,  but  quite  as  much  in  his  own  master  of  the  horse 
who,  headstrong  and  rash  in  counsel  and  intemperate  in  speech, 
was  kept  from  ruining  his  country  only  by  the  want  of  power 
First  to  a  few  listeners,  then  openly  before  the  ranks  of  the  army 
he  stigmatised  his  commander  as  more  indolent  than  deliberate, 
more  cowardly  than  cautious,  fastening  on  him  failings  which 
were  akin  to  his  real  virtues,  and  seeking  to  exalt  himself  by 
lowering  his  chief — a  vile  art,  which  has  often  thriven  by  a  too 
successful  practice. 
Hannibal  1 3.     Hannibal  passed  from  the  territory  of  the  Hirpini  into 

SamniumTand  Samnium,  ravaged  the  country  round  Beneventum,*  and  took 
thence  into      ^|^g   town   of    Telcsia,   still    purposely  provoking  the   Roman 

*  Benevento.  general,  in  the  hope  that  the  insults  and  injuries  inflicted  on  the 
allies  might  rouse  him  into  fighting  a  pitched  battle.  Among 
the  crowd  of  Italian  allies  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  al 
Trasumennus  by  Hannibal  and  set  at  liberty,  were  three  Cam 
panian  knights,  whom  the  Carthaginians  had  then  won  over,  b} 
liberal  gifts  and  promises,  to  undertake  the  task  of  conciliatin; 
to  him  the  affections  of  their  countrymen.  They  now  came  anc 
told  him  that  if  he  would  move  his  army  into  Campania, 
would  have  an  opportunity  of  securing  Capua  ;  the  matter  seei 
too  important  for  the  authority  on  which  it  rested ;  Hannil 
now  doubted,  now  believed,  but  was  so  far  moved  as  torn; 
his  way  from  Campania  into  Samnium.  His  informants  he  si 
away  with  repeated  warnings  that  they  must  give  some  su' 
stantial  proof  of  their  promises,  and  with  instructions  to  retu: 
to  him  with  a  more  numerous  company,  some  of  whom  must 
men  of  importance.     He  gave  personal  orders  to  the  guide 



take  him  to  the  territory  of  Casinum,*  those  who  knew  the  country 

having  informed  him  that  by  occupying  that  pass  he  could  close 

the  outlet  by  which  the  Romans  might  send  help  to  their  allies. 

But  the  Carthaginian  pronunciation  was  so  different  from  the 

Latin,  that  the  guide  mistook  Casinum  for   Casilinum,!  and 

Hannibal,  taken  out  of  his  intended  route,  came  down  through 

AUifae,!  Callifae,  and  Cales,§  on  the  plains  of  Stella.     When  he 

looked  round  on  the  country,  which  is  shut  in  by  hills  and  rivers, 

he  sent  for  the  guide  and  asked  him  where  in  the  world  he  was. 

The  man  told  him  that  he  would  have   his  quarters  that  day  at 

CasiHnura.      Then  at  last  he  discovered  the  mistake,  and  heard 

that  Casinum  was  far  away  in  another  direction.     The  guide  was 

scourged  and  crucified  to  terrify  his  fellows.     Hannibal  then 

brtified  his  camp,  and  sent  out  Maharbal  with  his  cavalry  to 

lunder  the  territory  of  Falernum.     His  ravages  extended  as  far 

3  the  Baths  of  Sinuessa.^  Great  was  the  damage,  but  yet  greater 

[and  more  widespread  was  the  panic  and  terror  caused  by  the 

jNumidian  troopers  ;  but  though  war  raged  all  around  them,  all 

ts  terrors  failed  to  shake  the  loyalty  of  our  allies.     The  truth  was 

that  they  were  under  a  righteous  and  moderate  rule,  and  they 

fielded — and  this  is  the  only  true  bond  of  loyalty— a  willing 

j)bedience  to  their  betters. 

j     14.     But  when  Hannibal  had  encamped  by  the  Vulturnus, 

I.nd  the  fairest  lands  of  Italy  were  being  wasted  by  fire,  and 
he  smoke  of  burning  houses  went  up  in  every  direction,  then 
he  mutinous  spirit  almost  broke  out  afresh  in  the  army  which 
Fabius  was  leading  along  the  ridge  of  the  Massic  range.  For 
ome  days,  indeed,  the  troops  had  been  quiet ;  the  army  had 
>een  inarching  more  rapidly  than  usual,  and  they  had  fancied 
pat  this  haste  was  to  save  Campania  from  ravage.  But  when 
hey  reached  the  last  spur  on  the  Massic  range  and  saw  the 
jnemy  beneath  them  burning  every  building  in  the  Falernian 
istrict,  or  belonging  to  the  citizens  of  Sinuessa,  and  yet  heard 
ot  a  word  about  fighting,  then  Minucius  broke  forth  :  "  Have 
we  come  hither  to  see,  as  though  it  were  some  delightful 
spectacle,  our  allies  wasted  by  fire  and  sword  ?  Are  we  not 
lashamed  to  think— if  of  none  else — yet  at  least  of  these  fellow- 
citizens  of  ours,  whom  our  fathers  sent  to  colonise  Sinuessa, 
and  so  to  protect  this  region  from  our  Samnite  enemies  ;  and 

*  San  German  o. 

He  is  guided  by 
juistake  to  Casi- 

liniDn  instead 

of  Casinum. 

t  Capoua. 

t  Alife. 

§  Calvi. 

H  Mandragone. 

Mutiny  in 

Fabius's  army 

stirred  up  by 

his  master  of 

the  tiorse. 

8o  Livy. 

BOOK  XXII.  "  now  it  is  not  the  Samnite  from  beyond  the  border,  but  the 
"  Carthaginian  from  beyond  the  sea  that  has  been  allowed  by 
"  our  delays  and  our  indolence  to  make  his  way  hither  from  the 
"  very  ends  of  the  earth  ?  We  have  so  degenerated  from  our 
"  fathers  that  we  calmly  see  the  very  country,  by  whose 
"  shores  they  thought  it  an  insult  to  our  power  for  a  Cartha- 
"  ginian  fleet  to  cruise,  crowded  with  enemies,  savages  from 
"  Numidia  and  Mauretania.  We,  too,  who  the  other  day,  in  our 
"  wrath  that  Saguntum  should  be  assailed,  appealed  not  only  to 
"  men,  but  to  heaven  and  the  faith  of  treaties,  now  idly  gaze  on 
"  Hannibal  as  he  climbs  the  walls  of  a  colony  of  Rome.  The 
"  smoke  from  burning  houses  and  fields  is  blown  into  our  eyes 
"  and  faces  ;  our  ears  are  deafened  with  the  clamour  of  allies 
"  who  cry  for  help  to  us  even  more  than  to  the  gods.  And  we 
"  are  leading  our  army,  as  if  they  were  cattle,  through  summer 
"pastures  and  out-of-the-way  tracks,  hiding  ourselves  in  mists 
"and  forests.  If  Marcus  Furius  had  thought  to  recover  our 
"  capital  from  the  Gauls  by  this  plan  of  wandering  over  pastures 
"  and  hills  by  which  this  new  Camillus,  this  wonderful  dictator, 
"  who  has  been  found  for  us  in  our  troubles,  is  seeking  to  save 
"  Italy  from  Hannibal,  Rome  would  now  be  a  city  of  the  Gauls  ; 
"  and  much  I  fear  that,  if  we  thus  linger,  our  fathers  saved  it 
"  again  and  again  for  Hannibal  and  the  Carthaginians.  But 
"  that  true  man  and  true  Roman,  as  soon  as  tidings  came  to 
"  Veil  that  he  had  been  named  dictator  at  the  instance  of 
"  the  Senate,  and  bidding  of  the  people,  though  Janiculum  was 
"  quite  high  enough  for  him  to  sit  and  survey  the  enemy,  came 
"  down  to  the  plain,  and  slaughtered  the  legions  of  the  Gaul  on 
"  that  very  day  in  the  middle  of  the  city  where  now  stand  the 
"  Gauls'  '  Tombs,'  and  on  the  next  day  between  Rome  and  Gabii. 
"  What  ?  when  many  years  after  this  we  were  sent  under  the 
"yoke  at  the  Caudine  Forks  by  our  Samnite  foes,  was  it,  pray, 
"  by  wandering  over  the  Samnite  hills,  or  by  assailing  and 
"  beleaguering  Luceria,  and  by  challenging  the  victorious  enemj 
"  that  L.  Papirius  Cursor  shook  the  yoke  from  off  Roman  neci 
"  and  placed  it  on  the  haughty  Samnite  ?  What  was  it  a  few  yeati 
"  ago  but  speedy  action  that  gave  Caius  Lutatius  his  victory?  Th^ 
"  very  day  after  catching  sight  of  the  enemy,  he  destroyed  theil 
"  fleet,  burdened  as  it  was  with  stores,  and  hampered  with  it^ 


'  own  tackling  and  equipment.     It  is  folly  to  think  that  the  war   book  xxii. 

*  can  be  finished  by  sitting  still  and  praying.      You  must  take 

'  your  arms  ;  you  must  go  down  to  the  plain  ;  you  must  meet 

'  the  enemy  man  to  man.     It  is  by  boldness  and  action  that  the 

'power  of  Rome  has  grown,  not  by  these  counsels  of  indolence, 

'  which  only  cowards  call  caution." 

A  throng  ot  tribunes  and  Roman  knights  crowded  round 
Vlinucius  as  he  played  the  popular  orator,  and  his  fierce  words 
cached  even  to  the  ears  of  the  soldiers.  All  showed  plainly 
mough  that,  if  the  matter  could  have  been  put  to  a  vote  of 
he  army,  they  would  have  had  Minucius  rather  than  Fabius 
"or  their  leader. 

15.  Fabius  had  to  be  on  his  guard  against  his  own  men  Fabius  still 
iTst  as  much  as  against  the  enemy,  and  made  them  feel  that  cautious  tactics. 
hey  could  not  conquer  his  resolution.  Though  he  knew  well 
hat  his  policy  of  delay  was  odious,  not  only  in  his  own  camp,  but 
ilso  at  Rome,  yet  he  steadfastly  adhered  to  the  same  plan  of 
iction,  and  so  let  the  summer  wear  away,  till  Hannibal,  losing 
ill  hope  of  the  pitched  battle,  which  he  had  made  every  effort 
:o  bring  on,  began  to  look  out  for  a  place  for  winter- quarters,  the 
:ountry  which  he  occupied  being  one  of  temporary,  rather  than 
permanent  plenty,  a  land  of  orchards  and  vineyards  planted 
ather  for  pleasure  than  utility.  Fabius  learnt  all  this  from  his 
scouts.  When  he  was  quite  sure  that  Hannibal  meant  to  leave 
ihe  Falernian  country  by  the  same  passes  by  which  he  had 
intered  it,  he  occupied  Mount  Callicula  and  Casilinum  in  some 
prce.  The  town  of  Casilinum  is  divided  into  two  parts  by  the  river 
r  ulturnus,  and  thus  separates  the  Falernian  country  from  Cam- 
ania.  His  main  army  he  led  back  along  the  same  range,  while 
e  sent  L.  Hostilius  Mancinus  to  reconnoitre  with  five  hundred  R^shnest  of  <me 
avalry  of  the  allies.     Mancinus  was  one  of  the  crowd  of  youths    of  his  officers, 

1,       .  ,1.  -11/-,  /•,  ,.   who  ts  defeated 

jho  frequently  listened  to  the  fierce  harangues  of  the  master  of  and  slain  in  a 
lie  horse.  At  first  he  moved  simply  as  the  leader  of  a  reconnais-  sk^mlsh. 
mce,  watching  the  enemy  from  a  place  of  safety,  but  when  he 
Iw  the  Numidian  troops  scattered  everywhere  in  the  villages, 
fd  even  cut  off  a  few  of  them  by  a  sudden  surprise,  he  was 
once  full  of  the  thought  of  battle,  and  wholly  forgot  the 
:tator's  instructions,  which  were  that  he  should  advance  as 
as  he   safely  could,  but   should  retreat  before  he  could 





*  Terracina. 

position  of 

Hannibal,     He 

frees  himself  by 
a  singular 

t  Mola  di  Gaeta. 

X  Tor  di  Patria 

be  seen  by  the  enemy.  The  Numidians,  now  attacking,  now 
retreating,  drew  him  on,  his  men  and  horses  alike  exhausted, 
to  the  very  rampart  of  their  camp.  Here  Carthalo,  who  was 
in  supreme  command  of  the  cavalry,  charged  at  full  gallop, 
sent  his  adversary  flying  before  he  came  within  javelin  throw, 
and  followed  the  fugitives  for  five  miles  continuously.  When 
Mancinus  saw  that  the  enemy  would  not  desist  from  the  pursuit, 
and  that  he  had  no  hope  of  escaping,  he  encouraged  his  men, 
and  turned  to  fight,  though  in  no  respect  was  he  a  match  for  his 
foe.  And  so  he  and  the  best  of  his  troopers  were  surrounded 
and  slain  ;  the  others  made  their  escape  in  wild  confusion,  first 
to  Cales,  and  thence  by  tracks  which  were  scarcely  passable  to 
the  dictator's  army. 

It  so  happened  that  Miriucius  had  that  day  rejoined  Fabius. 
He  had  been  sent  to  post  a  force  in  the  pass  above  Tarracina  * 
where  it  contracts  into  a  gorge  close  upon  the  sea.  This  was 
to  prevent  the  Carthaginian  from  making  his  way  along  the 
Appian  Road  into  the  country  round  Rome.  Having  united 
their  forces,  the  dictator  and  the  master  of  the  horse  moved 
their  camp  down  from  the  hills  on  to  the  road  along  which 
Hannibal  would  have  to  march.  The  distance  between  them 
and  the  enemy  was  two  miles.  , 

1 6.     The  following  day  the  Carthaginian  army  occupied  the 
whole  space  between  the  two  camps.     The  Romans  had  taken! 
up  a  position  close  under  their  intrenchments.     Though  it  cer-ll 
tainly  gave  them  an  advantage,  yet  the  Carthaginians  advanced 
with   their  light  cavalry  to  provoke  a  battle.      They  fough 
alternately  charging  and  retreating.     The  Roman  army  kept  i^ 
ground.     The  conflict  was  protracted,  and  more  to  the  sati^ 
faction  of  Fabius  than   of  Hannibal.      Two   hundred  of  tl: 
Romans,  eight  hundred  of  the  enemy  fell. 

Hannibal  now  seemed  shut  in.  The  road  to  Casilinum  wal 
blocked ;  and  while  there  were  Capua,  and  Samnium,  anJ 
wealthy  allies  without  end  in  their  rear  to  furnish  the  Roman f 
with  supplies,  the  Carthaginians  would  have  to  winter  amid  thj 
rocks  of  FormiaSjf  the  sands  ^nd  marshes  of  Liternum,!  an  ■■ 
in  wild  forests.  Hannibal  was  quite  aware  that  he  wa 
being  met  by  a  strategy  like  his  own,  as  he  could  n(i 
escape  by  way  of  Casilinum,  but  must  make  for  the  hills  ar 


cross  the  ridge  of  Callicula,  before  the  Romans  could  attack   book  xxii. 

his  army,  shut   in  as  it  was  by  the  valleys.     Accordingly,  to 

deceive    his    foe,   he    contrived    an    optical   illusion   of   most 

alarming  appearance,  and  resolved  to  move  stealthily  up  the 

hills  at  nightfall.    The  deception  was  thus  arranged. — Firewood 

was  collected  from  all  the  country  round,  and  bundles,  of  twigs 

and  dry  fagots  were  fastened  to  the  horns  of  oxen,  of  which  he 

had  many,  from  the  plundered  rural  districts,  both  broken  and 

unbroken  to  the  plough.     Upwards  of  two  thousand  oxen  were 

thus  treated,  and  Hasdrubal  was  entrusted  with  the  business  of 

driving  this  herd,  with  their  horns  alight,  on  to  the  hills,  more 

particularly,  as  he  best  could,  to  those  above  the  passes  occupied 

by  the  enemy. 

17.     In  the  dusk  of  evening,  he  silently  struck  his  camp  ; 

the  oxen  were  driven  a  little  in  front  of  the  standards.     When 

they  reached   the    foot    of   the    mountain,  where    the    roads 

parrowed,  the  signal  was  immediately  given  to  hurry  the  herd 

Ivvith  their  horns  alight  up  the  slope  of  the  hills.     They  rushed 

pn,  goaded  into  madness  by  the  terror   of  the  flames  which 

Bashed  from  their  heads,  and  by  the  heat  which  soon  reached 

'he  flesh  at  the  root  of  their  horns.     At  this  sudden  rush  all  the 

jhickets   seemed  to   be  in   a  blaze,  and  the  very  woods  and 

fountains  to  have  been  fired  ;  and  when  the  beasts  vainly  shook 

Jieir  heads,  it  seemed  as  if  men  were  running  about  in  every 

lirection.    The  troops  posted  in  the  pass,  seeing  fires  on  the 

jill-tops  and  above  them,  fancied  that  they  had  been  surrounded, 

jnd  left  their  position.     They  made  for  the  loftiest  heights  as 

jeing  their  safest  route,  for  it  was  there  that  the  fewest  flashes 

It  light  were  visible  ;  but  even  there  they  fell  in  with  some  of 

e  oxen  which  had  strayed  from  their  herd.     When  they  saw 

em  at  a  distance,  they  stood  thunderstruck  at  what  seemed  to 

the  miracle  of  oxen  breathing  fire.     As  soon  as  it  was  seen 

be  nothing  but  a  human  contrivance,  they  suspected  some 

^ep  stratagem  and  fled  in  wilder  confusion  than  ever.     They 

io  fell  in  with  some  of  the  enemy's  light-armed  troops,  but 

Ith  sides  were  equally  afraid  in  the  darkness  to  attack,  and  so 

rey  remained  until  dawn.     Meanwhile  Hannibal  had  led  his 

V  ole  army  through  the  pass,  cutting  off,  as  he  went,  some  of 

1   opponents,  and  pitched  his  camp  in  the  territory  of  AUifse. 

G  2 

84  ■    LIVY. 

ROOK  XXII.  i8.  Fabius  heard  the  uproar,  but  suspecting  some  stratagem, 
and  in  any  case  averse  to  fighting  by  night,  he  kept  his  men 
within  their  Hnes.  At  dawn  there  was  skirmishing  under  the 
ridge  of  the  hill,  where  the  Romans  cut  off  some  light  troops 
from  the  main  body,  and  would  have  easily  beaten  them,  as 
they  were  somewhat  superior  in  number,  but  for  the  appearance 
of  a  Spanish  cohort,  which  Hannibal  had  sent  back  to  provide 
for  the  emergency.  The  Spaniards  were  more  used  to  hills  ; 
what  with  their  nimble  frames  and  suitable  arms,  they  were 
lighter  and  so  better  able  than  the  Romans  to  fight  among  crags 
and  rocks,  and  they  easily  baffled  in  such  encounters  their  low- 
land foe,  with  his  heavy  armour  and  stationary  tactics.  After  a 
conflict  that  was  anything  but  even,  they  parted,  the  Spaniards 
almost  all  unhurt,  the  Romans  with  considerable  loss,  and  so 
made  each  for  their  camp. 

Fabius  also  moved  his  camp  and  traversing  the  pass,  oc- 
cupied a  strong  and  elevated  position  above  AUifas.     Upon  this  ■ 
Hannibal  made  a  feint  as  if  he  intended  to  advance  on  Rome 
through   Samnium,   and  turned  back,   ravaging  as  he  went, 
to  the  Pelignian  country.     Fabius  marched  along  the  heights 
keeping  between  the  enemy's  army  and  the  capital,  neither  avoid^ 
ing  nor  attacking  him.     Leaving  the  Peligni,  Hannibal  altered 
his  route  and  fell  back  into  Apulia  to  Gereonium,  a  town  whicl 
its  inhabitants  had  deserted  in  alarm  at  the  fall  of  a  great  par 
of  their  walls.     The  dictator  fortified  a  camp  in  the  district  o| 

*LarinoVeccliio.  Larinum.*     From  this  place  he  was  summoned  to  Rome  or 

Fabius  is       religious  business.     By  advice,  and  even  by  entreaties,  as  wel^ 

"/^"me"anJ'    ^s  by  his  actual  authority,  he  urged  the  master  of  the  horse  tq 

ieaves  Minucius  j^ust  to  prudcucc  rather  that  to  fortune,  and  to  take  himselj 

in  command.  ^  '  ' 

rather  than  a  Sempronius  or  a  Flaminius  as  his  model  of 
general.     "He  must  not  fancy,"  he  said,  "that  nothing  hac' 
"  been  achieved  when  a  summer  had  been  nearly  spent  ii 
"  baffling  the  enemy  ;  the  physician  often  accomphshed  mor 
"  by  doing  nothing  than  by  movement  and  action.     It  was  ni, 
"  small  matter  that  they  had  ceased  to  be  vanquished  by  ai 
"  enemy  who  had  vanquished  them  so  often,  and  had  begun  t 
"  breathe  again  after  incessant  disasters."  After  impressing  thes 
counsels,  but  all  to  no  purpose,  on  the  master  of  the  horse,  h 
set  out  for  Rome. 



19.  In  the  beginning  of  the  summer  in  which  all  this  book  xxii. 
happened  hostilities  commenced  in  Spain  both  by  land  and  sea.  operations  in 
Hasdrubal  added  ten  ships  to  the  fleet  which  he  had  received  '  ^"''"" 
from  his  brother  ready  equipped  for  action.  He  gave  Himilco 
a  squadron  of  forty  ships,  and  then,  starting  from  New  Carthage, 
he  advanced  with  his  ships  close  to  land  and  his  army  on  the 
shore,  prepared  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy  in  whatever  form 
he  might  encounter  him.  At  first  Cn.  Scipio,  on  hearing  that 
the  enemy  had  moved  out  of  his  winter-quarters,  had  the  same 
intention.  But  second  thoughts  made  him  shrink  from  a  battle 
on  land,  so  great  was  the  fame  of  the  enemy's  new  auxiliaries  ; 
and  embarking  some  of  his  picked  troops  he  went  to  meet  the 
enemy  with  a  squadron  of  five-and-thirty  ships.  On  the  day 
after  leaving  Tarraco  he  reached  an  anchorage  ten  miles  dis- 
tant from  the  mouth  of  the  Ebro.  He  had  sent  in  advance  two 
Massilian  vessels  to  reconnoitre.  These  brought  back  news  that 
the  fleet  of  the  Carthaginians  was  at  anchor  in  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  and  their  camp  pitched  on  the  banks. 

Scipio  weighed  anchor  and  advanced  against  the  enemy, 
'hoping  to  take  him  unaware  and  unprepared,  and  to  crush  him 

in  the  panic  of  a  general  attack.     There  are  many  towers  in 
Jpain  built  on  high  ground,  which  they  use  both  as  watch- 
towers  and  as  defences  against  robbers.     From  one  of  these 
jhe  hostile  fleet  was  first  descried,  and  the  signal  given  to  Has- 
jirubal.     Thus  it  was  on  land  and  in  the  camp  that  the  alarm 
jirst  arose,  not  by  the  sea  or  among  the  ships,  where  no  one 
|;ould  yet  hear  the  dash  of  the  oar,  or  any  other  sound  of  the 
lind,  and  the  projecting  cliffs  did  not  allow  the  fleet  to  be  seen, 
phat  moment  came  from  Hasdrubal  horseman  after  horseman. 
The  men,  who  were  wandering  about  the  shore  or  sleeping  in 
heir  tents,  thinking  of  anything  rather  than  of  the  enemy  and 
f  a  battle  to  be  fought  that  very  day,  were  ordered  instantly 
i  man  their  ships  and  arm  themselves  ;  the  Roman  fleet,  it 
'as   said,  was    close   to    the    harbour.    Troopers   were    sent 
ither  and  thither  with  these  orders.     Soon  Plasdrubal  him- 
2lf  came  up  with  his  whole  army.     All  was  uproar  and  con- 
cision ;   rowers   and   sailors    rushed    together  into   the   ships, 
|hich  seemed  to  be  flying  from  the  shore  rather  than  going 
jito  battle.    Before  all  were  well  on  board,  some  unfastened 




Defeat  of  d, 



their  cables  and  drifted  towards  their  anchors  ;  others,  to  have 
nothing  to  checlc  them,  cut  the  anchor-ropes.  Everything 
was  done  with  excessive  haste  and  hurry ;  the  preparations  of 
the  soldiers  hindered  the  sailors  in  their  work ;  the  panic  of 
the  sailors  prevented  the  soldiers  from  arming  themselves  or 
preparing  for  battle.  By  this  time  the  Romans  were  more  than 
approaching ;  they  were  bringing  their  ships  straight  to  the 
attack.  The  Carthaginians  were  confounded  quite  as  much 
by  their  own  disorder  as  by  the  assault  of  the  enemy ;  after 
essaying  to  fight,  rather  than  fighting,  they  turned  their  ships  to 
fly  ;  they  could  not  of  course  get  into  the  mouth  of  the  river  in 
their  rear,  with  so  widely  extended  a  line,  and  so  many  crowding 
in  together.  Accordingly  they  drove  their  ships  ashore  in  every 
direction,  and  then,  plunging  into  the  shallows  or  jumping  on  to 
dry  land,  armed  or  unarmed,  they  made  their  escape  to  the 
rank's  of  friendly  troops  drawn  up  along  the  shore.  However, 
in  the  first  onset  two  Carthaginian  ships  were  taken  and 
four  sunk. 

20.  The  Romans,  though  the  enemy  was  master  on  shore, 
and  though  they  saw  the  hostile  lines  extended  along  the  coast ^ 
pursued  without  hesitation  the  routed  fleet.  To  the  stern  of  every 
ship  which  had  not  shattered  its  bows  on  the  shore  or  wedged 
its  keel  in  the  sand  they  fastened  ropes,  and  so  dragged  them 
out  to  sea.  Out  of  the  forty  they  captured  twenty-five. 
The  Romans  Howcver,  the  best  part  of  their  victory  was  not  this,  but  that 

sea  off  the  coast  by  one  slight  affair  they  became  masters  of  all  the  sea  that 
of  Spain.  washes  that  coast.  After  this  the  fleet  sailed  to  Onusa  and  there 
they  made  a  descent.  They  stormed  and  sacked  the  city,  and 
then  made  for  New  Carthage,  ravaged  all  the  country  round  it, 
and  even  set  fire  to  the  dwellings  that  adjoined  the  walls  and  the 
gates.  From  Carthage  the  fleet  went  laden  with  booty  to 
Longuntica,  where  there  was  a  vast  quantity  of  esparto  grass, 
which  Hasdrubal  had  collected  for  the  use  of  his  fleet.  They 
removed  as  much  as  they  wanted  and  set  fire  to  the  rest.  Nor 
did  they  only  cruise  along  the  mainland  ;  they  even  crossed  to 
the  island  of  Ebusus.  Here  for  two  days  they  assaulted  with 
all  their  might,  but  in  vain,  the  capital  town  of  the  island 
Finding  that  they  were  wasting  time  on  what  they  could  nc 
hope  to  accomplish,  they  took  to  plundering  the  country,  sacked 



and  burnt  several  villages,  and  got  back  to  their  ships  with  more 
plunder  than  they  had  collected  from  the  mainland.  Here 
envoys  from  the  Balearic  islands  came  to  Scipio  to  ask  for  peace. 
From  this  point  the  fleet  turned  back,  and  they  returned  to  the 
eastern  side  of  the  province,  whither  assembled  envoys  from 
all  the  tribes  near  the  Ebro  and  from  many  that  dwelt  in 
remotest  Spain.  The  tribes  who  were  really  brought  under  the 
sway  of  Rome  and  gave  hostages,  were  more  than  one  hundred 
and  twenty;  The  Romans  now  felt  fairly  confident  of  the  power 
I  of  their  army  and  marched  as  far  as  the  pass  of  Castulo. 
Hasdrubal  retired  to  Lusitania,  where  he  was  nearer  to  the 

21.     After  this  it  seemed  likely  that  the  rest  of  the  summer 
would  pass    quietly,   and   so    it  would    have   as    far    as   the 
Carthaginians  were  concerned.    But  the  Spanish  temper  is  always 
restless  and  eager  for  change,  and,  besides  this,   Mandonius 
land  Indibilis,  formerly  prince  of  the  Ilergetes,  as  soon  as  the 
Romans  had  retired  from  the  pass  to  the  coast,  called  their 
Itribesmen  to  arms  and  came  intent  on  plunder  into  the  peaceful 
Iterritory  of  Rome's   allies.      Scipio   sent   against  them   some 
'light-armed  auxiliaries  under  the  command  of  a  military  tribune, 
|\vho  routed  them — the_y  were  but  an  undisciplined  rabble — after 
^  slight  engagement,  killing  some,  capturing  others,  and  dis- 
arming  many  of  the  rest.     The   outbreak,  however,  induced 
Hasdrubal  to  stay  his  march  towards  the  Atlantic  coast,  and 
return  to  the  west  bank  of  the  Ebro,  where  he  might  defend  his 
jillies.     The  Carthaginian  camp  was  pitched  in  the  neighbour- 
[lood  of  Ilergavonia  ;  that  of  the  Romans  at  Nova  Classis,  when 
fresh  news  changed  all  at  once  the  seat  of  war.     The  Celtiberi, 
|vho  were  the  leading  tribe  of  their  part  of  Spain,  had  sent 
[imbassadors  and  given  hostages  to  the  Romans,  and  now  at 
jhe  bidding  of  an  envoy  from  Scipio,  they  took  up  arms  and 
Invaded  with  a  powerful  army  the  province  of  New  Carthage. 
I'hey  took  three  towns  by  storm  ;  and  then  fought  two  brilliantly 
{uccessful  battles  with  Hasdrubal  himself,  killing  fifteen  thou- 
jand  of  the  enemy  and  capturing  four  thousand,  together  with 
l^any  standards. 

I  22.    This  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  Spain  when  Publius  Scipio 
The  Senate  had  prolonged  his  com- 


Defeat  oj  the 

Ilergetes  by 


pme  into  the  province. 

Arrival  of 

Publius  Scipio 

in  Spain. 

88  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  mand  after  the  end  of  his  consulship,  and  sent  him  with  thirty 
ships  of  war,  eight  thousand  soldiers,  and  a  great  supply  of 
provisions.  The  fleet  with  its  huge  array  of  transports  was 
descried  at  a  great  distance,  and  excited  the  liveliest  joy  among 
citizens  and  allies  when  it  ended  its  voyage  in  the  harbour  of 
Tarraco.  Scipio  landed  his  troops  there  and  marched  to  join 
his  brother.  Thenceforward  the  two  carried  on  the  campaign 
with  one  heart  and  purpose.  As  the  Carthaginians  were  oc- 
cupied with  the  Celtiberi,  they  did  not  hesitate  to  cross  the 
Ebro,  and  not  seeing  an  enemy,  continued  to  advance  on 
Saguntum,  to  which  place  it  was  reported  that  the  hostages  from 
the  whole  of  Spain  had  been  transferred  by  Hannibal,  and  were 
there  kept  in  the  citadel  by  but  a  small  guard.  It  was  only  this 
pledge  that  stayed  the  universal  inclination  of  the  Spanish 
tribes  towards  alliance  with  Rome.  They  feared  lest  the  guilt 
of  their  defection  should  be  expiated  by  the  blood  of  their 

From  this  difficulty  Spain  was  freed  by  the  policy,  inglorious 
rather  than  honourable,  of  one  man.  Abelux  was  a  noble 
Spaniard  at  Saguntum.  Once  he  had  been  loyal  to  Carthage  ; 
but  now — and  such  characters  are  common  among  barbarians — 
with  a  change  of  fortune  he  had  changed  his  allegiance.  Feeling 
that  a  deserter  who  went  over  to  the  enemy  with  nothing 
valuable  to  betray,  brought  nothing  but  his  one  worthless  and 
disreputable  person,  he  aimed  at  being  as  profitable  as  possible 
to  his  new  allies.  After  anxiously  considering  everything  that 
fortune  could  possibly  put  within  his  reach,  he  turned  his 
thoughts  by  preference  to  delivering  up  the  hostages,  the  one 
thing,  he  knew,  which  would  win  for  Rome  the  friendship  of 
the  Spanish  chiefs.  Knowing,  however,  that  the  keeper  of  the 
hostages  would  do  nothing  but  at  the  bidding  of  Bostar  the 
governor,  he  brought  his  arts  to  bear  on  Bostar  himself.  Bostar 
had  established  a  camp  outside  the  town,  quite  on  the  shore,  to 
close  against  the  Romans  any  approach  on  that  side.  Here 
Abelux  took  him  aside,  and  explained  to  him,  as  he  might  to  a 
stranger,  the  aspect  of  affairs.  "-Hitherto,"  he  said,  "fear  had 
**  held  the  inclinations  of  the  Spaniards  in  check,  because  the 
"  Romans  have  been  far  away ;  now  the  Roman  camps  have 
"  been  advanced  to  the  west  of  the  Ebro  and  afford  safe  shelter 


"and  refuge  to  all  who  desire  a  change.     The  men  who  are   book  xxir. 
"no   longer  ruled  by  fear,  you  must  bind   by  kindness  and 
"  favours." 

Bostar  was  astonished,  and  wished  to  know  what  this  unex- 
pected and  all-important  present  could  be.  "  Send  back,"  said 
Abelux,  "the  hostages  to  their  states.  This  will  be  agreeable 
"  to  the  parents  personally,  and  they  have  great  weight  in  their 
'•  own  states,  and  agreeable  to  the  tribes  generally.  Every  one 
"  likes  to  -be  treated  with  confidence ;  to  trust  a  man's  loyalty 
"  often  binds  that  loyalty  the  faster.  I  claim  for  myself  the 
"  office  of  restoring  the  hostages  to  their  homes  ;  I  would  expend 
'  all  possible  pains  to  carry  out  my  plan  and  add  to  an  act  that 
"  is  graceful  in  itself  all  the  grace  that  I  can." 

Abelux    satisfied    Bostar,   who    had    scarcely  the    average 

shrewdness  of  a  Carthaginian,  and  then  made  his  way  secretly 

by  night  to  the  Roman  outposts,  where  he  met  some  Spanish 

auxiliaries,  who  conducted  him  to  Scipio.     To  him  he  explained     The  Spanish 

his  proposal,  gave  and  received  a  promise  of  friendship,  arranged  sa^mtult^are 

a   time   and   place   for    handing    over    the   hostages,   and   so   handed  mer  to 

returned  to  Saguntum.     The  next  day  he  spent  with  Bostar  in  who  set  them  at 

receiving  instructions   for  the  business   in  hand.     From  the         '  ^^  '' 

[governor  he  went  to  those  who  had  the  custody  of  the  boys,  and 

I  set  out  at  the  exact  hour  on  which  he  had  agreed  with  the 

'enemy,  having  arranged  to  travel  by  night,  for  the  purpose,  he 

s  lid,  of  eluding  their  watch.  Thus  he  led  the  party,  unknowingly, 

las  it  seemed,  into  a  trap  which  his  own  craft  had  prepared. 

They  were  conducted  into  the   Roman  camp,  and  the  whole 

pusiness  of  restoring  the  hostages  to  their  friends,  as  had  been 

arranged  with  Bostar,  was  carried  out  in  exactly  the  same  way  as 

ff  the  thing  were  being  done  in  the  name  of  Carthage.     Yet 

fhough  the  favour  was  the   same,  Rome  earned  considerably 

Inore  gratitude  than  Carthage  would  have  done.     Carthage  they 

jiad  found  tyrannical  and  haughty  in  the  day  of  prosperity,  and 

Ihey  might  well  believe  that  it  was  disaster  and  fear  that  had 

loftened  her  ;  Rome,  a  stranger  before,  on  her  very  first  intro- 

fuction  to  them  began  with  an  act  of  kindness  and  generosity, 

|nd  the  sagacious  Abelux  seemed  to  have  had  good  reason  for 

ihanging  his  friends.     All  now  began  with  surprising  unanimity 

p  meditate  revolt ;  and  an  insurrection  would  have  broken  out 

90  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.   at  once  but  for  the  interruption  of  winter,  which  compelled  both 
Romans  and  Carthaginians  to  seek  shelter. 

23.     So  much  for  what  happened  in  Spain  in  the  second 
summer  of  the  Punic  War.     In  Italy  Fabius's  wise  policy  ol 
Unpopularity  (?/ delay  had  stayed  for  a  while  Rome's  disasters.     It  was  a  policy 
Fabius  at  Rome,  ^j^g^j.  g^^g  Hannibal   no  little  anxiety,  seeing,  as   he  did,  that 
at  length  the  Romans  had  chosen  to  direct  their  arms  a  mar 
who  fought  on  system,  not  by  chance  ;  but    among  his   own 
countrymen,  soldiers  as  well  as  civilians,  it  was  held  in  con- 
tempt, certainly  after  the  master  of  the  horse  had  in  his  absence 
rashly  ventured  a  battle  with  a  result  which  it  would  be  more 
correct  to  call  fortunate  than  successful.     Two   circumstances 
increased   the   dictator's   unpopularity.     One   was   due  to  the 
falsehood  and  craft  of  Hannibal.     Deserters  had  pointed  out  to 
him  the  dictator's  estate,  and  he  had  given  orders  that,  while 
everything  round  it  was  levelled  to  the  ground,  it  should  be  kept 
safe  from  fire  and  sword  and  all  hostile  violence,  hoping  that 
this  forbearance  might  be  thought  the  consideration  for  some 
secret  agreement.     The  other  was  the  result  of  the  dictator's 
own  action — action  possibly  doubtful  for  a  time,  as  he  had  hot 
waited  for  the  Senate's  sanction,  but  finally  beyond  all  question 
turning   out   very  much  to  his  credit.      In  the   exchange  of 
prisoners  it  had  been  agreed  between  the  two  generals,  following 
the  precedent  of  the  first  Punic  War,  that  the  side  which  had 
more  to  receive  than  to  hand  over  should  make  good  as  much  as 
two  pounds  and  a  half  of  silver  for  every  man.     The  Romans  had 
received  back  two  hundred  and  forty-seven  more  prisoners  than 
the  Carthaginians  ;  finding  that  after  frequent  debate  on  the 
He  sells  his  land  matter  there  was  delay  in  voting  the  money  due  for  these  men. 
'^'' had sparedTJ''  because  he  had  not   consulted  the   Senate,  he  sent  his  son 
ran^on^forlhe   Q'ii'itus  to  Rome,  sold  the  estate  which  the  enemy  had  spared 
Roman        and  discharged  the  public  obligation  at  his  own  cost. 

prisoners.  ..  .  . 

Hannibal  was  m  a  stationary  camp  before  the  walls  0]| 
Gereonium,  a  city  which  he  had  taken  and  burnt,  but  in  whic 
he  had  left  a  few  houses  to  serve  as  bams.  He  sent  out  tv 
divisions  of  his  army  to  collect  corn,  and  remained  himself  wit 
a  third  division  in  readiness  to  move,  thus  at  once  protecting  hi 
camp  and  watching  against  any  attack  that  might  be  made 
his  foraging  parties. 


24.     At  this  time  the  Roman  army  was  in  the  country  of  book  xxil. 
Larinum,  Minucius,  master  of  the  horse  being  in  command,   in  the  absence 
:he  dictator,  as  I  have  already  said,  having  started  for  Rome.  The  Minncius"gams 
:amp,  pitched  hitherto  on  the  hills,  on  high  and  secure  ground,  advlntlgl over 
was    now  brought   down    to   the    plain,  and   more   energetic      Hannibal. 
measures,  suited  to  the  temper  of  the  new  general,  were  discussed 
i'or  attacking  the  scattered  foragers  or  the  enemy's  lines,  left 
is  they  were  with  a  slender  garrison.     Hannibal  did  not  fail  to 
perceive  that   a  change   of  plans  had  followed  a  change  of 
generals,  and  that  the  foe  was  likely  to  show  more  dash  than 
;aution.   Very  strangely,  he  now,  though  the  enemy  was  so  near, 
sent  out  a  third  of  his  troops  to  forage,  and  kept  two-thirds  in 
liis  camp.  Next  he  moved  the  camp  itself  nearer  to  the  Romans, 
ibout  two   miles  away  from   Gereonium,  on  to  some   rising 
ground  within  their  sight,  to  make  it  plain  to  them  that  he  was 
bent  on  protecting  his  foragers,  should  an  attack  be  threatened. 
From  this  point  he  saw   some  high  ground   yet  nearer  and 
ictually  overhanging  the  Roman  camp.     Should  he  move  on 
jt  in  the  broad  light  of  day,  it  was  certain  that  the  enemy, 
having  a  shorter  space  to  traverse,  would  get  the  start  of  him  ; 
(le  sent  therefore  some  Numidians  who  occupied  it  under  cover 
j)f  darkness. 

\  Next  day  the  Romans,  despising  the  scanty  numbers  that  held 

the  place,  attacked  them,  drove  them  out,  and  moved  thither 

heir  own  camp.    There  was  now  but  a  very  small  space  between 

|ne  rampart  and  the  other,  and  this  was  almost  wholly  occupied 

|y  Roman  troops.     At  the  same  time  some  cavalry  and  light 

irmed  soldiers  darted  out  against  the  foragers  from  the  side 

pat  was  furthest  from  Hannibal's  camp  and  made  a  great  rout 

jtid  slaughter  in  their  scattered  ranks.     And  Hannibal  did  not 

feature  to  fight  a  battle,  for  a  great  part  of  his  army  was  away, 

hd  his  force  was  so  scanty  that  he  could  scarcely  protect  his 

imp  should  it  be  attacked.    He  now  began  to  adopt  the  tactics 

Fabius,  to  sit  still  and  to  delay,  and  retired  his  men  to  his 

St  camp  outside  Gereonium.     Some  authorities  have  it  that  a 

:^lar  battle  was  fought  ;   that  at  the   first    encounter  the 

■(irthaginians  were  driven  in  confusion  to  their  camp  ;  that  the 

pmans  in  their  turn  were  panic-stricken  by  a  sudden  sally,  and 

Ijat  the  day  was  finally  won  by  the  arrival  of  a  Samnite  officer, 

92  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.   Numerius  Decimius.     Numerius,  whose  birth  and  wealth  made 
*  Bojano.       him  the  first  man,  not  only  in  Bovianuni,*  his  native  place,  but 
in  the  whole  of  Samnium,  was  marching  eight  thousand  infantry 
and  five  hundred  cavalry  into  the  camp  by  order  of  the  dictator  ; 
he  could  now  be  seen  by  Hannibal  in  his  rear,  and  presented  the 
appearance  of  reinforcements  coming  from  Rome  with  Fabius. 
Hannibal,  fearing  some  stratagem,  drew  back  his  troops  ;  the 
Romans  pursued,  and  with  the  help  of  the  Samnites,  stormed 
that  same  day  two  redoubts.     Of   the  enemy  there  fell  six, 
of  the  Romans  five  thousand  men  ;  but  though  the  loss  on  both 
sides  were  so  nearly  equal,  a  foolish  report  of  a  splendid  victory 
was  sent  to  Rome  with  a  despatch  from  the  master  of  the  horse 
that  was  yet  more  foolish. 
Violent  feeling       2$.     These  matters  were  often  debated  both  in  the  Senate 
"^ZT^^m.""  and  in  the  Assembly  of  the  People.     When,  amidst  the  uni- 
versal joy,  the  dictator  alone  would  believe  neither  report  nor 
despatch,  and  declared  that,  allowing  all  to  be  true,  he  was 
more  afraid  of  successes  than  reverses,  then  Marcus   Metihus, 
tribune  of  the  people,  spoke  out.      "This,"  he   said,   "really 
"  cannot  be  endured,  that  the  dictator  should  not  only  have  set 
"  himself,  when  he  was  with  the  army,  against  any  attempt  at  suc- 
"  cess,  but  should  also,  when  he  is  not  with  it,  set  himself  against 
"  a  success  actually  achieved ;  that,  in  his  tedious  campaigning,  he 
"  should  purposely  waste  time  to  keep  himself  longer  in  office  and 
"  to  enjoy  a  monopoly  of  power  both  at  Rome  and  in  the  field ' 
"  One  consul  has  fallen  in  battle,  the  other  has  been  banishe 
"  far  away  from  Italy  under  the  pretence  that  he  is  to  pursu 
"  the  Carthaginian  fleet.   The  two  praetors  are  employed  in  Sicih 
"  and  Sardinia,  though  there  is  now  no  need  for  a  praetor  in  eithe 
"  province.   Marcus  Minucius,the  master  of  the  horse,  isalmos 
"  kept  in  prison  that  he  may  not  even  see  the  enemy  or  do  an; 
"  of  a  soldier' s  business.     Good  heavens!  it  is  not  only  Sam 
"  nium,  which  indeed  we  have  given  up  to  Carthage  just  ai 
"  much  as  if  it  were  Spain  beyond  the  Ebro,  but  Campania  a; 
"  the  country  round  Cales  and  Falerii  that  have  been  ravag( 
"  while  the  dictator  sits  still  at  Casilinum  and  employs  the  legioi 
"  of  the  Roman  people  in  protecting  his  own  estate.     An 
"  eager  to  fight  and  a  master  of  the  horse  have  been  aim 
"  shut  up  within  their  entrenchments  ,  their  arms  have  b 



A  proposal  to 

give  Minucius 

equal  power 

with  Fabius. 

"taken  from  them,  just  as  if  they  had  been  prisoners  from  the   book  xxii. 

"  enemy.     At  length,  when  the  dictator  left  them,  they  marched 

"  out  of  their  lines,  like  men  released  from  a  siege,  and  routed 

"  and  put  to  flight  the  enemy.     For  these  reasons,  were  the 

"  old  spirit  still  present  to  the  Commons  of  Rome,  I  should 

"  have  boldly  proposed  that  Quintus  Fabius  be  deposed.     As  it 

"  is,  I  shall  offer  a  strictly  moderate  resolution,  equalising  the 

"  power  of  the  dictator  and  the  master  of  the  horse.     Even  if 

"  this  is   carried,  Fabius  must  not  join  the  army  till  he  has 

■'  appointed  a  consul  in  the  room  of  Caius  Flaminius." 

The  dictator  abstained  from  all  public  speeches  on  behalf 
of  a  most  unpopular  policy.  Even  in  the  Senate  he  was  heard 
with  disfavour  when  he  extolled  Hannibal,  and  maintained  that 
the  disasters  of  the  last  two  years  had  been  incurred  through 
the  rashness  and  inexperience  of  our  generals,  and  that  the 
master  of  the  horse  would  have  to  answer  to  him  for  having 
fought  in  disobedience  to  his  commands.  "  If,"  he  said,  "  I  am 
"  supreme  in  command  and  counsel,  I  will  soon  make  men 
"  know  that,  with  a  good  general,  fortune  is  of  little  account, 
''  that  good  sense  and  sound  judgment  carry  the  day,  and  that 
"  it  is  far  more  glorious  to  have  kept  an  army  safe  at  a  critical 
"  moment  and  without  disgrace  than  to  have  slain  many 
"  thousands  of  the  enemy."  But  he  urged  these  arguments  to 
jno  purpose ;  and  so,  after  appointing  Marcus  Atilius  Regulus 
jconsul,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  stay  himself  and  wrangle  about 
jclaims  to  power,  he  left  for  the  army  by  night. 
j  There  was  an  assembly  of  the  Commons  at  dawn.  Silent  ill- 
jfeeling  towards  the  dictator,  and  a  liking  for  the  master  of  the 
horse  were  strong  in  the  public  mind,  but  men  hardly  dared  to 
pome  forward  and  advocate  what  was  really  popular.  Thus  the 
JTiotion,  though  it  found  abundant  favour,  still  wanted  supporters, 
pne  man  alone  was  found  to  argue  for  the  bill,  Caius  Terentius 
^''arro,  praetor  of  the  year  before,  a  man  of  birth  not  only  humble 
put  positively  mean.  It  was  said  that  his  father  had  been  a 
putcher,  who  sold  his  own  goods  by  retail,  and  who  had  em- 
jiloyed  this  very  son  in  the  menial  employments  of  his  trade. 

26.  Growing  to  manhood,  he  found  in  the  money  left  by 
fis  father  the  hope  of  rising  from  these  sordid  gains "  to  a 
'  obler  position ;   the  advocate's  gown  suited  his  taste  ;  noisy 

Supported  l<y 



94  LIVY, 

BOOK  XXII.  declamations  for  ignoble  clients  and  causes  brought  him  first  to 
notoriety  and  afterwards  to  public  office.  Becoming  quaestor, 
plebeian  and  curule  aedile,  and  at  last  praetor,  he  was  now 
even  raising  his  aspirations  to  the  consulship.     With  no  small 

Carried  by  his  cunning  he  sought  to  win  the  people's  favour  out  of  the  dislike 
mjj-ueiice.      £gjj.  f^j.  ^j^g  dictator,  and  secured  for  himself  all  the  popularity 
of  the  resolution. 

All  men,  whether  at  Rome  or  in  the  army,  whether  friends 
or  foes,  took  the  bill  as  an  intentional  insult  to  the  dictator. 
Not  so  the  dictator  himself.  In  the  same  dignified  spirit  in 
which  he  had  borne  the  charges  made  against  him  before  the 
populace,  he  now  bore  the  wrong  which  the  Commons  inflicted 
in  their  rage.  The  despatch  from  the  Senate  announcing  the 
equalisation  of  mihtary  authority  reached  him  on  his  way. 
Confident  that  the  commander's  skill  could  not  be  equalized 
along  with  the  right  to  command,  he  returned  to  the  army  with 
a  soul  that  neither  his  fellow-citizens  nor  the  enemy  could 

27.  As  for  Minucius,  success  and  popularity  had  already 
made  him  scarcely  endurable,  and  now  he  began  to  boast 
without  restraint  or  modesty  that  he  had  vanquished  Fabius 
quite  as  much  as  he  had  vanquished  Hannibal.  "  This  mar- 
"  vellous  general  discovered  in  our  trouble  to  be  a  match  for 
"  Hannibal,  this  supreme  commander,  this  dictator  has  been 
"  put  on  a  level  with  me,  his  inferior,  his  master  of  the  horse 
"  made  such  by  the  will  of  the  people,  though  there  is  no  prece- 
"  dent  for  it  in  our  history,  and  though  in  Rome  the  master  of 
"  the  horse  has  been  wont  to  tremble  and  quake  at  the  axes  and 
"  rods  of  the  dictator.  So  brilliantly  conspicuous  have  been  my 
"  good  fortune  and  valour.  It  is  for  me  therefore  to  follow  out 
"  my  destiny,  if  the  dictator  persists  in  a  delay  and  an  inactioii 
"  on  which  gods  and  men  alike  have  pronounced  sentence." 

The  command         Accordingly  on  the  first  day  that  he  met  Ouintus  Fabius,  h 

dwided  between    ,,,,,-  ,.  ,  ,'~ 

Minucius  and  declared  that  the  first  thmg  to  be  settled  was  how  they  wei 
to  exercise  the  divided  command.  His  own  opinion  was  tha 
the  supreme  authority  and  command  should  rest  with  them  o] 
alternate  days,  or  for  some  settled  time,  if  a  longer  period  seema 
preferable.  They  would  thus  be  a  match  for  the  enemy  not  onl| 
in  strategy,  but  also  in  actual  force,  should  any  opportunity  fw 


actioft  present  itself.     This  plan  in  nowise  approved  itself  to    BOOK  xxil. 

Fabius.     Everything,  he  saw,  would  thus  be  at  the  mercy  of 

any  mischance  that  might  befall  his  colleague's  rashness.     His 

command  had  been   shared,  not  taken  from  him ;  he  would 

never   willingly    relinquish    the    duty   of   prudently  directing 

matters,  as  far  as  might  be ;  he  would  share  the  troops  with 

him  rather  than  periods  or  days  of  command,  and  would  save 

by  his  counsels  what  he  could,  since  he  might  not  save  all. 

He  had  his  way,  and  the  legions  were   divided  between  the 

two,  as  was  the  regular  practice  with  the  consuls.     The  first 

and  fourth  fell  to  Minucius,  the  second  and  third  to  Fabius. 

They  also  made  an  equal  division  of  the  cavalry,  of  the  allies, 

and  of  the  Latin  auxiliaries.     The  master  of  the   horse  also 

chose  to  have  a  separate  camp. 

28.     Hannibal  was  now  doubly  delighted,  and  not  a  single 
movement   of  his  foe  escaped  him.     The  deserters   told  him 
much,  and  he  learnt  much   from  his  own  spies.     He  would 
entrap  in  his   own   fashion   the  frank  rashness   of  Minucius, 
while  the  experienced  Fabius  had   lost  half  of  his  strength. 
[There  was  some  rising  ground  between  the  camp  of  Minucius 
iind  that  of  the  Carthaginians,  and  it  was  clear  that  whoever 
jihould  occupy  it,  would  thereby  make   the  enemy's  position 
ess  favourable.     It  was  not  so  much  Hannibal's  desire  to  gain 
fhis  without  fighting,  though  that  would  have  been  worth  the 
attempt,  as  to  find  in  it  the  occasion  of  a  battle  with  Minu- 
cius, who   would,   he  was   quite   sure,   sally  forth   to   oppose 
jiim.    All  the  ground  between  them  seemed  at  first  sight  useless 
pr  purposes  of  ambush.     Not  only  had  it  no  vestige  of  wood 
jbout  it,  but  it  was  without  even  a  covering  of  brambles.     In 
ality,  nature  made  it  to  conceal  an  ambush,  all  the  more  because 
o  hidden  danger  could  be  feared  in  so  bare  a  valley.     In  its 
Hndings  were  caverns,  some  of  them  large  enough  to  hold  two  Minucius  faih 
lundred  armed  men.     Into  these  hiding  places,  wherever  there  "%H*annibaL 
ias  one  which  could  be  conveniently  occupied,  he  introduced 
ve  thousand  infantry  and  cavalry.     Still  in  so  exposed  a  vaUey 
jie  stratagem  might  be  discovered  by  the  incautious  movement 
'  a  single  soldier,  or  by  the  gleam  of  arms,  and  he  therefore 
|nt  a  few  troops  at  early  dawn  to  occupy  the  hill  mentioned 
i;fore,  and  so  to  distract  the  attention  of  the  enemy.     To  see 

96  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  them  was  to  conceive  at  once  a  contempt  for  their  scant; 
numbers.  Every  man  begged  for  the  task  of  dislodging  th( 
enemy  and  occupying  the  place.  Conspicuous  among  thes( 
senseless  braggarts  was  the  general  himself,  as  he  called  his  mei 
to  arms  and  assailed  the  enemy  with  idle  threats.  First  he  sen 
his  light  troops,  then  his  cavalry  in  close  array  ;  at  last  seeing  tha 
the  enemy  were  receiving  reinforcements,  he  advanced  with  hii 
legions  in  order  of  battle. 

Hannibal,  too,  as  the  conflict  waxed  fiercer  and  his  troop; 
were  hard  pressed,  sent  again  and  again  infantry  and  cavalr; 
to  their  support,  till  his  line  of  battle  was  complete,  and  botl 
sides  were  fighting  with  their  whole  strength.  First  of  all  th( 
Roman  light-armed  troops,  attacking,  as  they  did,  from  belov 
an,  elevation  already  occupied,  were  repulsed  and  thrust  back 
carrying  panic  with  them  into  the  cavalry  behind  and  flying  til 
they  reached  the  standards  of  the  legions.  It  was  the  infantr) 
that  alone  stood  firm  amidst  the  rout  and  seemed  likely,  i: 
once  they  had  had  to  fight  a  regular  battle  in  face  of  the  enemy 
to  be  quite  a  match  for  him.  The  successful  action  of  a  few 
days  before  had  given  them  abundance  of  courage  ;  but  the  am- 
bushed troops  unexpectedly  rose  upon  them,  charged  them  on 
the  flank  and  in  the  rear,  and  spread  such  confusion  and  panic 
that  they  lost  all  heart  for  fighting  and  all  hope  of  escape. 

29.  Fabius  first  heard  the  cry  of  terror  ;  then  saw  from  afai 
the  broken  lines.  "  It  is  true,''  he  cried,  "  disaster  has  overtaker 
"  rashness,  but  not  sooner  than  I  feared.  They  made  hin 
"  equal  to  Fabius,  but  he  sees  that  Hannibal  is  his  superior  botl 
**  in  courage  and  in  good  fortune.  Another  time,  howev^er,  wil 
"  do  for  angry  reproof  and  censure  ;  now  advance  the  standard;! 
"  beyond  the  rampart.  Let  us  wring  from  the  enemy  hi  I 
"  victory,  from  our  countrymen  the  confession  of  error."  |' 

Fabius  hurries         Many  had  already  fallen  and  many  were  looking  for  the  chanof 
to  the  rescue  and  to  fly,  when  the  armv  of  Fabius,  as  suddenly  as  if  it  had  droppeil 

save}  mm.  ^  '  "^  ^i^     ^ 

from  heaven,  appeared  to   help  them.     Before  javelins  we 
thrown  or  swords  crossed,  it  checked  the  Romans  in  their  he 
long  flight,  the  enemy  in  the  fierce  eagerness  of  their  attac 
Where  the  ranks  had  been  broken  and  the  men  scattered  hithi 
and  thither,  they  hurried  from  all  sides  to  the  unbroken  line! 
larger  bodies  had  retreated  together,  these  now  wheeled  rounj 


)  face  the  enemy  and  formed  square,  sometimes  slowly  retiring,   book  xxii. 

ametimes  standing  in  firm  and  close  array.     By  the  time  that 

le  beaten  army  and  the  unbroken  army  had  all  but  combined 

ito  a   single  force   and  were  advancing  against  the  enemy, 

lannibal  gave  the  signal  for   retreat,  thus  openly  confessing 

lat,  as  he  had  conquered  Minucius,  so  he  had  himself  been 

orsted  by  Fabius. 

Returning  to  the  camp  late  on  this  day  of  checkered  fortune,  Minucius 
linucius  assembled  his  troops.  ''  Soldiers,"  he  said,  ''  I  ^^"-'^  ^ujfefhu^er^r. 
often  heard  that  the  best  man  is  he  who  can  tell  us  himself 
what  is  the  right  thing ;  that  next  comes  he  who  listens  to  good 
advice ;  and  that  he  who  cannot  advise  himself  or  submit  to 
another,  has  the  meanest  capacity  of  all.  Since  the  best  bless- 
ing of  heart  and  understanding  has  been  denied  us,  let  us 
hold  fast  that  next  best  gift  which  is  between  the  two,  and  while 
we  learn  to  rule,  make  up  our  minds  to  obey  the  wise.  Let  us 
join  our  camp  to  the  camp  of  Fabius.  When  we  have  carried 
our  standards  to  his  head-quarters,  and  I  have  given  him  the 
title  of  parent,  so  well  deserved  by  the  service  which  he  has 
Idone  us,  and  by  his  high  position,  you,  my  soldiers,  will  salute 
jas  the  authors  of  your  freedom  the  men  whose  right  hands  and 
jswords  lately  saved  you.  So  this  day  will  give  us,  if  nothing 
'else,  yet  at  least  the  credit  of  having  grateful  hearts." 

30.     The  signal  was  given,  and  proclamation  made  to  collect        He  joins 


camp  equipage.  Then  they  started  and  marched  in  regular 
ray  to  the  dictator's  camp,  inuch  to  his  wonder  and  that  of 
tpse  who  stood  round  him.  When  the  standards  were  set  up 
['ore  the  hustings,  the  master  of  the  horse  stepped  forward 
called  Fabius  by  the  name  of  "  father,"  while  the  whole 
jay  saluted  as  "  authors  of  their  freedom "  the  soldiers  as 
tly  stood  grouped  around  their  commander.  "  Dictator,"  he 
83i,  "  I  have  put  thee  on  a  level  with  my  parents  by  this  name, 
**Hd  it  is  all  that  speech  can  do  ;  but  while  I  owe  to  them  life 

illy,  to  thee  I  owe  the  safety  of  myself  and  of  all  these.  There- 
re  I  am  the  first  to  reject  and  repeal  that  decree  which  has 
[Cn  to  me  a  burden  rather  than  an  honour,  and  praying  that 
"Ijis  act  may  be  prospered  to  thee  and  me  and  to  these  thy 
^mies,  the  preserver  and  the  preserved  alike,  I  pftt  myself 
"^ain  under  thy  command  and  fortunes,  and  restore  to  thee 

I  H 


BOOK  XXII.  "  these  standards  and  legions.  Forgive  us,  I  pray,  and  allc 
"  me  to  keep  my  mastership  of  the  horse,  and  each  of  these  hi 
"  several  rank." 

There  was  a  general  clasping  of  hands ;  and  when  th 
assembly  was  dismissed,  the  soldiers  were  kindly  and  hospitabl 
invited  by  strangers  as  well  as  friends.  Thus  a  day  which  bi 
a  few  hours  before  had  been  full  of  sorrow  and  almost  ( 
unspeakable  disaster  became  a  day  of  merriment.  In  Rom( 
as  soon  as  the  news  of  this  incident  arrived,  followed  an 
confirmed  by  letters,  not  only  from  the  generals  but  from  man 
persons  in  either  army,  every  one  joined  in  extolling  Maximu 
to  the  skies.  Hannibal  and  the  Carthaginians  equally  admire 
him.  They  felt  at  last  that  it  was  with  Romans  and  in  Ital 
that  they  were  fighting.  For  the  last  two  years  they  had  s 
despised  both  the  generals  and  the  soldiers  of  Rome  that  the 
could  scarcely  believe  themselves  to  be  fighting  with  that  sam 
people  of  whom  they  had  heard  so  terrible  a  report  from  thei 
fathers.  Hannibal,  too,  they  say,  exclaimed,  as  he  was  returnin; 
from  the  field,  "  At  last  the  cloud  which  has  been  dwelling  si 
long  upon  the  hills,  has  burst  upon  us  in  storm  and  rain." 
Defeat  of  the  31-     While  these  events  were  occurring  in  Italy,  the  consu 

^^"tiucmstof  Cneius   Servilius  Geminus,  with   a  fleet  of  one  hundred  anc 
twenty  ships  sailed  round  the  coasts  of  Sardinia  and  Corsica 
received  hostages  from  both  islands,  and  then  crossed  over  t 
Africa.     Before  landing  on  the  mainland,  he  ravaged  the  islan 
of  Menige,*  and  received  ten  talents  of  silver  from  the  inhab 
tants  of  Cercina,f  as  a  consideration  for  not  devastating  the] 
territory  also.     He  then  passed  over  to  the  African  coast  an] 
landed  his  forces.     The  soldiers  and  seamen  were  now  taken  tj 
ravage  the  country,  and  dispersed  themselves  just  as  if 
were  plundering  an  uninhabited  island.    This  recklessness 
them  into  ambuscades  ;  they  were  straggling,  and  the  enel 
was  compact  ;  they  knew  nothing  of  the  country,  and  the  enei 
knew  it  well  :  finally  they  were  driven  back  to  their  ships  wi 
heavy  loss  and  great  disgrace.     As  many  as  a  thousand  md 
and  among  them  the  quaestor'  Sempronius  Biaesus,  perishfl 
The  fleet  then   hurriedly  leaving  a  coast   crowded  with  fo 
sailed  to  Sicily,  and  was  handed  over  at  Lilyba^um  %  to  the  praetj 
Titos  Otacilius,  whose  second  in  command,  Publius  Sura,  wj 


*  Jerbah. 
t  Karkineh. 

\  Marsala. 



)  take  it  back  to  Rome.  The  consul  himself  went  overland 
iroiigh  Sicily,  and  crossed  the  strait  to  Italy.  A  despatch  from 
"abius  had  summoned  him  and  his  colleague,  Marcus  Atilius, 
lat  they  might  take  his  army  off  his  hands,  as  his  six  months' 
ommand  was  now  nearly  at  an  end. 

Almost  all  the  annalists  relate  that  Fabius  was  dictator  when 
e  conducted  his  campaign  against  Hannibal.  Coelius  adds 
[lat  he  was  the  first  dictator  created  by  the  people.  But  it  has 
scaped  Coelius  and  the  other  writers  that  the  surviving  consul, 
'neius  Servilius,  who  was  then  far  away  in  the  province  of  Gaul, 
lone  had  the  right  of  naming  a  dictator  ;  that  the  couatry, 
error-stricken  by  disaster,  would  not  endure  the  delay,  and  had 
ecourse  to  the  plan  of  creating  by  popular  election  a  pro- 
iictator ;  and  that  his  achievements,  the  great  distinction  that 
le  won  as  a  general,  and  an  exaggerated  account  of  his  honours 
n  after  generations,  easily  led  to  the  belief  that  he  had  been 
lictator,  when  really  he  had  been  but  pro-dictator. 

32.     Atilius   took   command  of  the   army   of  Fabius,   and 

peminus   Servilius  of  that  of  Minucius.     They  fortified   their 

(inter-camp   in    good   time,   and   were  thoroughly   agreed   in 

pploying  the  tactics  of  Fabius  for  what  was  left  of  the  autumn 

jampaign.     Whenever  Hannibal  sallied  out  to  collect  supplies, 

luey  were  ready  to  meet  him  at  this  place  and  at  that  ;  they 

jarassed  his  march,  they  cut  off  stragglers  ;  but  the  hazard  of  a 

jeneral  engagement,  which  the  enemy  sought  in  every  possible 

lay  to  bring  on,  they  declined.     Hannibal  was  reduced  to  such 

treme  want,  that  he  would  have  gone  back  to  Gaul,  but  that 

s  retreat  would  have  looked  like  a  flight,  and  he  had  no  hope 

supporting  his  army  in  this  country;  were  the  next  consuls 

follow  the  same  tactics. 

When  winter  had  brought  the  war  to  a  standstill  at 
jereonium,  envoys  from  Naples  came  to  Rome.  They  brought 
|to  the  Senate  House  forty  very  heavy  bowls  of  gold,  and  spoke 
j  the  following  effect :  "  We  know  that  the  treasury  of  the 
■Roraan  people  is  being  exhausted  by  the  war.  Seeing  then 
"jhat  you  are  fighting  just  as  much  for  the  cities  and  lands 
'i)f  the  allies  as  for  the  capital  and  citadel  of  Italy,  Rome,  and 
Vour  own  empire,  the  men  of  Naples  hold  it  right  to  give  to 
lie  help  of  the  Roman  people  the  gold  which  has  been  left 

H  2 


He  returns  to 

take  the 

command  0/ 

Fabius' s  army. 

Fabius  could 
have  been  pro- 
perly appointed 

The  new 


follow  the 

tactics  of 


Naples  sends 

gifts,  and 

promises  help  to 



BOOK  XXII.  "  them  by  their  ancestors  alik&  for  the  adornment  of  thei 
"  temples,  or  for  a  reserve  in  case  of  need.  Had  we  though 
"  that  our  own  services  were  of  any  worth,  we  should  hav 
"  offered  them  with  the  same  readiness.  The  Senate  ani 
"  people  of  Rome  will  best  please  us  by  looking  on  all  th 
"  possessions  of  the  men  of  Naples  as  their  own,  and  by  deignin; 
"  to  receive  from  them  a  gift  to  which  the  goodwill  of  those  wh 
"  freely  offer  it  rather  than  its  actual  magnitude,  gives  greatnes 
"and  dignity."  The  envoys  were  thanked  for  their  munificenc 
and  zeal,  and  the  lightest  of  the  bowls  was  accepted. 

33.  About  this  time  a  Carthaginian  spy  who  had  eludei 
capture  for  two  years  was  caught  in  Rome  and  dismissed  wit! 
his  hands  lopped  off.  Twenty-five  slaves  were  crucified  fo 
having  conspired  in  the  Campus  Martius,  the  informer  beinj 
*  About  ^170.  rewarded  with  his  liberty  and  twenty  thousand  sesterces.*  Ai 
The  Romans  embassy  was  sent  to  Philip,  king  of  Macedon,  to  demand  th( 
fo^Macedonand  extradition  of  Dcmctrius  of  Pharos,  who  had  taken  refuge  witl 
other  countries,  hj^:^  after  his  defeat ;  another  to  the  Ligures  to  expostulate  witl 
them  for  helping  the  Carthaginians  with  money  and  men,  anc 
also  to  observe  from  the  immediate  neighbourhood  what  was 
going  on  among  the  Boii  and  the  Insubres.  .  Envoys  also  wen 
sent  to  king  Pineus  in  lUyria  to  demand  the  tribute,  the  tim( 
for  which  had  expired,  or,  if  he  wished  payment  to  be  post 
poned,  to  receive  hostages.  Crushing  as  was  the  pressure  0 
the  war  upon  our  shoulders,  yet  nothing  in  any  country,  howevej 
remote,  escaped  the  diligent  care  of  Rome.  Religious  scrupl?i 
also  arose  because  the  Temple  of  Concord  which  the  pr£etoi' 
Lucius  Manlius,  had  vowed  two  years  before  in  Gaul  on  th| 
occasion  of  a  mutiny,  had  not  been  contracted  for  up  to  th£[ 
time.  Two  commissioners,  Caius  Pupius  and  Casso  Ouinctiu 
Flamininus,  were  appointed  for  the  purpose  by  Marcus  ^mili^ 
praetor  of  the  city,  and  contracted  for  the  building  of  the  temj 
in  the  citadel. 

This  same  praetor  also  in  obedience  to  a  resolution  of  the  Senatj 
sent  letters  to  the  consuls  to  the  effect  that  if  they  thought  1 
one  of  them  should  come  to  Rome  to  appoint  new  consuls,  acj 
that  any  day  they  might  wish  should  be  fixed  for  the  electiouj 
The  consuls  replied  that  they  could  not  without  damage  to  t)I 
public  interests  leave  the  neighbourhood  of  the  enemy,  and  thj 



Sharp  strije 

het-iveoi  the 

nobles  ami  the 


B.c    2l6. 

herefore  the  elections  should  be  held  by  an  interrex  in  pre-   book  xxii. 

erence  to  calling  away  either  of  the  consuls  from  the  seat  of 

var.     It  seemed  to  the  Senate  more  in  order  that  a  dictator      a  dictator 

hould  be  named  by  the  consul  for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  "'^^ttfofJuilf^ 

lection.     Lucius  Veturius  Philo  was  so  named,  and  appointed 

(lanius   Pomponius   Matho  his  master  of  the  horse.      There 

ms  some  legal  flaw  in  these  appointments,   and  they  were 

rdered  fourteen  days  afterwards  to  abdicate  their  offices,  and 

n  interregnum  was  the  result. 

34.  The  consuls  had  their  command  prolonged  for  a  year. 
"he  Senate  named  as  interrex  first  Caius  Claudius  Cento,  son  of 
Lppius  of  that  name,  and  after  him,  Publius  Cornelius  Asina. 
)uring  the  latter's  term  of  office  the  elections  were  held,  and 
ercely  contested  between  patricians  and  plebeians.  The  lower 
rders  were  striving  to  elevate  to  the  consulship  Caius  Terentius 
'^arro,  a  man  of  their  own  class,  who  had  ingratiated  himself 
,'ith  them  by  his  invectives  against  the  nobles  and  the  arts 
/hich  win  popularity,  and  who,  since  the  shock  which  he  had 
iven  to  the  position  and  power  of  the  dictator  f'abius,  had 
bund  in  another  man's  unpopularity  a  certain  distinction  for 
imself.  The  patricians  opposed  him  with  all  their  might, 
Uring  lest  men  should  find  in  such  attacks  a  common  road  to 
juality.  Quintus  Baebius  Herennius,  tribune  of  the  commons, 
jkinsman  of  Varro,  inveighed  not  only  against  the  Senate,  but 
so  against  the  augurs,  because  they  had  forbidden  the  dictator 

complete  the  elections,  seeking  at  their  expense  that  which 
ight  win  favour  for  his  own  candidate.  "  It  is  the  nobles," 
:  cried,  "eager  for  war  as  they  have  long  been,  who  brought 
'Hannibal  into  Italy  ;  it  is  they  who,  when  the  struggle  might 
'^e  ended,  wickedly  prolong  the  war.  When  it  had  been 
'proved  by  the  success  of  Minucius  during  the  absence  of 
'l^abius  that  four  legions  combined  could  fight  with  advan- 
'  age,  two  legions  were  sent  for  the  enemy  to  slaughter,  and 
'  hen,  rescued  from  slaughter,  to  gain  the  titles  of  father  and 
"'rotector  for  the  man  who  kept  the  Romans  from  victory 
"'efore  he  kept  them  from  defeat.  After  this  the  consuls 
'*')llo\ved  the  tactics  of  Fabius  and  protracted  the  war  which 
"ley  might  have  finished.  This  is  the  compact  which  all  the 
"jobles  have  made  among  themselves ;  we  shall  not  see  the 

I02  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  "end  of  the  war  till  we  raise  to  tKe  consulship  a  real  plebeian 
"  that  is,  a  man  from  the  ranks  ;  for  our  plebeian  nobility  hav 
"  now  been  initiated  into  the  patrician  religious  ritual,  and  hav 
'•  learnt  to  despise  the  commons  ever  since  they  ceased  to  b 
"  despised  by  the  patricians.  Who  does  not  see  that  their  ain 
"  and  object  has  been  to  bring  about  an  interregnum,  that  th 
"  elections  may  Be  controlled  by  the  patricians  ?  This  was  wha 
"  the  consuls  had  in  view  in  lingering  with  the  army  ;  this  wa 
"  the  reason  why,  when  they  had  reluctantly  named  a  dictato 
"  to  conduct  the  elections,  they  had  fought  hard  to  get  thi 
"  dictator's  appointment  pronounced  irregular  by  the  augurs 
"  They  have  their  interregnum  then ;  but  one  consulship  cer 
"  tainly  belongs  to  the  commons  of  Rome ;  the  people  woul( 
"  use  it  freely  and  give  it  to  the  man  who  would  prefer  to  wii 
"  an  early  victory  than  to  hold  a  long  command." 

35.     With  such  oratory  the  commons  were  wrought  to  fury 

Three  patricians  were  candidates,  Publius  Cornelius  Merenda 

Lucius  Manlius  Vulso,  Marcus  ^milius  Lepidus,  and  two  meno 

ennobled  plebeian  families,  Caius  Atilius  Serranus,  and  Quintui 

Terentius  Varro  ^lius  Paetus,  One  of  whom  was  pontiff  and  the  other  augur,  bu 

Paulus  elected  the  single  consul  elected  was  Caius  Terentius,  who  had  there 
consids.        £Qj.g  ^Q  pi-eside  over  the  election  of  a  colleague.     By  this  tim( 
the  nobles  had  found  that  their  candidates  were   not   stronj 
enough.      They  induced  Lucius  vEmilius  Paulus,  after  a  Ion 
and  earnest  resistance,  to  stand.      He  had  been  consul  wii 
Marcus   Livius,  and  had  escaped   half  ruined  from   the  cor 
demnation  which  had  overtaken  his  colleague  and  himself,  an 
he  was  no  friend  to  the  commons.     On  the  next  election  da; 
all  Varro's  opponents  retiring,  ^milius  was  appointed  rath* 
as  a  rival  to  thwart  him  than  as  a  colleague.     The  election  • 
praetors  was  next  held  ;  Manius  Pomponius  Matho  and  Publj 
Furius  Philus  were  appointed.     To  Philus  was  allotted  the  joij 
diction  of  prsetor  of  the  city  ;  to  Pomponius  the  jurisdict 
over  causes  between  citizens  and  aliens.     Two  more  praetd 
were   appointed,    Marcus    Claudius    Marcellus   for  Sicily,  ail 
Lucius  Postumius  Albinus  for  Gaul.     All  these  magistrates  wfil 
appointed    in    their    absence.       Not   one,   except    the  consj 
Terentius,  had  any  office  committed  to  him  which  he  had  rj 
held  before,  and  not  a  few  gallant  and  energetic  men  were  pass  I 



ver,  because  at  such  a  crisis  it  was  thought  that  no  one  should 
e  trusted  with  an  office  to  which  he  was  new. 

36.  The  armies  also  were  increased.  But  as  to  what  addi- 
ional  forces  of  infantry  and  cavalry  were  raised,  my  authorities 
ary  so  much,  both  as  to  the  number  and  the  class  of  troops, 
hat  I  have  not  ventured  to  speak  with  any  certainty.  Some  say 
hat  ten  thousand  fresh  troops  were  levied  by  way  of  reinforce- 
ment ;  others  that  four  new  legions  were  enrolled,  so  that  there 
hould  be  an  available  force  of  eight  legions ;  they  say  also 
hat  the  number  of  the  infantry  and  the  cavalry  in  each  legion 
,'as  augmented,  a  thousand  foot  and  a  hundred  horse  being  added 
3  each,  so  that  a  legion  now  had  five  thousand  foot  and  three 
undred  horse,  the  allies  supplying  double  the  number  of  cavalry 
nd  the  same  number  of  infantry.  It  is  affirmed  by  some  writers 
hat  there  were  eighty-seven  thousand  two  hundred  armed  men 
n  the  Roman  camp  when  Cannee  was  fought.  All  indeed 
gree  that  things  were  done  with  more  vigour  and  ehergy  than 
11  former  years,  because  the  dictator  had  given  them  the  hope 
hat  the  enemy  might  be  conquered. 

But  before  the  new  legions  marched  from  Rome,  the  College 
f  the  Ten  were  directed  to  consult  and  examine  the  Sacred  Books 
n  account  of  the  general  terror  which  certain  new  portents 
ad  caused.  It  was  declared  that  both  at  Rome,  on  Mount 
[.ventine,  and  at  Aricia,*  and  at  the  same  hour,  there  had  fallen 
shower  of  stones  ;  that  statues  in  the  Sabine  country  had 
jripped  plentifully  with  blood,  and  that  cold  water  had  flowed 
om  a  hot  spring.  And  indeed  the  frequent  repetition  of  this 
3rtent  was  peculiarly  alarming.  In  the  vaulted  street  which 
ped  to  lead  to  the  Campus  several  men  were  struck  and  killed 
y'  lightning.  These  portents  were  expiated  as  the  Books 
irected.  Envoys  from  Paestum  brought  bowls  of  gold  to 
jome.  They  received  a  vote  of  thanks,  as  had  the  people  of 
japles,  but  the  gold  was  not  accepted. 

1  37.  About  the  same  time  there  arrived  at  Ostia  a  fleet  from 
jng  Hiero  with  a  great  supply  of  provisions.  The  envoys  were 
^troduced  into  the  Senate  and  spoke  to  this  effisct :  "  The  news 
Vf  the  destruction  of  the  consul  Caius  Flaminius  and  his  army 
Was  so  grievous  to  King  Hiero  that  he  could  not  have  been 
Inore  troubled  by  any  disaster  to  himself  and  his  realm.     And 


Larger  armies 

The  Sibylline 
books  again 

La  Riccir. 

King  Hiero 
sends  aid  to 
the  Romans. 

I04  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  "  SO,  though  he  is  well  aware  that  the  greatness  of  the  Roman 
"  people  is  almost  more  worthy  of  admiration  in  disaster  than  in 
"  success,  yet  he  has  sent  everything  with  which  good  and  loyal 
"  allies  are  wont  to  supply  the  needs  of  war,  and  he  earnestly 
"  entreats  the  Senate  not  to  refuse  to  accept  them.  First  of  all, 
"  for  good  fortune's  sake,  we  bring  a  golden  statue  of  Victory, 
"  weighing  two  hundred  and  twenty  pounds.  Accept  it,  and 
"  keep  it,  and  reckon  it  as  your  own  for  ever.  We  have  also 
"  brought  three  hundred  thousand  pecks  of  wheat,  and  two  hun- 
"  dred  thousand  of  barley,  lest  supplies  should  fail  you,  and  we 
"  will  bring  in  all  that  you  want  besides  to  any  point  you  may 
"  command.  The  king  knows  that  the  Roman  people  use  no 
"  infantry  or  cavalry  that  is  not  Roman,  or  of  the  Latin  nation, 
"  yet  he  has  seen  in  the  camps  of  Rome  light-armed  troops  even 
"  of  foreign  race.  He  has  sent,  therefore,  a  thousand  archers 
"  and  slingers,  a  force  well  fitted  to  cope  with  the  islanders  and 
"  Moors  and  other  tribes  who  fight  with  missiles."  The  envoys 
added  the  suggestion  that  the  przetor  commanding  in  Sicily 
should  cross  over  with  a  fleet  to  Africa.  The  enemy,  with  war 
in  their  own  borders,  would  be  less  free  to  send  reinforcements 
to  Hannibal. 

The   Senate   replied   that   Hiero  was   an  honest  man  and 
an   admirable    ally,    who   had    been    consistently    loyal    fron: 
the  day  that  he  became  the  friend  of  the  Roman  people,  an; 
had   munificently  helped  the  commonwealth   of  Rome  at  al 
times  and  in  all  places.     This  loyalty  was  as  dear  to  the  Romai 
people  as  it  deserved  to  be.     They  had  not  accepted  the  golc 
that  had  been  offered  by  certain  nations,  though  they  acceptec 
the  kindness  of  the  act.     But  they  did  accept,  for  good  fortune' 
sake,  the  statue  of  Victory,  and  gave  and  consecrated  to  th 
goddess  a  seat  in  the  Capitol,  the  temple  of  Almighty  and  mo- 
merciful  Jupiter.     "  Solemnly  established  of  her  own  goodwij 
"and  pleasure  in  that  citadel  of  Rome,  she  will  ever  be  firm  ani 
"  steadfast  to  the  Roman  people."  The  slingers,  the  archers,  a^ 
the  corn  were  handed  over  to  the  consuls.     Twenty-five  ships  j 
five  banks  of  oars  were  added  to  the  fleet  of  one  hundred  aj 
twenty  sail,  which  Titus  Otacilius,  the  pro-praetor,  had  in  Sici^ 
and  leave  was  given  him  to  cross  over  to  Africa,  if  he  thou^ 
it  for  the  public  advantage. 



38.  The  consuls,  after  completing  their  levy,  delayed  their 
departure  a  few  days  till  the  soldiers  from  the  allies  and  the 
Latin  nation  should  come  in.  Then — a  thing  never  done 
before — the  troops  had  the  oath  of  allegiance  administered  to 
them  by  the  tribunes  of  the  soldiers.  Up  to  that  time  there  had 
been  nothing  but  the  obligation  to  assemble  at  the  bidding  of 
the  consuls  and  not  to  depart  without  their  leave,  and  the  custom, 
when  they  were  formed  into  their  companies  of  a  hundred  and 
their  troops  of  ten,  that  the  infantry  soldiers  of  each  company 
and  the  horsemen  of  each  troop  swore  to  each  other  "that  they 
"  would  not  leave  their  fellows  for  fear's  sake  or  flight,  nor  quit 
"  their  ranks  except  to  take  up  or  seek  a  weapon,  to  strike  a  foe, 
"  or  to  save  a  friend."  From  a  voluntary  agreement  among 
themselves  this  was  now  changed  into  an  oath  regularly 
administered  by  the  tribunes. 

Before  the    army  left    Rome,  the  consul  Varro    delivered 

several  fierce  harangues,  in  which  he  declared  that  on  the  very 

day  on  which  he  saw  the  enemy  he  would  finish  this  war,  which, 

brought  as  it  had  been  into  Italy  by  the  nobles,  would  cling 

to  the  vitals  of  the  commonwealth,  if  it  had  more  generals  such 

lis  Fabius.  His  colleague  Paulus  spoke  once,  and  that  on  the  day 

before  he  left  the  city,  with  words  that  were  more  true  than 

[velcome.     He  said  nothing  harsh  against  Varro,  except  this 

!)nly,  that  he  wondered  how  a  general  without  knowing  anything 

)f  his  own  or  the  enemy's  army,  of  the  nature  of  the  ground,  or 

'he  geography  of  the  country,  could  be  sure,  while  he  was  still  a 

jivihan  in  the  city,  what  he  would  have  to  do  when  he  was  a 

oldier,  and  could  even  predict  the  day  on  which  he  would  give 

attle  to  his  foe.     As   for  himself,  seeing  that  circumstances 

etermine  plans,  rather  than  plans  circumstances,  he  would  in- 

julge  in  no  premature  anticipations,  and  would  hope  that  action 

iiutiously  and  deliberately  conducted  would  end  in  success. 

jashness,  besides  its  folly,  was  in  this  conjuncture  peculiarly 

lifortunate.     Evident  as  it  was  that  Paulus  would  voluntarily 

efcr  counsels  of  safety  to  counsels  of  haste,  Quintus  Fabius 

inus,  wishing  to   strengthen    him    in    this   resolve,  thus 

Luressed  him,  it  is  said,  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  : 

I  39-     "  Had  you  a  colleague  like  yourself,  Lucius  ^milius — 

ind  I  would  that  it  were  so  !— or  were  you  like  your  colleague, 


Raising  of  the 

Varro' s  boasts 

be/ore  leaving 


Feeling  of 

Warning  words 
0/  Fabius. 

io6  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXI] .     'my  words  would  be  superfluous.    Were  both  of  you  good  men, 
•'you  would  do  all  that  the  common  weal  and  your  own  honour 
"  demanded  ;   were  both  of  you  bad  men,  you  would  neither 
"  listen  to  my  words  nor  lay  my  counsels  to  heart.  As  it  is,  when 
"  I  see  what  your  colleague  is,  and  what  you  are,  I  speak,  and 
"  speak  only  to  you,  whose  valour  and  patriotism  must,  I  see,  be 
"  all  in  vain  if  one  half  of  the  commonwealth  be  helpless  and 
"  evil  counsels  have  the  same  weight  and  authority  as  good.     You 
"are  mistaken,  Paulus,  if  you  think  that  you  will  not  have  to  con- 
"  tend  quite  as  much  with  Terentius  as  with  Hannibal.    I  do  not 
"  know  whether  you  will  not  find  this  opponent  more  dangerous 
"  to  you  than  that  open  enemy.     With  the  one  you  will  contend 
"  in  the  battle-field  only ;  with  the  other  in  every  place,  at  every 
''  time.  Against  Hannibal  and  his  legions,  you  will  fight  with  your 
"  infantry  and  your  cavalry  ;  Varro,  when  in  command,  will  assail 
"  you  with  your  own  troops.    Heaven  forbid  that  I  should  trouble 
"you  with  the  sinister  recollection  of  Flaminius.     Yet,  when  he 
"  was  consul,  it  was  only  in  his  command  and  in  the  army  that 
"  he  began  to  show  his  insanity  ;  this  man,  before  he  stood  for 
"  the  consulship,  while  he  was  standing  for  it,  and  now  that  he  is 
"  consul,  before  he  has  seen  the  camp  or  the  enemy,  has  played 
"and  is  playing  the  madman.     If  he  could  raise  such  storms! 
"  among  our  civilians  by  bragging  of  battle  and  battle -fields,  what 
"  think  you,  will  he  do  with  armed  men — young  men,  remember- 
"  in  circumstances  where  action  follows  immediately  on  speech 
''  Yet  if  he  shall  give  battle  forthwith,  as  he  declares  he  will  dc 
"  then  either  I  know  nothing  of  soldiership,  of  this  kind  of  war,  an; 
"  of  this  enemy,  or  some  other  place  will  be  made  yet  more  famoUj 
"  than  Trasumennus  by  our  disasters.  This  is  no  time  for  boasti 
"  when  you  only  are  here,  and  I,  if  I  err,  would  rather  err  in 
"  spising  than  in  seeking  fame  ;  but  this  is  the  simple  trulj 
''There  is  but  one  method  of  fighting  with  Hannibal,  and  tt 
"  is  the  method  which  I  followed.     It  is  not  only  results 
"  show  us  this  (fools  are  taught  by  results),  but  a  reasonii 
"which  has  remained  and  must  remain  unchanged  as  long 
"  circumstances  shall  continue  the  same.     It  is  in  Italy  we 
"  fighting,  in  our  own  home,  on  our  native  soil ;  countrymen  atl 
"allies  are  everywhere  about  us  ;  they  help  and  will  help  uswij 
"  arms,  men,  horses,  provisions  (this  proof  of  their  loyalty  thl 


"  have  already  given  us  in  our  adversity),  while  time  makes  us  book  xxii. 
"  continually  better,  wiser,  more  steadfast.  Hannibal,  on  the 
"other  hand,  is  in  a  strange,  a  hostile  country,  where  all  is 
"adverse  and  unfriendly,  far  from  his  home  and  native 
"  land.  Neither  by  land  nor  sea  can  he  find  peace  ;  no 
"cities,  no  fortified  places  receive  him;  he  sees  nothing  any- 
"  where  to  call  his  own  ;  he  lives  from  day  to  day  on  what 
"  he  steals.  Scarce  a  third  of  the  army  with  which  he  crossed 
"  the  Ebro'is  left  to  him.  He  has  lost  more  by  hunger  than  by 
"  the  sword,  and  for  the  few  that  remain  he  has  not  food  enough. 
"  Do  you  doubt,  then,  that  by  sitting  still  we  shall  conquer  a  man 
"  who  grows  feebler  every  day,  who  has  neither  provisions  nor 
"reinforcements  nor  money.-'  How  long  has  he  been  sitting 
"before  the  walls  of  Gereonium,  a  poor  fort  in  Apulia,  as  if  they 
"were  the  walls  of  Carthage?  But  even  before  you  I  will  not 
"  boast  of  myself.  See  how  the  last  consuls,  Cneius  Servilius  and 
"  Atilius  played  with  him.  This  is  the  one  path  of  safety,  Paulus, 
"  and  thus  it  is  your  own  countrymen,  rather  than  the  enemy, 
"  who  will  make  it  difficult  and  dangerous  for  you.  True,  our  own 
"  soldiers  will  have  the  same  wish  as  the  enemy,  and  Varro, 
"  Roman  consul  as  he  is,  will  desire  exactly  what  Hannibal 
"the  Carthaginian  general  desires.  Singly  you  must  resist 
"  the  two  commanders.  And  you  will  resist,  if  you  stand  really 
"firm  against  both  popular  opinion  and  idle  rumour,  if  neither 
"  the  foolish  vainglorying  of  your  colleague  nor  your  own  un- 
"  deserved  disgrace  shall  move  you.  Truth,  they  say,  is  too  often 
"  eclipsed,  but  never  extinguished.  He  who  spurns  false  glory, 
"  shall  possess  the  true.  Let  them  call  you  coward  when  you 
"are  cautious,  dilatory  when  you  are  deliberate,  no  soldier 
"  when  you  show  true  soldiership.  I  had  rather  that  a  skilful 
"  enemy  should  fear  than  that  a  foolish  friend  should  praise  you. 
"The  man  who  dares  all  risks,  Hannibal  will  despise  ;  the  man 
j'  who  does  nothing  rashly,  he  will  fear.  I  do  not  advise  you  to 
r  do  nothing  ;  I  advise  you,  whatever  you  do,  let  reason,  not 
r  fortune,  guide  you.  Always  keep  yourself  and  your  forces 
r  under  your  own  control.  Be  always  prepared,  always  on  the 
j'  watch.  Never  miss  your  own  opportunity  ;  never  give  an  oppor- 
''  tunity  to  the  enemy.  He  who  will  not  hurry,  will  find  all  things 
ir,  all  things  certain.  Haste  is  both  improvident  and  blind." 

io8  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  40.  The  consul's  reply  was  by  no  means  in  a  cheerful  tone. 
Reply  of  Pauius  ^^  allowed  that  what  Fabius  said  was  true,  but  not  that  it 
was  easy  to  put  into  practice.  A  dictator  had  found  his  master 
of  the  horse  unmanageable.  What  power  and  influence  would 
a  consul  have  to  resist  a  turbulent  and  headstrong  colleague  ? 
"  In  my  first  consulship,"  said  Pauius,  "  I  escaped,  half  consumed, 
"  out  of  the  fire  of  popular  fury  ;  I  wish  that  all  things  may  turn 
"  out  well.  If  any  disaster  befall  us,  I  shall  sooner  trust  my  life 
"  to  the  weapons  of  the  enemy  than  to  the  votes  of  my  enraged 
"  fellow-citizens." 

It  was,  they  say,  with  these  words  on  his  lips  that  Pauius  set 
out.  He  was  attended  by  the  leading  patricians,  the  plebeian 
consul,  by  his  own  plebeian  adherents,  more  conspicuously 
honoured  by  numbers  than  by  worth.  When  they  reached  the 
camp,  the  old  army  was  combined  with  the  new  ;  two  camps 
were  formed,  the  newer  and  weaker  being  nearer  to  Hannibal, 
while  the  first  retained  the  greater  part  of  the  army  and  all 
the  best  troops.  Marcus  Atilius,  consul  of  the  last  year,  pleaded 
his  age,  and  was  sent  back  to  Rome  ;  Geminus  Servilius  was 
set  to  command  in  the  smaller  camp  a  Roman  legion  and  two 
thousand  cavalry  and  infantry  of  the  allies.  Hannibal,  though 
Hannibal  wishes  perceiving  that  the  hostile  forces  were  half  as  large  again  as 
general  before,  was  yet  marvellously  delighted  at  the  arrival  of  the  consuls. 
engage7nent.  ]sjq^  Qj^jy  ^^^  there  nothing  left  out  of  the  plunder  that  every  day 
brought  in,  but  there  was  not  even  a  place  remaining  to  be 
plundered  ;  all  the  corn  had  been  carried  into  fortified  towns  a^ 
soon  as  the  country  grew  unsafe,  so  that,  as  was  afterwari 
discovered,  scarce  ten  days'  supply  of  corn  remained,  and  thj 
Spaniards  had  arranged  to  desert  from  sheer  hunger,  if  only  ti 
Romans  could  have  waited  for  their  full  opportunity. 

41.     Chance  gave  encouragement  to  the  rash  and  impetuoi 

temper  of  the  consul  in  a  confused  skirmish  that  began  in  ai 

attempt  to  drive  off  some  plunderers,  followed  by  a  hasty  rush 

the  soldiers  without  preparation  or  orders  from  their  commander: 

and  the  fortune  of  the  day  went  against  the  Carthaginians, 

many  as  seventeen  hundred  fell ;  of  the  Romans  and  allies  n 

The  Romans    "''oi'^  than  a   hundred  were  killed.     The  consul  Pauius,  wh« 

are  victorious]   vvas  in  Command  that  day  (the  two  consuls  commanded  alter 

skirmish.       natcly),  checked  the  wild  pursuit   of  the   conquerors,   amids 


wrathful  protestations  from  Varro,  that  they  were  letting  the  book  xxii. 
enemy  slip  out  of  their  hands,  and  that  he  might  have  been 
thoroughly  beaten  had  they  not  paused.  Hannibal  was  not 
much  distressed  at  this  loss.  He  rather  believed  that  it  would  be, 
so  to  speak,  a  bait  to  the  rashness  of  the  headstrong  consul  and 
of  the  new  soldiers  especially.  He  knew  quite  as  much  about 
his  foe  as  he  did  about  his  own  troops ;  he  knew  that  two 
men  wholly  unlike  and  without  unity  of  purpose  were  in  com- 
mand, and  that  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  army  were  recruits. 
It  seemed  to  him  that  both  time  and  place  favoured  a 
stratagem.  Making  his  soldiers  carry  with  them  nothing  but  their  Hannibal  lays  a 
arms,  he  quitted  his  camp,  leaving  it  full  of  property  both  public  ^^"'^  ^'^  *^^^"'' 
and  private.  He  drew  up  his  infantry  in  concealment  behind 
the  hills  on  his  left,  and  his  cavalry  on  the  right ;  and  made 
the  baggage  pass  up.  the  valley  between,  hoping  to  surprise 
the  Romans  while  their  thoughts  and  hands  were  busied  with 
the  plunder  of  a  camp  which  seemed  to  have  been  deserted  by 
the  sudden  flight  of  its  occupants.  Many  fires  were  left  in  the 
camp,  intended  to  create  the  impression  that  he  had  wished  to 
keep  the  consuls  where  they  were,  till  he  had  got  a  long  start  in 
Jiis  retreat,  just  as  he  had  deceived  Fabius  the  year  before. 
j  42.  When  day  broke,  the  Rornans  saw  with  astonishment,  first, 
jhat  the  pickets  were  withdrawn,  and  then  when  they  approached 
[he  camp,  that  there  was  an  unusual  stillness.  As  soon  as  they 
vere  quite  certain  that  it  was  deserted,  there  was  a  rush  to  the 
headquarters  of  the  consul,  and  a  cry  that  the  enemy  had  fled 
fli  such  haste  that  they  had  abandoned  their  camp  with  the  tents 
tanding,  and  that  to  conceal  their  retreat,  many  fires  had  been 
eft  burning.  A  loud  shout  was  set  up  that  the  consuls  should 
It  once  order  an  advance  and  lead  them  to  pursue  the  enemy, 
Ind  forthwith  plunder  the  camp.  One  of  the  consuls  was  nothing 
letter  than  one  of  the  mob  of  soldiers.  Paulus  said  again  and  Caution  of 
'gain  that  they  must  be  prudent  and  cautious.  At  last,  seeing 
0  other  way  of  holding  his  own  against  the  mutineers  and 
icir  leader,  he  sent  MariusStatilius  with  a  Lucanian  troop  of 
)rse  under  his  command  to  reconnoitre. 

Riding  up  to  the  gates  and  bidding  the  rest  remain  outside  the 
iies,  Marius  and  two  others  entered  the  entrenchments,  and  after 
jirefuUy  surveying  every  point,  brought  back  word  that  there  was 

no  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  certainly  some  hidden  danger  ;  that  the  fires  that  had  been  left 
were  on  the  side  of  the  camp  nearest  to  the  Romans,  the  tents 
were  open  and  everything  of  value  was  left  perfectly  acces- 
sible ;  that  he  had  even  seen  silver  strewn  at  random  in  some 
places  along  the  paths,  as  if  to  invite  plunder.  What  was 
intended  to  restrain  the  soldiers  from  their  greed  of  gain,  only 
inflamed  them.  A  shout  arose  that  if  the  signal  was  not  given 
they  would  go  without  their  generals  ;  but  there  was  a  general 
forthcoming,  for  Varro  immediately  gave  the  signal  to  start. 
Paulus,  whose  own  wish  was  for  delay,  heard  that  the  auguries  of 
the  sacred  chicken  did  not  sanction  an  advance,  and  bade  the 
fact  be  communicated  to  Varro  just  as  he  was  marching  out  of  the 
camp-gates.  Varro  was  greatly  vexed,  but  the  recent  disaster  of 
Flaminius  and  the  famous  defeat  of  the  consul  Claudius  in  the 
first  Punic  war,  had  impressed  religious  fears  upon  his  mind.  I 
may  almost  say  that  Heaven  itself  that  day  postponed  rather  than 
averted  the  doom  that  was  hanging  over  the  Romans.  It  so 
happened  that  while  the  consul  was  bidding  the  soldiers  retire 
into  the  camp  and  they  were  refusing  to  obey  him,  two  slave 
*  MoladiGaeta  attendants,  one  belonging  to  a  trooper  from  Formise*  and  the 
other  to  a  trooper  from  Sidicinum,  who  had  been  captured  amon| 
-  the  foragers  by  the  Numidians  when  Servilius  and  Atilius  wer 
consuls,  that  day  escaped  to  their  old  masters.  They  we 
brought  to  the  consuls  and  told  them  that  the  whole  army  i 
Hannibal  lay  in  ambush  behind  the  hills.  Their  opportuni 
arrival  restored  the  authority  of  the  consuls,  though  one  consul 
bent  as  he  was  on  popularity,  had  by  an  unprincipled  indulgencf 
impaired  the  dignity  of  his  office. 
Hannibal  43.     Hannibal  saw  that  the  Romans   had   indeed  move^ 

°of^sitp/iies^to  rashly,  but  were  not  yet  venturing  the  last  desperate  risk,  anci 
^'cannce'in  ^^  returned,  now  that  his  stratagem  was  discovered,  disappointe(j 
Apulia.  to  his  camp.  He  could  not  remain  there  many  days  as  pro' 
visions  were  running  short.  Every  day  new  plans  suggestei 
themselves,  not  only  among  his  troops,  a  miscellaneous  crowC| 
the  refuse  of  the  world,  but  to  the  general  himself.  Murmurt 
that  soon  grew  into  loud  clamours  had  been  heard,  demanda||}| 
overdue  pay,  and  complaints  first  of  scanty  rations  and  thef' 
of  absolute  famine  ;  rumours  had  spread  that  the  mercenarie:) 
the   Spaniards   especially,  had  talked  of  changing  sides,  an 


Hannibal  himself  was  said  to  have  sometimes  had  thoughts  of  BOOK  xxil. 

■etreating  into  Gaul,  hurrying  away  with  his  cavalry,  but  leaving 

ill  his  infantry  behind.     Such  being  the  plans  discussed  and 

such  the  temper  prevailing  in  the  camp,  he  resolved  to  move 

nto  Apulia,  a  warmer  country,  where  the  harvest  would  be 

i;arlier ;  the  greater  too  his  distance  from  the  enemy,  the  more 

iifficult  would  desertion  be  for  the  weaker  spirits  in  his  army. 

He  started  during  the  night,  leaving,  as  he  had  done  before,  a 

Few  fires  and  tents  to  deceive  the  enemy.     Fear  of  some  such 

stratagem  as  before  would,  he  hoped,  keep  them  where  they 

were.      But  when    after    a   thorough   exploration   of   all    the 

country  beyond  the  camp,  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  hills,  by 

Statilius,the  Lucanian  officer  mentioned  already,  it  was  reported 

that  the  hostile  army  had  been  seen  in  the  distance,  the  question 

of  pursuit  was  at  once  debated.     The  two  consuls  adhered  to     The  Romans 

Sheir  former  opinions,  but  as  nearly  all  voted  with  Varro,  and  -^^  ^"' 
10  one,  except  the  ex-consul  Servilius,  with  Paulus,  the  judg- 
nent  of  the  majority  prevailed,  and  the  army  moved  out,  to 
ake   Cannae,  for  so  destiny  would  have   it,  famous  for  ever 
yr  a  great  Roman  defeat.     Hannibal   had   pitched  his  camp 
jiear  that  village,  so  as  not  to  face  the  wind  called  Vulturnus, 
|vhich,  blowing  across  plains  parched  with  drought,  carries  with 
clouds  of  dust.     The  arrangement  was  most  convenient  for 
|he  camp,  and  was  afterwards  found  to  be  of  similar  advantage 
hen  they  marshalled  their  troops  for  battle.     Their  own  faces 
ere  turned  away  and  the  wind  did  but  blow  on  their  backs, 
hile  the  enemy  with  whom  they  were  to  fight  was  blinded  by 
olumes  of  dust. 

I    44.    The  consuls,  after  duly  reconnoitring  the  roads,  fol- 

'  "cd  the  Carthaginians  till  they  reached  Cannae,  where  they 

the  enemy  in  sight.     They  then  entrenched  and  fortified 

A  0  camps,  separating  their  forces  by  about  the  same  distance 

*5  before   at  Gereonium.     The   river  Aufidus,*  which   flowed 

both  camps,  furnished  water  to  both  armies,  the  soldiers 

coaching  as  they  most  conveniently  could,  not,  however, 

lout  some   skirmishing.     From  the   smaller  camp,   which 

aI  been    pitched  on   the  further   side   of   the  Aufidus,  the 

jmans  procured  water  with   less  difficulty,  as   the   opposite 

k  was  not  held  by  any  hostile  force.    Hannibal  saw  his  hope 

Both  armies 

eiicajnp  near 



112  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  accomplished,  that  the  consuls  would  offer  battle  on  ground 
made  for  the  action  of  cavalry,  in  which  arm  he  was  invincible. 
He  drew  up  his  men,  and  sought  to  provoke  his  foe  by 
throwing  forward  his  Numidian  troopers.  Then  the  Roman 
camp  was  once  more  disturbed  by  mutiny  among  the  troops 

Difference  of  and  disagreement  between  the  consuls.  Paulus  taunted  Varro 
'"^Hircoitds"'  with  the  rashness  of  Sempronius  and  Flaminius  ;  Varro  re- 
proached Paulus  with  copying  Fabius,  an  example  attractive  to 
timid  and  indolent  commanders,  and  called  both  gods  and  men 
to  witness  that  it  was  no  fault  of  his  if  Hannibal  had  now  a 
prescriptive  possession  of  Italy.  "  I,"  said  he,  "  have  my  hands 
"  tied  and  held  fast  by  my  colleague.  My  soldiers,  furious  and 
"  eager  to  fight,  are  stripped  of  their  swords  and  arms."  Paulus 
declared  that  if  any  disaster  befell  the  legions  recklessly  thrown 
and  betrayed  into  battle  without  deliberation  or  forethought,  he 
would  share  all  their  fortunes,  while  holding  himself  free  from 
all  blame.  "  Let  Varro  look  to  it  that  they  whose  tongues  were 
"  so  ready  and  so  bold,  had  hands  equally  vigorous  in  the  day 
"  of  battle." 

Skirmishing  45.     While  they  thus  wasted  the  time  in  disputing  rather 

^"^'ZTJks!^""  than  in  deliberating,  Hannibal,  who  had  kept  his  lines  drawn  u; 
till  late  in  the  day,  called  back  the  rest  of  his  troops  into  hil 
camp,  but  sent  forward  the  Numidian  cavalry  across  the  river  ti 
attack  the  water-parties  from  the  smaller  of  the  two  Roma: 
camps.  Coming  on  with  shouting  and  uproar  they  sent  thi 
undisciplined  crowd  flying  before  they  had  even  reached  th 
bank,  and  rode  on  till  they  came  on  an  outpost  statiom 
before  the  rampart  and  close  to  the  very  camp-gates.  S 
scandalous  did  it  seem  that  a  Roman  camp  should  be  alarmed 
by  some  irregular  auxiliaries  that  the  only  circumstance 
which  hindered  the  Romans  from  immediately  crossing  the 
river  and  forming  their  line  of  battle  was,  that  the  supreme 
command  that  day  rested  with  Paulus.  But  the  next  da) 
Varro,  without  consulting  his  colleague,  gave  the  signal  t( 
engage,  and  drawing  up  his  forces  led  them  across  the  river 
Paulus  followed  him  ;  he  could  withhold  his  sanction  from  th( 
movement,  but  not  his  support.  The  river  crossed,  they  joined  t( 
their  own  the  forces  retained  by  them  in  the  smaller  camp,  am 
then  formed  their  lines.     On  the  right  wing  (the  one  nea 




the  river)  they  posted  the  Roman  cavalry  and  next  the  infantry,    book  xxil. 

On  the  extreme  flank  of  the  left  wing  were  the  allied  cavalry, 

next  the  allied  infantry,  side  by  side  with  the  Roman  legions  in 

the  centre.     Slingers  and  other  light-armed  auxiliaries  made  up 

the  first  line.     Paulus  commanded  the  left  wing  ;    Varro  the 

right ;  Geminius  Serviilus  had  charge  of  the  centre. 

46.    At  dawn  Hannibal,  sending  in  advance  his  slingers  and 
light-armed  troops,   crossed  the  river,  assigning  each  division 
its  position  as  it  crossed.      His  Gallic  and  Spanish  cavalry  he 
posted  near  the  river  bank  on  the  left  wing,  facing  the  Roman 
horse ;  the  right  wing  was  assigned  to  the  Numidian  cavalry  ; 
the  centre  showed  a  strong  force  of  infantry,  having  on  either 
side  the  African  troops,  with  the  Gauls  and  Spaniards  between 
them.      These  Africans  might  have  been  taken  for  a  Roman 
force ;    so   largely    were   they  equipped   with  weapons  taken 
at  Trebia,  and  yet  more  at  Trasumennus.      The  Gauls   and 
Spaniards  had  shields  of  very  nearly  the  same  shape,  but  their 
swords  were  widely  different  in  size  and  form,  the  Gauls  having 
ithem  very  long  and  pointless,  while  the  Spaniards,  who  were  ac- 
jcustomed  to  assail  the  enemy  with  thrusts  rather  than  with  blows, 
^ad  them  short,  handy,  and  pointed.     These  nations  had  a 
jspecially  terrible  appearance,  so  gigantic  was  their  stature,  and 
i50  strange  their  look.     The  Gauls  were  naked  above  the  navel ; 
i:he  Spaniards  wore  tunics  of  linen  bordered  with  purple,  of  a 
Whiteness  marvellously  dazzling.     The  total  number  of  the  in- 
fantry who  were  that  day  ranged  in  line,  was  forty  thousand, 
[hat  of  the  cavalry  ten  thousand.     Hasdrubal  commanded  the 
left  wing ;    Maharbal    the   right ;    Hannibal    himself,  with    his 
brother  Mago,  was  in  the  centre.     The  sun — whether  the  troops 
Ivere  purposely  so  placed,  or  whether  it  was  by  chance— fell  very 
onveniently   sideways    on    both   armies,  the   Romans   facing 
pe   south,  the    Carthaginians   the   north.      The   wind  (called 
Fulturnus  by  the  natives  of  those  parts)  blew  straight  against 
pe  Romans  and  whirled  clouds  of  dust  into  their  faces  till  they 
jould  see  nothing. 

[  47.  With  a  loud  shout  the  auxiliaries  charged,  the  light 
;Oops  thus  beginning  the  battle.  Next  the  Gallic  and  Spanish 
|orse  of  the  left  wing  encountered  the  right  wing  of  the  Romans, 
he  fight  was  not  at  all  like  a  cavalry  engagement ;  they  had 


The  battle. 



BOOK  xxil.   to  meet   face  to  face  ;   there   was  no  room   for   manoeuvring, 
shut  in  as  they  were  by  the  river  on  one  side  and  the  lines  of 
infantry  on  the  other.     Both  sides  pushed  straight  forward  till, 
with  their  horses  brought  to  a  stand  and  crowded  together  in  a 
mass,    each   man    seized    his   antagonist    and    strove  to  drag 
him    from   his    seat.      The    struggle    now    became    mainly  a 
struggle  of   infantry  ;    but  the  conflict  was  rather  fierce  than 
protracted.    The  Roman  cavalry  were  defeated  and  put  to  flight. 
Just  before  the  encounter  of  the  cavalry  came  to  an  end,  the 
fight  between  the  infantry  began.      The  two   sides  were  well 
matched  in  strength  and  courage,  as  long  as  the  Gauls  and 
Spaniards   kept   their  ranks   unbroken ;   at   last   the  Romans, 
after    long    and     repeated     efforts,    sloped    their    front    and 
broke,  by  their  deep  formation,  the  enemy's  column,  which, 
advanced  as  it  was  from  the  rest  of  the  line,  was  shallow  and 
therefore  weak.     Pursuing  the  broken  and  rapidly  retreating 
foe,  they  made  their  way  without  a  halt  through  the  rout  of 
panic-stricken  fugitives  till  they  reached,  first,  the  centre  of  the 
line,  and  then,   meeting  with   no  check,  the  reserves   of  the 
African    troops.      These    had   been    stationed    on   the   wings  j 
which  had  been  somewhat  retired,  while  the  centre,  where  th^ 
Gauls   and   Spaniards  had  been   posted,  was   proportionate^ 
advanced.     As  that  column  fell  back,  the  line  became  level  j 
when  they  pushed  their  retreat,  they  made   a   hollow   in  th^ 
centre.     The  Africans  now  overlapped  on  either  side,  and  as  thd 
Romans  rushed  heedlessly  into  the  intervening  space,  they  first 
outflanked  them  and  then,  extending  their  own  formation,  actU'^ 
ally  hemmed  in  their  rear.     Upon  this  the  Romans,  who  hac 
fought  one  battle  to  no  purpose,  quitted  the  Gauls  and  Spaniards.1 
whose  rear  they  had  been  slaughtering,  and  began  a  new  conflict  j 
with  the  Africans,  a  conflict  unfair,  not  only  because  they  werej 
shut  in  with  foes  all  round  them,  but  because  they  were  wearied 
while  the  enemy  was  fresh  and  vigorous. 

48.  On  the  left  wing  of  the  Romans  the  cavalry  of  the  allien 
had  been  posted  against  the  Numidians.  Here  too  battle  hac 
been  joined,  though  with  little  spirit  for  a  time,  the  first  move 
ment  being  a  Carthaginian  stratagem.  Nearly  five  hundred  Numi 
dians  who,  besides  their  usual  armour  and  missiles  had  sword 
hidden  under  their  cuirasses,  rode  out  from  their  own  line  wit 




their  shields  slung  behind  their  backs  as  though  they  had  been   BOOK  xxii 

deserters,  leapt  in  haste  from  their  horses  and  threw  their  shields 

and  javelins  at  the  feet  of  the  Romans.     They  were  received 

into  the  centre  of  the  line,  taken  to  the  extreme  rear,  and  bidden 

to  keep  their  place   behind.     While   the   battle   spread   from 

place  to  place,  they  remained  motionless  ;  but  as  soon  as  all 

eyes  and  thoughts   were  intent   on   the   conflict,   they   seized 

the  shields  which  lay  scattered   everywhere    among  the  piles 

of  dead,  and  fell  on  the  Roman  line   from   the    rear.     They 

wounded  the  backs  and  legs  of  the  men,  and,  while  they  made 

a  great    slaughter,    spread   far   greater  panic    and   confusion. 

While  there  was  terror  and  flight  on  the  right,  and  in  the  centre 

an  obstinate   resistance,  though  with   little   hope,  Hasdrubal, 

who  was  in  command  in  this  quarter,  withdrew  the  Numidians 

from  the  centre,  seeing  that  they  fought  with  but  little  spirit,  and 

jhaving  sent  them  in  all  directions  to  pursue  the  enemy,  reinforced 

'with  the  Spanish  and  Gallic  cavalry  the  African  troops,  wearied 

las  they  now  were  with  slaughter  rather  than  with  fighting. 

49.     Paulus  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  field.     He  had 

been  seriously  wounded  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  battle  by 

^  bullet  from  a  sling,  but  yet  he  repeatedly  encountered  Hannibal 

l^ith  a  compact  body  of  troops,  and  at  several  points  restored 

jhe   fortune   of  the   day.      He  was  protected   by  the  Roman 

pvalry,  who  at  last  sent  away  their  horses  when  the  consul 

Became  too   weak   to    manage   his    charger.     Some  one  told 

jiannibal  that  the  consul  had  ordered  the  cavalry  to  dismount. 

[  He  might  better  hand  them  over  to  me  bound  hand  and  foot," 

laid  he.    The  horsemen  fought  on  foot  as  men  were  likely  to 

ght,  when,  the  victory  of  the  enemy  being  beyond  all  doubt, 

e  vanquished  preferred  dying  where  they  stood  to  flight,  and 

•le  victors,    furious  with   those   who    delayed   their   triumph, 

aughtered  the  foes  whom  they  could  not  move.     Move  them, 

pwever,  they  did — that  is  a  few  survivors,  exhausted  with  wounds 

pd  fatigue.    All  were  then  scattered,  and  such  as  were  able 

pught  to  recover  their  horses  and  fly.      Cn.  Lentulus,  as  he 

ploped  by,  saw  the    consul    sitting    on  a  stone  and  covered 

iith  blood.     "  Lucius  -^tmilius,"  he  cried,  "  the  one  man  whom 

heaven  must  regard  as  guiltless  of  this  day's  calamity,  take 

this  horse  while  you  have  some  strength  left,  and  I  am  here 

I  2 

Dc/cat  0/  the 
Romans,  with 
the  destruction 
of  the  greater 
part  of  their 



BOOK  XXII.  "  to  be  with  you,  to  lift  you  to  the  saddle,  and  to  defend  you. 
"  Do  not  make  this  defeat  yet  sadder  by  a  consul's  death. 
"  There  is  weeping  and  sorrow  enough  without  this."  The 
consul  replied,  "'Tis  a  brave  thought  of  thine,  Cn.  Cornelius  ; 
"  but  waste  not  the  few  moments  you  have  for  escaping  from  the 
"  enemy  in  fruitless  pity.  My  public  message  to  the  senators 
"  is  that  they  must  fortify  Rome  and  make  its  garrison  as  strong 
"  as  may  be  before  the  victorious  enemy  arrives.  My  private 
"  message  to  Quintus  Fabius  is  that  Lucius  ^milius  remem- 
"  bered  his  teaching  in  life  and  death.  As  for  me,  let  me  breathe 
"  my  last  among  my  slaughtered  soldiers.  I  would  not  again 
"  leave  my  consulship  to  answer  for  my  life,  nor  would  I  stand 
"  up  to  accuse  my  colleague,  and  by  accusing  another  protect  my 
"  own  innocence." 

While  they  thus  talked  together,  they  were  overtaken, 
first  by  a  crowd  of  Roman  fugitives  and  then  by  the  enemy. 
These  last  buried  the  consul  under  a  shower  of  javelins, 
not  knowing  who  he  was.  Lentulus  galloped  off  in  the  con- 
fusion. The  Romans  now  fled  wildly  in  every  direction.  Seven 
thousand  men  escaped  into  the  smaller,  ten  thousand  into  the 
larger  camp,  ten  thousand  more  into  the  village  of  Cannae  itself. 
These  last  were  immediately  surrounded  by  Carthalo  and  the 
cavalry,  for  no  fortification  protected  the  place.  The  other 
consul,  who,  whether  by  chance  or  of  set  purpose,  had  not 
joined  any  large  body  of  fugitives,  fled  with  about  five  hundred 
horsemen  to  Venusia.*  Forty-five  thousand  five  hundred  in- 
fantry, two  thousand  seven  hundred  cavalry,  and  almost  as 
many  more  citizens  and  allies  are  said  to  have  fallen.  Among 
these  were  the  quaestors  of  both  consuls,  Lucius  Atilius  and  Furius 
Bibaculus,  twenty-nine  tribunes  of  the  soldiers,  not  a  few  ex- 
consuls,  ex-prcCtors,  and  ex-sediles  (among  them  Cn.  Servilius  and 
Marcus  Minucius,  who  the  year  before  had  been  the  master  of 
the  horse,  and  consul  some  years  before  that),  eighty  who  were 
either  actual  senators  or  had  filled  such  offices  as  made  them 
eligible  for  the  Senate,  and  who  had  volunteered  to  serve  in  the 
legions.  In  this  battle  three  thousand  infantry  and  one  thousand 
five  hundred  cavalry  are  said  to  have  been  taken  prisoners. 

50.  Such  was  the  battle  of  Cannae,  as  famous  as  the  disastei 
at  the  AUia,  and  though  less  serious  in  its  consequences,  thanks 




Some  escajie  to 


to  the  inaction  of  the  enemy,  yet  in  loss   of  men  still  more    book  xxii. 
ruinous  and  disgraceful.     The  flight  at  the  Allia  lost  the  city 
but  saved  the  army  ;  at  Cannae  the  consul  who  fled  was  followed 
by  barely  fifty  men  ;   with  the  consul  who  perished,  perished 
nearly  the  whole  army. 

The  two  camps  held  a  defenceless  crowd  with  no  one  to  com- 
mand them.  The  occupants  of  the  larger  camp  sent  a  messenger 
to  their  neighbours,  suggesting  that  they  should  come  over  to 
them,  while  night  still  kept  the  enemy  wrapped  in  the  profound 
sleep  that  would  follow  battle  and  the  joyous  banquets  of  con- 
querors ;  they  might  then  unite  in  one  body  and  retreat  to 
Canusium.*  Some  wholly  scorned  the  proposal.  "  Why,"  said 
they,  "  do  not  the  men  who  send  for  us  come  themselves,  being 
"  just  as  well  able  to  effect  the  junction  as  we  ?  The  fact  is 
"  that  the  whole  space  between  is  crowded  with  the  enemy,  and 
"  they  had  sooner  expose  the  persons  of  others  to  this  deadly 
"  peril  than  their  own." 

Others  did  not  so  much  disapprove  of  the  proposal  as  want 

courage  to  execute  it.  Then  cried  Publius  Sempronius  Tuditanus, 

a  tribune  of  the  soldiers,  "  Would  you  sooner  be  taken  prisoners 

"  by  this   rapacious   and   cruel   enemy,  and   have  a  price  put 

"  on  your  heads  and  your  value  determined  by  enquiries  as  to 

"  whether  you  are  Roman  citizens  or  Latin  allies,  while  others  are 

r  winning  honours  out  of  the  miseries  and  insults  you  endure  ? 

You  would  not  suffer  it,  if  you  are  fellow-countrymen  of  the  con- 

'  sul,  Lucius  yEmilius,  who  chose  to  die  with  honour  rather  than 

'  live  with  disgrace,  and  of  all  those  gallant  citizens  who  He  in 

'  heaps  about  him.     Before  day  comes  upon  us,  before  larger 

r  forces  of  the  enemy  intercept  our  way,  let  us  charge  through 

''  this  disorderly  and  undisciplined  foe  that  clamours  at  our  gates. 

Courage  and  the  sword  can  force  their  way  even  through  the 

densest  enemy.     Your  column  can  as  easily  scatter  this  loose 

disorganised  array  as  if  it  opposed  no  resistance.     Come  then 

!  with  me,  all  you  who  wish  yourselves  and  the  commonwealth  to 

be  in  safety."    Saying  this,  he  drew  his  sword,  formed  a  column, 

k1  passed  through  the  midst  of  the  enemy.     Seeing  that  the 

umidians  aimed  at  their  right  sides,  which  were  exposed,  they 

langed  their  shields  to  their  right  arms,  and  escaped  to  the 

imber  of  six  hundred  into  the  greater  camp,  and  then,  having 



A  diiice  o/ 
Mahcirbal  to 

BOOK  XXII.  been  joined  by  another  considerable  force,  immediately  made 
their  way  to  Canusium  without  loss.  This  action  among  the 
conquered  came  more  from  the  impulse  which  natural  courage 
or  accident  supplied  than  from  any  concerted  plan  or  any 
officer's  generalship. 

$1.  Round  the  victorious  Hannibal  crowded  his  officers 
with  congratulations  and  entreaties  that  now  that  this  mighty 
war  was  finished  he  should  take  what  remained  of  that  day  and 
the  following  night  for  rest,  and  give  the  same  to  his  wearied 
soldiers.  Maharbal,  the  general  of  his  cavalry,  thought  that 
there  should  be  no  pause.  "  Nay,"  he  cried,  "  that  you  may 
'"  know  what  has  been  achieved  by  this  victory,  you  shall  hold  a 
"  conqueror's  feast  within  five  days  in  the  Capitol.  Pursue  them  ; 
"  I  will  go  before  you  with  my  cavalry,  and  they  shall  know 
"  that  you  are  come  before  they  know  you  are  coming." 
Hannibal  felt  that  his  success  was  too  great  for  him  to  be  able 
to  realize  it  at  the  moment.  "  He  commended,"  he  said, 
"  Maharbal's  zeal,  but  he  must  take  time  to  deliberate." 
Maharbal  replied,  ''  Well,  the  gods  do  not  give  all  gifts  to  one 
"  man.  Hannibal,  you  know  how  to  conquer ;  not  how  to  use  a 
"  conquest."  That  day's  delay  is  believed  to  have  saved  Rome 
and  its  empire. 

The  next  day,   at   daybreak,  they  issued  forth  to   collect 
the   spoil  and  to  gaze  upon  a  scene  of  slaughter,  at  which 
even  a  foe  must  have   shuddered.     Many  thousands  of  the 
Roman  dead  lay  there,  foot-soldiers  and  horsemen  as  chance 
had  thrown  them  together  in  the  battle  or  the  flight.      Somei 
were  cut  down   by  the  foe  as  they  rose  covered  with  bloc 
from  the  field  of  death,  revived  by  the  cold  of  the  mornin 
which  had  closed  their  wounds.      Some,  who  were  discovere 
lying  alive,  but  with  the  sinews  of  thighs  and  knees  dividec 
bared  their  necks  and  throats  and  begged  the  foe  to  shed  wha 
blood  yet  remained  to  them.     Others  were  found  with  their  head 
buried  in  holes  in  the  earth,  and  it  was  evident  that  they  ha( 
made  these  holes  for  themselves,  had  heaped  up  the  soil  on  thei 
faces,  and  so  suffocated  themselves.     Of  all;  sights  the  raos 
striking  was  a  Numidian  who  lay  with  a  dead  Roman  upor 
him  ;  he  was  alive,  but  his  ears  and  nose  were  mangled,  for  witJ 
hands  that  were  powerless  to  grasp  a  weapon,  the  man's  rag< 

The  battle- 


had  turned  to  madness,  and  he  had  breathed  his  last  while  he   book  xxii. 
tore  his  enemy  with  his  teeth. 

52.     Till  a  late  hour  of  the  day  Hannibal  was  gathering  in  Surrender  0/ 1/ e 
the  spoils.     This  done,  he  marched  to  attack  the  smaller  camp.  "'"^ cmhp".'"''" 
His   first   act   was   to   throw   up   an   earthwork,  and   so   shut 
them  off  from  the  river.     But  the  whole  force,  so  worn   out 
were  they  with  toil  and  sleeplessness  and  even  wounds,  sur- 
rendered  sooner   than   he   had  hoped.       It   was   agreed   that 
they  should  give  up  their  horses  and  arms,  should  pay  for  every 
Roman  citizen  three  hundred  "  chariot "  pieces,  for  every  ally 
two  hundred,  for  every  slave  one  hundred,  and  that,  this  ransom 
discharged,   should  depart  with   one  garment  apiece.     They 
admitted  the  enemy  into  their  camp,  and  were  all  put  under 
arrest,  the  citizens  and  allies  being  kept  separate.     During  the 
delay  thus  caused,  all  who  had  strength  and  courage  sufficient, 
that  is,  about  four  thousand  infantry  and  two  hundred  cavalry, 
escaped  from  the  greater  camp  and  sought  refuge,  some  march- 
ing in  column,  others  by  twos  and  threes,  across  country,  a  way 
quite  as  safe,  into  Canusium.     The  camp  was  surrendered  by 
the  timid  and  disabled  remainder  on  the  same  terms  as  the 
other.    The  booty  secured  was  immense,  and  the  whole  of  it 
was  handed  over  to  the  troops,  except  the  horses,  the  prisoners, 
and  any  silver  that  was  found.     Most  of  this  was  in  the  trap- 
pings of  the  horses  ;  for  of  plate  for  the  table  they  used  very 
little,  at  least  when  on  service.     Hannibal  then  ordered  that  the 
bodies  of  his  own  dead  should  be  brought  together  for  burial. 
It  is   said   that  there   were   as   many  as   eight   thousand,  all 
men  of  tried  valour.     Some  writers  say  that  the  body  of  the 
Roman  consul  was  also  found  after  search  and  buried. 

Those  who  had  made  their  escape  to  Canusium,  an  Apulian 
lady,  named  Busa,  of  distinguished  family  and  great  wealth, 
jsupphed  with  food,  clothing,  and  money  for  travelling,  asking 
I  from  the  people  of  Canusium  for  nothing  beyond  their  bare  walls 
land  roofs.  For  this  munificence  the  Senate  voted  her,  at  the 
'.'ikI  of  the  war,  public^honours. 

53-  -At  Canusium  there  were  four  tribunes  of  the  soldiers, 
1'  ibius  Maximus  of  the  first  legion  (son  of  the  Fabius  who 
had  been  dictator  the  year  before),  Publicius  Bibulus,  and 
Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  of  the  second  legion,  and,  of  the  third 

I20  LIVY. 

HOOK  XXII.   legion,  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,  who  had  very  recently  been 
aedile.     The  supreme  command  was  unanimously  assigned  to 
Scipio,  who  was  a  very  young  man,  and  to  Claudius.     They 
were  holding  council  with  a  few  friends  about  the  state  of  affairs, 
when  Publius  Furius  Philus,  whose  father  was  an  ex-consul,  said 
that  it  was  idle  for  them  to  cling  to  utterly  ruined  hopes.     The 
State,  he  declared,  was  given  over   for   lost.     Certain   young    ! 
nobles  with  Lucius  Cascilius  Metellus  at  their  head,  were  think-    ' 
ing  of  flying  beyond  sea  and  deserting  their  country  for  the  ; 
service  of  some  foreign  king.     In  face  of  a  peril,  terrible  in  ! 
itself,  and  coming  with  fresh  force  after  so  many  disasters,  all  ,' 
present  stood  motionless  in  amazement  and  stupefaction.    They 
proposed  that  a  council  should  be  called  to  consider  the  matter,  \ 
but  the  young  Scipio,  Rome's  predestined  champion  in  this  war,  j 
declared  that  it  was  no  time  for  a  council.     "We  must  dare  * 
Sci/w  deters     "  and  act,"  he  said,  "  not  deliberate,  in  such  awful  calamity.    Let  | 
nMes  o/camt"-  "  all  who  dcsire  the  salvation  of  their  country,  come  armed  with 
o7«v"i^//^a'/r    "  "^^-     -^^  camp  is  more  truly  a  camp  of  the  enemy  than  that  ' 
as,  in  their     "  jn  which  men  have  such  thoughts."     He  immediately  started 

despair  of  .  ^ 

Rome's  fortunes,  with  a  few  followers  for  the  house  of  Metellus  ;  there  he  found 
thought  oj  a  gathering  of  the  youths  of  whom  he  had  heard.  Drawing 
doing.  jjjg  sv(^Qj-{j  over  the  heads  of  the  conspirators,  "It  is  my  fixed 
"  resolve,"  he  cried,  "  as  I  will  not  myself  desert  the  common- 
"  wealth  of  Rome,  so  not  to  suffer  any  other  Roman  citizen  to 
"  desert  it ;  if  I  knowingly  fail  therein,  Almighty  and  merciful 
"Jupiter,  smite  me,  my  house,  and  fortunes  with  utter  de- 
"  struction.  I  insist  that  you,  Lucius  Ceecihus,  and  all  others 
"  present,  take  this  oath  after  me.  Whoever  takes  it  not,  may- 
"  be  sure  this  sword  is  drawn  against  him."  They  were  asj 
frightened  as  if  they  saw  the  victorious  Hannibal  before  them,J 
and  to  a  man  they  swore  and  delivered  themselves  to  the] 
custody  of  Scipio. 

Arrival  of  some  54-  While  this  was  passing  at  Canusium,  the  consul  was! 
at  'camtnum.^  rejoined  at  Venusia  by  as  many  as  four  thousand  five  hundred  in- 1 
fantry  and  cavalry,  who  had  dispersed  over  the  country  in  flight.! 
The  people  of  Venusia  distributed  them  among  various  house-j 
holds  where  they  might  find  kindly  welcome  and  refreshment.  Tel 
each  horseman  they  gave  an  outer  and  an  inner  garment  withf 
twenty-five  "chariot "  pieces,  to  each  foot  soldier  ten  pieces  anc!- 


such  arms  as  he  lacked.     Public  and  private  hospitality  of  every   book  xxir. 

kind  was  shown  to  them  ;  and  the  town  did  its  best  not  to  let  a 

lady  of  Canusium  surpass  the  people  of  Venusia  in  liberality. 

The  growing   numbers  made  the  burden  on  Busa's  kindness 

too  heavy.     There  were   now  as  many  as  ten  thousand  men, 

and  Appius  and  Scipio,  on  hearing  that  the  other  consul  was 

alive,  sent  to  tell  him  what  forces  of  infantry  and  cavalry  they 

had  with  them,  and  to  ask  him  at  the  same  time  whether  he 

would  have  the  army  moved  to  Venusia  or  remain  at  Canusium. 

Varro  brought  his  own  troops  to  Canusium.     There  was  now, 

at  least,  something  like  a  consul's  army,  which  might  be  thought 

fit  to  defend  itself  against  the   enemy  behind  walls,  if  not  in 

the  field. 

At  Rome  report  said  that  no  such  mere  remnant  of  Panic  at  Rome. 
citizens  and  allies  survived,  but  that  the  army  with  the  two 
consuls  had  been  utterly  destroyed,  and  that  the  whole 
force  had  ceased  to  exist.  Never  before,  with  Rome  itself  still 
safe,  had  there  been  such  panic  and  confusion  within  our  walls- 
I  shall  decline  the  task  of  attempting  a  lengthened  description 
which  could  not  but  be  far  inferior  to  the  truth.  The  year 
before  a  consul  with  his  army  had  perished  at  Trasumennus  ; 
it  was  not  wound  after  wound,  but  multiplied  disasters 
that  were  announced.  Two  consuls  and  the  armies  of  two 
consuls  had  perished.  Rome  had  now  no  camp,  no  general,  no 
soldiers.  Hannibal  was  master  of  Apulia,  of  Samnium,  of 
nearly  the  whole  of  Italy.  Certainly  there  was  not  a  nation  in 
the  world  which  would  not  have  been  overwhelmed  by  such  a 
weight  of  calamity.  Compare,  for  instance,  the  blow  which  the 
Carthaginians  received  in  the  sea-fight  at  the  .(Egates  Islands,  a 
blow  which  made  them  evacuate  Sicily  and  Sardinia  and  allow 
themselves  to  be  burdened  with  indemnity  and  tribute ;  com- 
pare again  the  defeat  in  Africa,  by  which  Hannibal  himself  was 
Isubsequently  crushed.  In  no  respect  are  they  comparable  with 
Cannae,  except  because  they  were  borne  with  less  courage. 

55.     Marcus    Furius   Philus    and   Manius   Pomponius,   the  Consultation  in 
praetors,  summoned  the  Senate  to  meet  in  the  Hall  of  Hostilius,  ^'"h/d^^n^tof 
to  deliberate  about  the  defence  of  Rome.     They  felt,  no  doubt,         ^""*- 
ithat  now  that  our  armies  had  perished,  the  enemy  would  advance 
to  attack  the  city,  the  only  warlike  operation  indeed  that  remained. 

122  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII,  In  the  face  of  calamities  as  mysterious  as  they  were  overwhehning> 
they  could  not  even  so  much  as  form  a  definite  plan ;  their 
ears  were  deafened  with  the  cries  of  wailing  women,  for  as 
nothing  had  been  published,  the  living  and  the  dead  were 
indiscriminately  bewailed  in  almost  every  house.  It  was 
Advice  of  Fabius  the  opinion  of  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  that  some  light 
horsemen  should  be  sent  along  the  Appian  and  Latin  roads  to 
question  any  whom  they  might  meet — and  certainly  stragglers 
from  the  rout  would  be  found  in  all  directions  —what  had 
happened  to  the  consuls  and  their  armies,  and,  if  heaven  in  pity 
for  the  empire  had  left  some  remnant  of  the  Roman  nation, 
where  these  forces  were  ;  where  Hannibal  had  gone  after  the 
battle,  what  he  meditated,  what  he  was  doing  and  likely  to  do  ? 
They  must  have  young  and  energetic  men  to  discover  these 
facts  ;  the  duty  of  the  Senators  themselves— for  there  were  but 
very  few  magistrates  in  the  city — would  be  to  stop  the  confusion 
and  the  alarm  at  home  ;  to  forbid  the  matrons  from  appearing 
in  public,  and  to  compel  them  to  keep  themselves  each  in  her 
own  house  ;  to  prohibit  loud  lamentations  for  the  dead,  to  enforce 
silence  throughout  the  city,  to  see  that  all  who  brought  news 
were  taken  to  the  prsetors,  to  wait  at  home  for  the  bearer  of 
tidings  that  affected  themselves,  and  to  set  sentinels  at  the 
gates  who  were  to  forbid  all  egress  and  make  men  see  that  their 
only  hope  of  saving  their  own  lives  lay  in  the  safety  of  Rome 
and  its  walls.  The  tumult  once  hushed,  the  Senators  should  be 
summoned  once  more  to  the  House  and  consulted  as  to  the 
defence  of  the  city. 
It  is  at  once  S^-     This  motion  was  passed  unanimously  and  without  dis-  , 

acted  on.  cussion.  The  crowd  was  forced  by  the  magistrates  to  leave 
the  forum,  and  the  Senators  separated  to  quiet  the  uproar ; 
not  till  then  did  a  despatch  from  the  consul  Caius  Terentius 
arrive.  "  Lucius  ^^milius  and  his  army,"  it  said,  "  had  perished  ; 
"  the  writer  himself  was  at  Canusium,  gathering  the  rehcs  of  ^ 
"  this  terrible  disaster,  like  the  salvage  from  a  shipwreck  ;  he 
"  had  nearly  ten  thousand  men  without  discipline  or  organisa- 
"  tion.  Hannibal  was  quiet  at  ^Cannaa,  trafficking  about  the 
"  ransoms  of  the  prisoners  and  the  other  booty  in  anything 
"  but  the  spirit  of  a  conqueror,  in  anything  but  the  fashion  of 
''  a  great  general." 


Then  the  names  of  the  dead  were  communicated  to  book  xxii. 
their  families.  So  full  was  the  city  of  lamentation  that  the 
yearly  festival  of  Ceres  was  dropped.  It  was  not  lawful  for  a 
mourner  to  keep  it,  and  there  was  not  at  that  time  a  single 
matron  who  was  not  a  mourner.  In  the  fear  that  for  this 
same  reason  other  sacred  rites,  public  or  private,  might  be 
neglected,  a  decree  of  the  Senate  limited  the  mourning  to  thirty 
days.  No  sooner  had  the  uproar  in  the  city  been  quieted,  and 
the  Senate  again  summoned  to  their  chamber,  than  there  came  a 
despatch  from  Lucius  Otacilius,  pro-praetor,  to  the  effect  that  king  Bad  news  from 
Hiero's  dominions  were  being  ravaged  by  a  Carthaginian  fleet ;  '  '  ^' 

that  the  king  had  begged  his  help,  and  that  he  was  intending  to 
give  it,  when  news  came  that  another  fleet  was  stationed  off  the 
Aegates,  ready  equipped  to  attack  Lilyb^um  and  another  of  the 
provinces  of  Rome,  the  moment  the  Carthaginians  should  find 
that  he  had  gone  to  protect  the  Syracusan  coast.  A  fleet, 
therefore,  was  wanted  if  they  meant  to  shield  their  ally  king, 
Hiero  of  Sicily. 

57.  When  the  despatches  from  the  consul  and  the  praetor 
had  been  read,  they  resolved  that  Marcus  Claudius,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  fleet  stationed  at  Ostia,  should  be  sent  to  the 
army  at  Canusium,  with  a  letter  of  instructions  to  the  consul 
that  at  the  first  opportunity,  as  far  as  it  could  be  done  with 
advantage  to  the  State,  he  should  come  to  Rome.  To  all  our 
terrible  disasters  was  added,  among  other  portents,  the  alarm- 
ing fact  that  two  of  the  Vestals  were  in  that  year  detected  in  a 
breach  of  their  vow.  Their  names  were  Opimia  and  Floronia  ; 
one,  as  the  custom  is,  was  buried  alive  at  the  Colline  Gate  ;  the 
other  had  killed  herself  Lucius  Cantilius,  secretary  to  one  of 
the  pontiffs  (these  officers  are  now  called  minor  pontiff's),  who 
Ihad  been  guilty  with  Floronia,  was  beaten  with  rods  in  the 
market-place  by  the  chief  pontiff",  and  died  under  the  punish- 
Inent.  Such  wickedness  was  naturally  looked  on  as  a  portent, 
pccurring  as  it  did  in  the  midst  of  all  these  calamities.  The 
j^ollege  of  the  Ten  were  ordered  to  consult  the  books,  and 
l^uintus  Fabius  Pictor  was  sent  to  the  oracle  at  Delphi  to  inquire 
vhat  form  of  prayer  and  supplication  might  propitiate  the 
ocls,  and  what  was  to  be  the  end  of  all  these  fearful  disasters, 
ileanwhile,  in  obedience  to  the  books  of  Fate,  some  unusual 

124  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.    sacrifices  were  offered.    Among  them  were  a  man  and  a  woman 
Human       of  Gaul,  and  a  man  and  a  woman  of  Greece,  who  were  buried 

^^'^'^at^Rome.       alive  in  the  Ox-market  in  a  stone- vaulted  chamber,  not  then  for 
the  first  time  polluted  by  what  Roman  feeling  utterly  abhorred, 
human  sacrifice. 
Claudius  The  gods  having  been,  as  they  thought,   duly  propitiated) 

thTcommandat  Marcus  Claudius  Sent  from  Ostia  to  Rome  for  the  defence  of  the 
Canustum.  ^.j^y.  fifteen  hundred  soldiers  whom  he  had  with  him,  enlisteid  for 
service  in  the  fleet.  He  then  sent  on  the  naval  {i.e.  the  third) 
'  legion  to  Sidicinum,and  handing  over  the  fleet  to  his  colleague, 
Marcus  Furius  Philus,  hastened,  a  few  days  afterwards,  by  forced 
marches  to  Canusium.  After  this  Marcus  Junius  was  named 
dictator,  and  Titus  Sempronius,  master  of  the  horse,  by  the 
authority  of  the  Senate,  and  these  proclaimed  a  levy,  and  en- 
rolled all  of  seventeen  yfcars  of  age  and  upwards,  and  some 
yet  younger.  Four  legions  and  a  thousand  cavalry  were  thus 
raised.  They  also  sent  to  the  allies  and  to  the  Latin  nation 
for  soldiers  to  be  enlisted  according  to  the  treaty  obligations. 
Armour,  weapons,  and  other  necessaries  were  ordered  to  be 
in  readiness,  and  old  trophies  won  from  enemies  were  taken 
down  from  the  temples  and  colonnades.  The  scarcity  of  free- 
men and  the  pressure  of  necessity  suggested  a  new  kind  of 
Arming  of  kvy.  Eight  thousand  able-bodied  young  men  from  among  the 
slaves,  after  the  question  had  been  put  individually  whether  they 
were  willing  to  serve,  were  purchased  and  armed  at  the  public 
cost.  These  troops  had  this  •  to  recommend  them,  that  they 
rendered  it  possible  to  ransom  prisoners  at  a  less  cost. 

Hannibal's  offer  58.  Hannibal,  after  his  great  success  at  Cannae,  was 
"prisoners'!"  bent  On  schemes  which  suited  a  conqueror  rather  than  one 
who  had  yet  a  war  to  wage.  The  prisoners  were  brought  out 
and  classified ;  the  allies,  as  he  had  done  before  at  Trebia  and 
Lake  Trasumennus,  he  dismissed  with  some  kind  words.  The 
Romans  too  he  addressed,  as  he  had  never  done  before,  in  quite 
gentle  terms ;  he  had  no  deadly  feud,  he  said,  with  Rome ;  he  was 
fighting  for  freedom  and  empire.  His  fathers  had  yielded  to  the 
valour  of  Rome ;  he  was  now  doing  his  utmost  that  Rome  should 
yield  in  turn  to  his  own  valour  and  good  fortune.  He  would  there- 
fore give  the  prisoners  an  opportunity  of  ransoming  themselves : 
the  sum  would  be  five  hundred  "  chariot "  pieces  for  each  horse- 


man,  three  hundred  for  each  foot  soldier,  one  hundred  for  each   book  xxii. 

slave.     The  price  put  on  the  horsemen  was  somewhat  larger 

than  that  which  had  been  agreed  upon  when  they  surrendered, 

but  they  joyfully  accepted  any  kind  of  terms  which  permitted 

them  to  treat.    It  was  resolved  that  they  should  themselves  elect 

ten  deputies,  who  were  to  go  to  the  Senate   at    Rome.     No   Ten  of  them  go 

security  was  taken  for  their  good  faith,  except  an  oath  that  they   for  "the  means 

would  return.     One  Carthalo,  a  noble  of  Carthage,  was  sent    "-^theV^l^^red 

with  them,  bearing  conditions  of  peace,  if  there  should  chance        ransom. 

to  be  any  inclination  in  that  direction.     After  they  had  left  the 

camp,  one  of  their  number,  a  man  who  had  none  of  a  Roman's 

temper,  pretending  that  he  had  forgotten  something,  returned  to 

the  camp,  so  as  to  acquit  himself  of  his  oath,  and  before  night 

overtook  his  companions.     As  soon  as  it  was  announced  that 

they  wefe  on  their  way  to  Rome,  a .  lictor  was  sent  to  meet 

Carthalo  with  a  message  that  he  was  to  quit  Roman  territory 

before  nightfall. 

59.     The  dictator  allowed  the  delegates  of  the  prisoners  to     One  of  them 
address  the  Senate.     Their  leader,  Marcus  Junius,  spoke  as     of  his  feiimv^ 
follows: — "No  country.  Senators,  as  we  all   well  know,  has  ^'^/r^sen^afr^ 
"  ever  held  prisoners  cheaper  than  has   our  own ;  yet  unless 
"  we  are  too  well  satisfied  with  our  own  case,  no  prisoners  have 
"  ever  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  who  were  less  deserving 
"  of  neglect  than  we.     We  did  not  surrender  our  arms  on  the  field 
1 1"  of  battle  from  fear,  but  after  prolonging  our  resistance  almost 
i  "  into  the  night,  when  we  stood  upon  heaps  of  dead,  we  retreated 
r  i"  to  our  camp.     During  the  remainder  of  that  day  and  during  the 

i'  night  that  followed,  worn  out  as  we  were  with  toil  and  wounds, 
'  we  defended  our  intrenchments  ;  the  next  day,  hemmed  in  by 
'  the  victorious  army,  and  shut  off  from  water,  seeing  no  hope  of 
'  cutting  away  through  the  dense  ranks  of  the  foe,  and  thinking 
'  it  no  shame  that  with  fifty  thousand  men  slain  in  the  field 
'  there  should  be  some  remnant  of  Roman  soldiers  from  the 
■  fight  of  Cannae,  then  at  last  we  agreed  upon  a  price  at  which 
'  we  might  be  ransomed  and  released,  and  surrendered  the  arms 
1'  which  could  no  longer  give  deliverance.  We  had  heard  that  your 
'•  ancestors  ransomed  themselves  from  the  Gauls  for  gold,  and 
that  ydur  fathers,  sternly  set  as  they  were  against  all  conditions 
of  peace,  yet  sent  envoys  to  Tarentum  to  treat  for  the  ransom- 

126  LIVY. 

BOOK  xxii.    "  ing  of  prisoners.     Yet  the  disgrace  of  our  battle  at  Allia  with 
"the  Gauls,  and  of  our  battle  at  Heraclea  with  Pyrrhus,  was 
"  not  so  much  in  the  loss  as  in  the  panic  and  flight  of  either 
"  day.     The  plains  of  Cannaa  are  covered  with  heaps  of  Roman 
"  dead,  and  we  survive  only  because  the  enemy  had  not  sword 
"  or  strength  to  slaughter  any  more.     There   are   some,  too, 
"  among  us  who  were  not  even  in  the  battle,  but  were  left  to 
"  guard  the  camp,  and  came  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  when 
"  the  camp  was  surrendered.     I  do  not  envy  the  fortune  or 
"  position  of  any  fellow-countryman  or  comrade,  nor  would  I 
"  wish  to  exalt  myself  by  depreciating  others  ;  but— unless  there 
"  is  some  prize  for  speed  of  foot  and  for  running — they  who 
"  fled,  without  arms  for  the  most  part,  from  the  battle,  nor 
"  stopped  till  they  reached  Canusium  or  Venusia,  cannot  justly 
"  put  themselves  above  us,  or  boast  that  the  commonwealth  finds 
"  more  help  in  them  than  in  us.     But  you  will  employ  both 
"  them  (good  and  gallant  soldiers  too)  and  us,  who  will  be  yet 
"  more  eager  to  serve  our  country,  seeing  that  it  is  by  your 
"  kindness  that  we  shall  have  been  ransomed  and  restored  to 
"  that  country.     You  are  levying  troops  from  every  age  and 
"  class ;  I  hear  that  eight  thousand  slaves  are  being  armed. 
"  There  is  the  same  number  of  us,  and  we  can  be  ransomed  at 
"  a  cost  no  greater  than  that  for  which  they  are  bought.      Were 
"  I  to  compare  our  worth  with  theirs,  I  should  wrong  the  name 
"  of  Rome.     And  there  is   another   point,   Senators,  which   I 
"  think  you  ought  to  consider  in  deciding  such  a  matter,  should 
"  you  incline  to  the  sterner  course,  and  do  it  without  regard 
"  for   any  deserving  of  ours,  and  that  is,  who  is  the  enemy 
"  to  whom  you  leave  us?     Is  it  to  a  Pyrrhus  who  treated  his 
"  prisoners  as  guests  ?     Or  is  it  to  a  barbarian,  a  Carthaginian,  of  j 
"  whom  one  can  scarcely  imagine  whether  he  be  more  rapacious! 
"  or  more  cruel  ?     Could  you  see  the  chains,  the  squalor,  thel 
"hideous  condition  of  your  countrymen,  verily  the  sight  would! 
"  not  move  you  less  than  if,  on  the  other  side,  you  looked  on  j 
"your  slaughtered  legions  lying  dead  on  the  plains  of  Cannae. 
"  You  may  behold  the  anxiety  and  the  tears  of  the  kinsmen 
"who   stand   in   the  porch    of   your   House   and  await  your 
"  answer.     If  they  are  so  anxious,  so  troubled  for  us  and  for 
"  those  who  are  absent,  what,  think  you,  are  the  thoughts  oi 



"  those  whose  Hfe  and  hberty  are  at  stake  ?  Good  God  !  if 
"  Hannibal  should  choose  to  belie  his  own  nature,  and  be  merci- 
"  ful  to  us,  yet  we  could  not  think  our  lives  worth  anything  to 
"  us,  when  you  have  thought  us  unworthy  td  be  ransomed.  In 
"  former  days  there  returned  to  Rome  certain  prisoners  whom 
"  Pyrrhus  sent  back  without  ransom ;  but  they  returned  with 
"  envoys,  taken  from  the  first  men  in  the  State,  who  had  been 
"  sent  to  ransom  themselves.  Can  I  return  to  my  country,  I, 
"a  citizen,  not  valued  at  three  hundred  pieces*  of  money?' 
"  Every  one  has  his  own  feelings,  Senators.  That  my  life 
"  and  person  are  in  peril,  I  know,  but  I  am  more  troubled  by 
"  the  peril  to  my  character,  if  we  are  to  depart  condemned  and 
"  repulsed  by  you ;  for  that  you  spared  the  money  men  will 
"  never  believe." 

60.     As  he  ended,  there  rose  from  the  crowd  in  the  place 

of  assembly  a   doleful  cry.     They   stretched   out   their  hands 

towards  the  Senate  House,  praying  that  their  children,  brothers, 

jkinsmen  might  be  restored  to  them.     Mingled  with  the  crowd  of 

men  were  many  women,  brought  thither  by  fear  and  affection. 

jAll  strangers  were  ordered  to  withdraw,  and  the  debate  in  the 

ISenate  began.     There  was  great  diversity  of  opinion  ;    some 

jhought  that  the  prisoners  should  be  ransomed  at  the  cost  of 

jhe  State  ;  others-  that  no  public  expense  should  be  incurred, 

,  Hut  that  it  should  not  be  forbidden  to  ransom  them  at  the 

.  xpense  of  private  persons ;  any  one  who  could  not  command 

tie  money  at  once,  might  have  it  lent  to  them  from  the  treasury, 

iving  security  to  the  State  by  bondsmen  and  mortgages.     At 

Ut  Titus  Manlius  Torquatus,  who  was  old-fashioned,  and,  some 

jiought,  over  stern  in  his  severity,  spoke,  it  is  said,  as  follows  : — 

I  If  the  envoys  had  been  content  with  demanding  on  behalf  of 

those  who  are   in   the   enemy's   hands  that  they  should  be 

ransomed,  I  should  have  briefly  stated  my  opinion,  without 

a  word  of  reproach  against  any  one  of  them.      For   surely 

s  ou  only  needed  to  be  reminded  that  you  must  keep  to  the 

Jiactice  handed  down  from  our  fathers,  for  the  setting  an  ex- 

imple  necessary  to  preserve  military  discipline.     As  it  is,  they 

lave  almost  boasted  that  they  surrendered  to  the  enemy,  and 

laimed  it  as  their  right  that  they  should  be  preferred,  not 

'  inly  to  the  prisoners  taken  on  the  field,  but  even  to  those  who 


About  £2  los. 

Protest  of 
ransoming  the 


128  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXII.  '"made  their  way  to  Canusium  and  Venusia,  and  to  the  consul 
"  Terentius  Varro  himself ;    and  therefore  I  shall  not  let  you, 
"  Senators,  remain  in  ignorance  of  anything  that  was  done  there. 
"  I  .would  that  what    I    am   about  to   say   before  you    I   was 
"  saying  at  Canusium  before  the  army  itself,  the  best  possible 
"  witness  to  each  man's  bravery  or  cowardice  ;  or  that  at  least 
"  Publius  Sempronius  himself  was  here,  for,  had  they  taken  him 
"  for  their  leader,  they  would  this  day  be  soldiers  in  the  camp 
"  of  Rome,  not  prisoners  in  the  enemy's  hand.     The  enemy  was 
"  wearied  with  fighting,  or  exhilarated  with  victory  ;  many  of 
"  them  had  actually  gone  back  to  their  camp  •  they  had  the 
"whole  night  for  breaking  away,  and  seven  thousand  armed 
"  men  could  have  broken  away  even  through  a  dense  array  of  the 
"  enemy  ;  yet  they  neither  endeavoured  to  do  this  of  themselves, 
"  nor  chose  to  follow  the  lead  of  another.     Nearly  all  night  long  j 
"  did  Publius  Sempronius  Tuditanus  warn  them  and  urge  them 
"  without  ceasing  to  follow  him  while  the  enemy  around  the  camp 
"  was  still  weak,  while  quiet  and  silence  still  prevailed,  whil 
"  darkness  would  shelter  the  attempt.     Before  dawn,  he  saidj 
"  they  might  reach  a  place  of  safety — the  gities  of  our  allies 
"  If,   as   Publius   Decius,   tribune  of   the    soldiers,   spake    ii 
"  Samnium  in  the  days  of  our  grandfathers  ;  if,  as  fn  the  firsi 
"  Punic  War,  when  we  ourselves  were  young  men,  Calpurnius 
*'  Flamma,  spake  to  three  hundred  volunteers  whom  he  was  lead* 
"  ing  to  capture  a  height  situated  in  the  very  midst  of  the  fo^ 
"  *  Let  us  die,  comrades,  and  deliver  the  blockaded  legions  fsoia 
"  their  peril  by  our  death,' — if,  I  say,  Publius  Sempronius  had 
"  thus  spoken,  I  should  take  them  neither  for  men  nor  Roman; 
"  if  he  had  found  no  companions  in  his  valour.     But  he  shows 
"  you  a  way  that  leads  to  safety  quite  as  much  as  to  glory ;  lj( 
"  seeks  to  bring  you  back  to  your  country,  to  kinsfolk,  wives,  anc 
"  children.      You  have  not  the   courage  to   be  saved.    Wha 
"would  you  do  if  you  had  to  die   for  your   country?     FiftjJ; 
"thousand  countrymen  and  allies  lie  about  you  slain  that  ver! 
"  day.     If  so  many  examples  of  valour  stir  you  not,  nothiaj 
"ever  will   stir  you.      If  such   a  fearful   slaughter  does  no 
"make  life  seem  worthless   to  you,   nothing  ever  will  mak 
"  it.     Are  you  free  citizens,  and  possessed  of  full  rights.''    "Vo 
"may  hold  your  country  dear.     Yes,  you  may  hold  it  dea)-,. 


'while  it  is  your  country  and  you  its  citizens.     Too  .late  you   book  xxil 

"hold   it   dear,   your    rights    forfeited,   your    citizenship    lost, 

'  yourselves  turned  into  Carthaginian  slaves.     Are  you  to  return 

"  at  the  cost  of  a  ransom  to  the  position  which  only  cowardice 

■'  and  wickedness  made  you  quit .''  To  Publius  Sempronius  when 

"  he  bade  you  arm  yourselves  and  follow  him,  you  would  not 

"  listen  ;  you  listened  to  Hannibal  when  he  bade  you  betray  your 

"  camp  and  deliver  up  your  arms.     As  it  is,  I  only  charge  them 

"  with  cow3.rdice  when  I  might  charge  them  with  crime.     Not 

"  only  did  they  refuse  to  follow  Sempronius  when  he  gave  them 

"  honourable  advice,  but  they  did  their  best  to  obstruct  and  keep 

"  him  back  till  these  gallant  men  drew  their  swords  and  chased  the 

'•'  cowards  away.  I  say  that  Sempronius  had  to  force  his  way  first 

"  through  the  ranks  of  his  countrymen,  then  through  the  ranks 

"  of  the  foe.    Is  our  country  to  care  for  citizens  of  such  sort  that, 

"  if  all  others  had  been  like  them,  she  could  not  count  on  a  single 

"  one  of  those  who  fought  at  Cannae,  as  a  citizen  indeed  ?  Out  of 

"  seven  thousand  armed  men  there  were  six  hundred  who  dared 

"  to  cut  their  way  out,  who  returned  to  their  country  with  their 

1"  arms  and  their  freedom  ;  and  to  these  six  hundred  the  enemy 

j"  made  no  resistance.     How  absolutely  safe  would  have  been, 

i'  think  you,  the  path  to  a  body  consisting  of  nearly  two  legions  ! 

'  And  you  would  have"  to-day  at  Canusium  twenty  thousand  armed 

I'  men,  gallant  and  loyal.  As  it  is,  how  can  these  men  be  good  and 

loyal  citizens  ?   Brave  they  do  not  even  themselves  claim  to  be  ; 

unless,  perhaps,  some  one  can  believe  that  men  who  sought 

to  prevent  a  sally,  yet  looked  with  favour  on  those  who  sallied, 

and  that  they  do  not  grudge  fhem  the  deliverance  and  the 

'1  glory  that  their  valour  has  won  for  them,  knowing  all   the 

while  that  their  own  fear  and  cowardice  have  brought  on  them 

an  ignominious  servitude.     They  chose  to  hide  in  their  tents 

waiting  at  once  for  the  light  and  the  enemy,  rather  than  to 

sally  forth   in  the  silence  of  night.     But,  you  will  say,  they 

had  not  the  courage  to  sally  from  the  camp  ;  they  had  courage 

jnough  to  defend  their  camp  bravely.     Blockaded,  I  suppose, 

lii^ht  and  day,  they  defended  the  rampart  with  their  arms,  and 

cmselves  behind  the  rampart.     At  last,  after  reaching  the 

tremity  of  daring  and  suffering,  lacking  everything  to  sup- 

irt  life,  their  famine-stricken  limbs  refusing  to  bear  the  weight 



The  Senate 
refuses  to 
ransom  ihe 

"  of  their  arms,  they  yielded  to  the  necessities  of  nature  rather 
"  than  to  arms.  At  daybreak  the  enemy  approached  the  ram- 
"part ;  before  eight  o'clock,  without  venturing  on  any  conflict, 
"  they  surrendered  their  arms  and  themselves.  Here,  mark  you, 
"was  their  two  days'  soldiership.  When  they  ought  to  have 
"  stood  on  the  field  and  fought,  they  fled  to  the  camp ;  when 
"  they  ought  to  have  fought  before  their  rampart,  they  sur- 
"  rendered ;  in  field  and  camp  useless  alike.  And  is  it  you  that 
"  I  am  to  ransom  ?  When  it  is  your  duty  to  sally  out  of  the 
"  camp,  you  hesitate  and  tarry ;  when  you  are  bound  to  stay  and 
"  defend  the  camp,  you  surrender  camp  and  arms  and  your- 
"  selves  to  tlje  enemy.  I  would  as  soon  think  of  ransoming 
"  them,  Senators,  as  I  would  of  surrendering  to  Hannibal  the 
"  men  who  cut  their  way  out  of  the  camp  through  the  midst  of 
"  the  enemy,  and  by  a  supreme  eff"ort  of  valour  gave  themselves 
"  back  to  their  country." 

6i.  Many  of  the  Senators  had  near  relatives  among  the  pri- 
soners, but  when  Manlius  had  done  speaking,  in  addition  to  the 
precedent  of  Rome's  immemorial  severity  in  regard  to  prii 
soners  came  the  thought  of  the  vast  sum  required.  The  treasury 
must  not  be  exhausted,  for  large  sums  had  already  been  spent  ii 
buying  and  arming  slaves,  and  Hannibal,  who  according  to  al 
report  was  in  the  utmost  need,  must  not  be  enriched  Whe< 
the  sad  answer  came  that  the  prisoners  were  not  to  be  ransomed: 
adding  a  new  grief  to  the  old  in  the  loss  of  so  many  citizens,  thej 
attended  the  envoys  to  the  gates  with  many  tears  and  compla 
One  of  them  went  to  his  home,  as  having  quitted  himself 
oath  by  the  pretence  of  his  return  to  the  camp.  Wher 
became  known  and  reached  the  ears  of  the  Senate,  they 
mously  voted  that  the  man  should  be  seized  and  taken 
an  escort  furnished  by  the  State  to  Hannibal. 

There  are  also  other  reports  about  the  prisoners.     It  is! 
that  ten  came  first.      There  was    some  doubt    in  the  S<! 
whether  or  no  they  were  to  be  admitted  into  the  city.     Thei 
were  admitted  on  the  condition,  that  they  were  not  to  ha| 
hearing  in  the  Senate.     While  they  tarried  longer  than  anj 
expected,  three  new  envoys  came,    Lucius   Scribonius, 
Calpurnius,  and  Lucius  Manlius.     Then  at  last,  on  the  m<i 
of  Scribonius,  a  tribune  of  the  people,  the  question  was  rd 



of  ransoming  the  prisoners,  and  the  Senate  decided  against  it. 
Upon  this  the  three  new  envoys  returned  to  Hannibal,  but  the  old 
envoys  remained  on  the  understanding  that  having  returned  to 
Hannibal  for  the  purpose  of  reviewing  the  names  of  the  prisoners, 
they  were  released  from  their  obligation.  There  was  a  fierce 
debate  in  the  Senate  about  them,  and  the  proposal  to  give  them 
up  was  lost  by  a  few  votes.  But  as  soon  as  new  censors  came 
into  office,  so  crushed  were  they  under  every  mark  of  censure 
and  degradation,  that  some  of  them  at  once  committed  suicide, 
and  the  rest  for  the  remainder  of  their  lives  shunned  not  merely 
the  forum,  but  almost  the  very  light  of  day  and  the  public 
streets.  We  may  wonder  why  our  authorities  differ  so  much 
from  each  other  more  easily  than  to  determine  what  is  true. 

How  greatly  this  disaster  surpassed  all  previous  disasters 
is  clearly  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  loyalty  of  our  allies,  stead- 
fast until  that  day,  now  began  to  waver,  simply,  indeed,  because 
they  despaired  of  the  maintenance  of  our  empire.     The  fol- 
lowing tribes  revolted  to  the  Carthaginians  ;  the  Atellani,  the 
i  Calatini,   some  of  the  Apulians,  all  the  Samnites  except  the 
Pentri,  all  the  Bruttii  and  the  Lucani.     To  these  must  be  added 
ithe  Uzentini,  nearly  all  the  Greek  cities  of  the  coast,  Tarentum, 
Metapontum,  Crotona,  and  Locri,  and  the  whole  of  Cisalpine 
Gaul.     Yet  all  these  disasters  and  defections  never  made  the 
Romans  so  much  as  mention  peace,  either  before  the  consul 
etumed    to    Rome,   or    after    his    return    had    renewed    the 
emembrance  of  the  terrible  loss   sustained.     On  this  latter 
pccasion,  indeed,  such  was  the  high  spirit  of  the  country,  that 
kvhen  the  consul  returned  after  this  great  disaster  of  which  he 
pad  himself  been  the  chief  cause,  all  classes  went  in  crowds  to 
meet  him,  and  he  was  publicly  thanked  because  "  he  had  not 
;'  despaired  of  the  commonwealth."     Had  he  been  a  Cartha- 
jjinian  general,  they  knew  that  there  was  no  torture  which  he 
iyould  not  have  had  to  suffer. 


Revolt  among 
Rome's  allies. 

Va!-ro,  on  his 
return,  is  pub- 
licly thanked, 
because  he  had 
not  despaired 
0/  the 

K  2 


B.C.    2l6,   215. 


Hannibal  in 


He  enters 

I.     Hannibal,  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Cannae  and 
the  capture  and  plunder  of  the  enemy's  camp,  had  moved  from 
Apulia  into  Samnium.     One  Statius  Trebius  had  invited  him 
into  the  country  of  the  Hirpini,  promising  to  put  Compsa*  into 
his  hands.     Trebius  was  a  native  of  Compsa,  and  ranked  as  a 
noble  among  his  fellow-citizens,  but  he  had  formidable  opponents 
in  the  faction  of  the  Mopsii,  a  family  of  influence  through  thi 
favour  of  Rome.     After  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Cannse,  whe' 
Trebius  had  begun  to  talk  commonly  of  Hannibal's  comin: 
the  Mopsii  quitted  the  city,  and  the  place  was  at  once  sur< 
rendered  to  the  Carthaginians  and  a  garrison  admitted.     Then 
Hannibal  left  all  his  booty  and  his  baggage  ;  then  dividing  hi 
army,  he  instructed  Mago  to  accept  the  alliance  of  all  the  town 
in  that  district  which  were  revolting  from  Rome,  and  to  fore 
into  revolt  such  as  refused,  while  he  himself  marched  througl 
Campania  towards  the  Lower  Sea  with  the  intention  of  attackini 
Naples,  and  so  to  possess  himself  of  a  city  on  the  coast. 

On  entering  Neapolitan  territory  he  posted  some  of  hi 
Numidians  in  ambuscade  wherever  he  conveniently  could  (anc. 
there  are  many  deep  lanes  and  unseen  hollows),  others  h 
ordered  to  ride  up  to  the  city  gates,  displaying  in  their  fron 
the  plunder  driven  out  of  the  fields.  As  they  seemed  to  b 
neither  numerous  nor  disciplined,  a  troop  of  cavalry  charge  | 
them,  and  then,  as  they  designedly  retreated,  was  drawn  int 
an  ambuscade  and  surrounded.  Not  a  man  would  have  escape; 
had  not  the  proximity  of  the  sea  and  some  vessels  near  tl: 



shore,  fishing  boats  for  the  most  part,  afforded  an  escape  to  such  book  xxiii. 
as  could  swim.  But,  as  it  was,  some  young  nobles  were  taken 
or  slain  in  the  skirmish,  among  them  Hegeas,  the  commander 
of  the  troop,  who  fell  as  he  too  rashly  pursued  the  retiring  foe. 
The  sight  of  walls  by  no  means  easy  of  assault  deterred  the 
Carthaginians  from  attacking  the  town. 

2.  Hannibal  next  directed  his  march  towards  Capua,  a  city  Establishes 
demoralised  by  long  prosperity  and  the  bounty  of  nature,  and,  '"capia. 
most  of  all^  where  all  was  corruption,  by  the  license  of  a  popu- 
lace that  enjoyed  a  freedom  totally  without  restraint.  A  certain 
Pacuvius  Calavius  had  rendered  the  town- senate  servilely  submis- 
sive to  himself  and  to  the  commons.  The  man  was  a  noble  as 
well  as  a  popular  favourite,  but  he  had  gained  his  influence  by  base 
intrigues.  In  the  year  of  our  disaster  at  Trasumennus  he  held,  as 
it  chanced,  the  highest  office.  Convinced  that  the  populace, 
v/hich  had  long  hated  the  senate,  would  seize  the  opportunity 
of  revolution  to  venture  on  an  outrageous  crime,  that,  should 
Hannibal  march  into  the  neighbourhood  with  a  victorious  army, 
it  would  massacre  the  senators  and  betray  Capua  to  the  Cartha- 
ginians, this  man,  who,  bad  as  he  was,  was  not  wholly 
and  utterly  depraved,  and  would  rather  rule  in  a  flourishing 
than  in  a  ruined  state,  and  was  assured  that  no  state  deprived  of 
its  public  council  could  flourish,  resorted  to  a  policy,  the  design 
of  which  was,  while  retaining  a  senate,  to  make  it  subservient 
to  himself  and  to  the  commons. 

He  summoned  the  senate,  and  began  by  telling  them  that 
lany  scheme  of  revolt  from  the  Romans  would  be  anything  but 
acceptable  to  him,  had  it  not  been  a  necessity,  as  he  himself 
had  children  by  the  daughter  of  Appius  Claudius,  and  had  given 
Ihis  only  daughter  in  marriage  to  Marcus  Livius  at  Rome.  "  But," 
he  added,  "  a  far  more  serious  and  formidable  crisis  is  now 
'  impending.  The  populace  are  not  simply  thinking  of  a  re- 
'  volt  which  will  sweep  the  senate  out  of  the  city,  but  are  bent 
'  on  handing  over  to  Hannibal  and  the  Carthaginians  a  city 
■  stripped  of  its  leaders  by  a  massacre  of  every  senator.  I 
wish  to  rescue  you  from  this  peril,  if  only  you  will  let  me,  and, 
getting  past  political  strifes,  trust  me."  When  they  all 
led  under  the  constraint  of  terror,  "  I  will  confine  you,"  he 
,  "  in  the  senate  house,  and  by  expressing  my  approval  of 




COOK  xxili.  "  designs  which  it  would  be  vain  for  me  to  oppose,  just  as  if 

"  I  were  myself  an  accomplice  in  the  meditated  crime,  I  will 

"  find  a  way  of  safety  for  you.     Take  for  this  my  word  any 

"  guarantee  you  please."     Such  guarantee  having  been  given, 

The  senate  of   he  went  out,  Ordering  the  senate  house  to  be  closed,  and  leaving 

the  town  con-  .  J  t. 

fined  in  their    a  military  guard  at  the  entrance  so  that  no  one  could  enter  or 
L  lam  et,       ^^j^  ^^^  chamber  without  his  permission. 

3.  Then  he  summoned  the  townsfolk  to  an  assembly.  "  You 
"  have  often  wished,"  he  said,  "  that  you  had  the  power  of 
"  inflicting  punishment   on   a    wicked    and    infamous    senate. 

and  thus  put     "That  powcr  you  now  have,  without  tumultuously  storming, 
'"the/o/uJace.     "  '^^^^  ^^^  utmost  peril  to  yourselves,  the  houses  of  individual 
"  citizens,  guarded,  as  they  are,  by  a  force   of  clients   or  of  i 
"  slaves  ;  you  have  it  in  safe  and  uncontrolled  possession.   Take 
"them,  as  they  are,  shut  up,  all  of  them,  in  the  senate  house, 
"alone,  unarmed.     But  you  must  not  do  anything  hurriedly  or 
"  rashly.     You   shall   have  from   me  the  right  to  pronounce 
"  sentence  of  life  and  death  on  them,  one  by  one,  so  that  each 
"  may  pay  the  penalty  he  has  deserved.     But,  above  all  thing^ 
"  you  ought  to  indulge  your  resentment  only  on  the  conditiol 
"  of  postponing  it  to  your  safety  and  your  interest.     Of  cours 
"  you  hate,  so  I  suppose,  these  senators,  yet  do  not  wish  to  b 
"  wholly  without  a  senate,  as  you  must  have  either  a  kin^ 
"  detestable  alternative,  or  else,  as  the  only  deliberative  assem- 
"  bly  for  a  free  state,  a  senate.     Consequently,  you  must  do  tw< 
"  things  at  once.     You  must  rid  yourselves  of  the  old  senat* 
"  and  elect  a  new  one.  I  will  order  the  senators  to  be  summonet 
"  singly,  and  I  will  take  your  opinions  as  to  their  fate.     Wha 
"  you  decide  in  each  case,  shall  be  carried  out ;  but  you  mus 
"  elect  as  a  new  senator  in  each  one's  room  a  man  of  firmnes 
"  and  energy  before  you  inflict  punishment  on  the  guilty." 

Pacuvius  then  sat  down,  and,  throwing  the  names  into  ai 
urn,  ordered  the  name  which  was  first  drawn  by  lot  to  be  callc 
out,  and  the  man  himself  to  be  led  out  of  the  senate  house.  A 
soon  as  the  name  was  heard,  every  one  on  his  own  account  e> 
claimed  that  the  man  was  bad  and  vile  and  deserved  punishmen  ] 
Thereupon  Pacuvius  said,  "  I  see  what  the  opinion  is  in  this 
"  case.  Choose,  then,  in  the  place  of  a  bad  and  vile  man 
"  good  and  upright  senator." 

'  i/en'  senate 



At  first  there  was  a  silence.  They  were  at  a  loss  to  suggest 
a  better  man.  Then  when  somebody,  throwing  off  his  diffi- 
dence, suggested  a  name,  there  instantly  began  a  much  louder  ^ 
shouting,  some  declaring  that  they  did  not  know  the  man,  others 
alleging  against  him  various  infamies,  or  low  birth  and  abject 
poverty,  or  some  sort  of  disgraceful  occupation  or  trade.  This 
was  repeated  with  more  violence  when  a  second  and  a  third 
senator  were  summoned,  and  it  was  thus  evident  that  they  dis- 
liked the  man,  but  that  no  one  was  forthcoming  to  choose  into  his 
place.  For  there  was  no  use  in  naming  the  same  persons  already 
named,  only  to  hear  themselves  insulted,  and  the  remainder  were 
far  more  low-born  and  obscure  than  those  who  first  occurred  to 
men's  thoughts.  And  so  the  crowd  dispersed,  saying  that  the 
evils  best  known  were  always  the  most  endurable,  and  insisting 
or>  the  senators  being  released  from  custody. 

4.  The  senate,  which  was  thus  made  to  owe  their  lives  to 
Pacuvius,  felt  much  more  bound  to  him  than  to  the  commons? 
and  the  man  ruled  by  a  consent  that  was  now  universal,  without 
the  help  of  arms.  The  senators,  from  that  time  disregarding 
their  traditions  of  dignity  and  freedom,  flattered  the  populace  ; 
they  would  greet  them,  give  them  friendly  invitations,  entertain 
them  at  splendid  banquets,  take  up  their  causes,  range  them- 
selves on  their  side,  and  insure,  by  empannelling  favourable 
juries,  that  verdict  which  was  the  most  acceptable  and  likeliest 
to  win  popularity  with  the  lowest  class.  In  fact  all  business  was 
now  transacted  in  the  senate  just  as  if  the  commons  were  there 
assembled.  Thus  a  community  which  had  always  been  inclined 
to  luxury,  not  simply  from  some  defect  in  character,  but  from 
an  overflowing  abundance  of  pleasures  and  the  charm  of  every 
delight  which  earth  or  sea  could  furnish,  became  at  last  so 
thoroughly  demoralised  by  the  indulgence  of  the  leading  citizens 
and  the  license  of  the  populace,  that  sensuality  and  extrava- 
gance passed  all  bounds. 

To  this  contempt   of  the   laws,  the   magistrates,    and   the 

nate,  there  was  added  now  after  the  battle  of  Cannae,  scorn 
>t  that  for  which  some  respect  had  still  remained,  the 
Ivoman   power.      One   thing   only   delayed   their   revolt.      An 

icient  right  of  intennarriage  had  united  many  of  their  great 

id    powerful    families   with    Rome,   and    among    the    many 


Failure  of  the 
attempt  to  elect 
neiu  senators. 

The  senate 

The  senators  let 

the  populace 

have  their  oivn 



tastes  0/  the 

citizens  of 


They  think  of 
revolting  fr/>iit 

136  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.  citizens  that  served  in  Roman  armies  were  three  hundred 
knights,  strongest  bond  of  all,  as  being  to  a  man  the  noblest  of 
the  Campanians,  whom  the  Romans  had  picked  out  and  de- 
spatched to  garrison  the  cities  of  Sicily.  Their  parents  and 
kinsfolk  succeeded  with  difficulty  in  having  an  embassy  sent  to 
the  Roman  consul. 

5.  The  envoys  found  that  the  consul  had  not  yet  started  for 
Canusiunijbut  was  still  at  Venusia  with  a  few  half-armed  followers, 
the  most  pitiable  object  possible  to  good  allies  ;  to  the  arrogant 
and  disloyal,  such  as  were  the  Campanians,  equally  despicable. 
The  consul  even  increased  the  contempt  felt  for  himself  and  his 
fortunes  by  too  openly  and  nakedly  exposing  the  disaster. 
When  the  envoys  told  him  that  the  senate  and  people  of 
Campania  were  grieved  that  any  calamity  should  have  befallen 
the  Romans,  and  began  to  promise  all  things  needful  for  war. 
His  reply.  he  replied,  "  When,  men  of  Campania,  you  bid  us  make 
"  requisitions  on  you  for  whatever  we  want  for  war,  you 
"  observe  the  usual  form  in  addressing  allies  rather  than  use 
"  language  suitable  to  our  present  plight.  For  what  has  been 
"  left  us  at  Cannae  that,  as  those  who  still  possess  something  of 
"  their  own,  we  could  wish  allies  to  make  up  the  deficiency  .<* 
"  Are  we  to  order  infantry  from  you,  as  though  we  had  cavalry  ? 
"  Are  we  to  say  that  we  need  money,  as  if  that  was  our  only 
"  want  ?  Fortune  has  left  nothing  to  make  up.  Our  legions, 
"  pur  cavalry,  our  arms,  our  standards,  our  horses,  our  soldiers, 
"  our  money,  our  supplies,  were  destroyed  utterly  either  on  the 
"  field  or  in  the  two  camps  which  we  lost  the  next  day.  So, 
"men  of  Campania,  it  is  not  for  you  to  help  us  in  war,  but 
"  almost  to  undertake  war  for  us.  Bethink  yourselves  how, 
*'  when  your  panic-stricken  ancestors  in  days  of  old  were  driven 
"  within  their  walls  and  were  in  dread  of  the  Sidicine  as  well  as 
"  the  Samnite  foe,  we  received  them  into  alliance  and  saved 
"  them  at  Saticula,  and  for  nearly  a  hundred  years,  with  varying 
'•  fortune,  bore  the  brunt  of  a  war  with  the  Samnites  that  was 
"  begun  on  your  behalf.  Add  to  this  recollection  that,  when  you 
"  were  in  our  power,  we  gave  you  ^  treaty  on  equal  terms,  your 
"  own  laws ;  finally,  what,  at  any  rate  before  the  disaster  of 
"  Cannae,  was  the  greatest  of  boons,  we  gave  our  Roman 
"  citizenship  to  a  large  proportion  of  your  citizens  and  shared  it 


"  with  you.      And   so,  Campanians,  you   ought  to  regard  this  BOOK  XXIII 

"  disaster,  which  we  have  sustained,  as  common  to  us  both,  and 

"  feel  that  you  have  to  defend  a  common  fatherland.     It  is  not 

"  with  Samnites  or  Etruscans  that  we  have  to  do  ;   in  that  case 

"  the  empire,  if  wrested  from  us,  would  still  remain  in  Italy. 

"  The  Carthaginian  foe  drags  with  him  a  soldiery  that  is  not 

"  even  native  to  Africa,  drags  it  from  the  remotest  regions  of  the 

"  earth,  from  the  ocean  straits  and  the  pillars  of  Hercules,  a 

"  soldiery  strange  to  law,  to  compact,  almost  to  human  speech. 

"  Ruthless'  and  savage  as  they  are  by  nature  and  habit,  their 

"leader  has  himself  yet   further   brutalised   them   by  making 

"  bridges  and  barriers  out  of  heaps  of  human  bodies,  and  teaching 

"them  to  feed  (I  loathe  to  utter  it)  on  human  flesh.     That  men 

'•  fed  on  food  so  horrible,  men  whom  it  would  be  a  sin  even  to 

"  touch,  we  should   regard  and  own  as  our  masters  ;  that  we 

'■  should  seek  our  laws  from  Africa  and  Carthage  and  let  Italy 

"  be  a  province  of  the  Numidians  and  Moors, — who,  if  only  born 

"  in  Italy,  would  not  curse  such  a  destiny  ?     It  will  be  a  glorious 

"  thing,  men  of  Campania,  for  an  empire  which  has  fallen  by 

"a  Roman  defeat  to  have  been  saved  and  recovered  by  your 

"  loyalty,  your  might.     Thirty  thousand  infantry,  four  thousand 

"  cavalry  can,  in  my  belief,  be  raised  from  Campania.     Already 

"  you  have  money  and   corn  in  abundance.      If  you  show  a 

"  good  faith  equal  to   your  resources,  Hannibal   will  not  feel 

'  himself  to   be   a  conqueror  nor   the   Romans   to  have  been 

'  conquered." 

6.  With  this  speech  of  the  consul  the  envoys  were  dis- 
missed. As  they  were  on  their  way  home  one  of  them,  Vibius 
Virrius,  said  that  the  time  was  come  when  the  Campanians 
might  not  only  recover  the  territory  which  the  Romans  had 
faken  from  them  in  past  days,  but  even  possess  themselves  of 
i^he  empire  of  Italy.  "We  shall  conclude,"  he  said,  "a  treaty 
:'  with  Hannibal  on  what  terms  we  please,  and  there  will  be  no 
^iMcstion  that  when  the  war  is  over  and.  Hannibal  returns 
torious  into  Africa,  taking  his  army  with  him,  the  empire  of 
l"  Italy  will  be  left  in  the  hands  of  the  Campanians."  All  the 
invoys  agreed  with  what  Vibius  said,  and  gave  such  a  report  of 
■heir  mission  that  every  one  imagined  that  the  name  of  Rome 
>as  utterly  effaced. 




The  iame  Cam- 

tatiian  em'nys 

set  it  to 


7inlh  Hannibal. 

Outrage  of  the 
Campanians  on 
Roman  citizens. 

Deciiis  Magins 
opposed  to  all 
these  pro- 

The  commons  and  a  majority  of  the  senate  began  instantly 
to  think  of  a  revolt.  The  persuasions  of  the  older  citizens,  how- 
ever, obtained  a  postponement  for  a  few  days.  At  last  the  opinion 
of  the  majority  prevailed,  and  the  same  envoys  who  had  gone 
to  the  Roman  consul  vi^ere  to  be  sent  to  Hannibal.  In  some 
histories  I  find  it  recorded  that  previous  to  their  departure  and 
the  final  decision  for  revolt,  envoys  were  sent  by  the  Campanians 
to  Rome,  with  a  demand  that  one  consul  should  be  a  Campanian, 
if  Rome  desired  aid  for  her  empire.  There  was  a  burst  of  indig- 
nation, and  it  was  ordered  that  they  should  be  removed  from  the 
Senate  House,  and  a  lictor  was  sent  to  conduct  them  out  of  the 
city  and  bid  them  tarry  that  day  outside  Roman  territory.  But 
as  this  too  closely  resembles  a  demand  formerly  made  by  the 
Latins,  and  as  Caelius  and  other  writers  had  omitted  it  not 
without  good  reason,  I  fear  to  give  it  as  a  well  authenticated 

7.  The  envoys  came  to  Hannibal  and  negotiated  a  peace 
with  him  on  the  following  terms.  "  No  Carthaginian  general 
"  or  magistrate  was  to  have  any  authority  over  a  Campanian 
"  citizen,  and  no  Campanian  citizen  was  to  be  called  on  for 
"  military  or  any  other  service  against  his  will.  Capua  was  to 
"  have  its  own  laws  and  its  own  magistrates.  The  Carthaginians 
"  were  to  hand  over  to  the  Campanians  three  hundred  of  their 
"  Roman  prisoners,  such  as  the  Campanians  themselves  might 
"  choose  ;  these  were  to  be  exchanged  for  the  Campanian 
"  knights  serving  in  Sicily."  Such  were  the  stipulated  terms. 
But  the  Campanians  crowned  this  compact  by  the  perpetration 
of  infamous  outrages.  The  commanding  officers  of  our  alhes 
and  other  Roman  citizens,  some  of  whom  were  employed  in 
military  service  of  some  sort,  others  tied  to  the  spot  by  privata 
affairs,  were  all  suddenly  seized  by  the  populace,  and  at  theii 
bidding  shut  up  in  the  public  baths,  to  be  kept  in  safe  custody, 
it  was  alleged,  but  really  to  die  a  horrible  death  by  suffocation  in 
the  heated  atmosphere. 

Decius  Magius,  a  man  to  the  supremacy  of  whose  influence 
nothing  was  wanting  but  a  rational  temper  in  his  fellow-citizens, 
had  opposed  these  proceedings  as  well  as  the  despatch  of  the 
embassy  to  the  Carthaginians  with  all  his  might.  As  soon  as  he 
heard  that  Hannibal  was  sending  them  a  garrison,  he  reminded 


them,  as  a  parallel  case,  of  the  insolent  tyranny  of  Pyrrhus  and  BOOK  xxiii. 

of  the  pitiable  servitude  of  the  Tarentines.     First  he  publicly 

protested  against  the  admission  of  the  troops  ;  next  he  insisted 

that,  if  admitted,  they  should  either  be  driven  out,  or,  rather,  if 

they  had  a  mind  to  clear  themselves  of  the  crime  of  revolt 

against  ancient  allies  of  kindred  blood,  they  should  massacre 

the  Carthaginian  garrison  and  again  submit  themselves  to  Rome. 

All  this,  and  indeed  it  was  not  done  in  secret,  was  reported  to 

Hannibal.     First,  he  sent  messengers  to  summon  Magius  to  his   tf^e  refuses  to 

presence  m  the  camp  ;  then,  upon  the  haughty  refusal  oi  Magius       summons. 

on  the  ground  that  Hannibal  had  no  authority  over  a  Campanian 

citizen,  the  Carthaginian,  roused  to  fury,  ordered  the  man  to  be 

arrested,  chained,  and  dragged  before  him.     Afterwards  fearing 

that  violence  might  lead  to  uproar,  and  the  excitement  of  men's 

minds  provoke  some  rash  conflict,  he  sent  on  in'  advance  a 

message  to  Marius  Blossius,  chief  magistrate  of  Campania,  that 

he  would  be  at  Capua  the  next  day,  and  started  from  the  camp 

with  a  small  force. 

Marius  called  an  assembly  and  issued  a  proclamation  that 
the  people  were  to  go  in  a  body  with  their  wives  and  children  to 
meet  Hannibal.  All  did  so,  not  in  mere  obedience,  but  with  en-  The  people  of 
thusiasm  ;  for  the  populace  were  well  disposed  to  Hannibal  and  ''''^HatmiM.'"' 
were  intensely  eager  to  see  a  general  now  famous  for  so  many 
victories.  Decius  Magius  did  not  go  out  to  meet  him,  neither 
did  he  keep  himself  at  home,  as  this  would  have  implied  the 
fear  of  conscious  guilt.  He  strolled  leisurely  up  and  down  the 
forum  with  his  son  and  a  few  of  his  dependants^,  while  all  the 
citizens  were  rushing  excitedly  to  welcome  and  gaze  on  Hannibal. 
On  entering  the  town  Hannibal  at  once  demanded  a  meeting  of 
the  senate.  The  leading  Campanians  implored  him  not  to 
transact  any  serious  business  that  day,  but  to  celebrate  it  with 
hearty  joy,  as  the  festal  occasion  of  his  arrival.  Though  he  was 
naturally  impetuous  in  his  wrath,  yet,  not  to  begin  by  a  refusal, 
he  passed  most  of  the  day  in  viewing  the  city. 

8.  He  was  entertained  by  Sthenius  and  Pacuvius,  men 
distinguished  by  their  rank  and  wealth.  Pacuvius  Calavius, 
of  whom  I  have  already  spoken  as  the  leader  of  the  party 
which  had  dragged  the  country  into  the  Carthaginian  alliance, 
brought  his  son,  a  young  man,  to  the  house.     He  had  forced 

I40  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.  him  away  from  the  companionship  ot  Decius  Magius,  with 
Pacuvius  pleads  whom  the  youth  had  stood  up  for  the  Roman  alliance  in  opposi- 
""Hanniiai/ol''  tion  to  the  treaty  with  Carthage,  and  neither  the  changed  temper 
his  son,  who  had  of  the  citizens  nor  the  authority  of  his  father  had  driven  him 

npposed  the 

negotiations,  from  his  resolution.  For  this  youth  the  father,  by  intercessions 
rather  than  by  apologies,  now  secured  Hannibal's  pardon.  Over- 
come by  the  entreaties  and  tears  of  the  parent,  Hannibal  gave 
orders  that  both  son  and  father  be  invited  to  dinner,  though  he 
had  not  intended  that  any  Campanian  should  be  present  at  the 
entertainment  except  his  hosts  and  Vibellius  Taurea,  a  man  of 
fame  as  a  soldier. 

The  feasting  began  early  in  the  day,  and  the  banquet  was  not 
in  Carthaginian  fashion,  or  in  conformity  with  military  discipHne, 
but,  as  might  have  been  expected  in  a  city  and  a  house,  both 
rich  and  luxurious,  furnished  with  every  allurement  of  pleasure. 
One  alone,  the  young  Calavius,  could  not  be  urged  to  drink, 
either  by  the  solicitations  of  the  host  or  even  by  the  occasional 
pressing  of  Hannibal ;  he  himself  pleaded  indisposition,  while 
his  father  gave  as  a  further  reason  his  very  natural  excitement. 
About  sunset  Calavius  left  the  banquet  and  was  followed  by  his 
son.  As  soon  as  they  reached  a  retired  spot  (it  was  a  garden  at 
the  back  of  the  house),  the  son  said,  **  I  suggest  a  plan,  father, 
"  by  means  of  which  we  Campanians  shall  at  once  not  only 
"  secure  from  the  Romans  pardon  for  the  error  of  our  revolt  to 
"  Hannibal,  but  shall  also  enjoy  far  greater  esteem  and  favour 
"  than  ever  in  the  past."  Full  of  amazement  the  father  asked 
what  the  plan  was,  when  the  youth  threw  back  his  toga  from  his 

The  young  man  shoulder,  and  exposed  to  view  a  sword  girt  at  his  side.     "This 

i7saTsinlu     "  instant,"  he  exclaimed,  "  with  the  blood  of  Hannibal  I  will 

Hannibal.      u  ^^ikt  a  binding  treaty  with  Rome.     I  wished  you  to  know  this 

"  beforehand,  should  you  perchance  prefer  to  be  absent  while  the 

"  deed  is  done." 

He  is  deterred         9.     The  old  man,  on  hearing  and  seeing  this,  felt  as  if  he 

whmn  he yZids.  were  witnessing  the  deed  of  which  he  was  hearing,  and  was 
beside  himself  with  terror.  "  I  implore  and  entreat  you,  son," 
he  said,  "  by  every  bond  which  unites  a  child  to  his  parent  not 
"  to  be  bent  on  doing  and  suffering  before  a  father's  eyes  all  that 
"  is  unspeakably  horrible.  Did  we  but  a  few  hours  ago  plight 
"  our  faith,  swearing  by  every  imaginable  divinity,  and  joining 


"  hand  to  hand,  that  we  are  now  to  leave  a  friendly  conversation,  BOOK  xxiii. 

"and  in  a  moment  arm  against  him  hands  bound  by  these 

"  sacred  pledges  ?     Do  you  rise  from  the  hospitable  table  to 

"  which  you  with  only  two  other  Campanians  have  been  invited 

"  purposing  to  stain  that  very  table  with  the  blood  of  your  host  ? 

"  Have  I,  a  father,  been  able  to  obtain  mercy  from  Hannibal  for 

"  my  son,  and  can  I  not  obtain  mercy  from  that  son  for  Hannibal  ? 

"  But  put  aside  all  sacred  ties,  all  good  faith,  all  obligation,  all 

"  sense  of  duty  ;  dare  a  deed  unspeakably  horrible,  if  along  with 

"  the  guilt  it  does  not  bring  ruin  on  us.     Is  it  alone  that  you 

"  mean  to  fall  upon  Hannibal  ?     What  say  you  to  that  crowded 

"  gathering  of  freemen  and  of  slaves,  to  the  gaze  of  all  eyes 

*'  steadfastly  bent  on  one  man,  to  those  many  strong  hands  ? 

"  Will  they  be  paralysed  at  the  moment  of  your  mad  attempt  ? 

"  And  the  face  of  Hannibal  himself,  the  face  which  armed  hosts 

"  cannot  confront,  at  which  the  people  of  Rome  quail,  will  you 

"  confront  it  ?     Suppose  the  absence  of  other  safeguards  ;  will 

"  you  have  the  heart  to  strike  down  me,  your  father,  when  I 

"  interpose  my  life  to  save  the  life  of  Hannibal  ?    Well,  but  it  is 

"  through  my  breast  that  you   must   smite  and   pierce  him. 

"  Suffer  yourself  now  to  be  dissuaded  here  rather  than  to  be 

"  vanquished  there.     Let  my  entreaties  prevail  with  you,  as  this 

"  day  they  have  prevailed  for  you." 

Then  seeing  the  youth  in  tears  he  clasped  him  round  the 
waist,  clung  to  him  with  kisses,  and  did  not  cease  his  entreaties 
till  he  had  constrained  him  to  cast  aside  his  sword,  and  to 
pledge  himself  to  do  no  such  deed.  Upon  this  the  youth 
replied,  '*As  for  myself,  the  duty  I  owe  my  country  shall  be 
"  paid  to  my  father.  I  sorrow  for  your  lot,  for  you  have  to  bear 
"  the  guilt  of  a  thrice  betrayed  country,  betrayed  first  when 
"  you  prompted  revolt  from  Rome,  a  second  time  when  you 
"  prompted  a  peace  with  Hannibal ;  a  third  time  this  day,  when 
"  you  are  an  obstacle  and  a  hindrance  to  the  restoration  of 
"  Capua  to  the  Romans.  Receive  this  sword,  my  country,  with 
"  which  I  armed  myself  in  your  defence  to  enter  this  stronghold 
I  "  of  an  enemy,  since  a  father  wrests  it  from  me."  With  these 
words,  he  flung  the  sword  over  the  hedge  of  the  garden  into  the 
public  street,  and  that  there  might  be  no  suspicion  of  the 
matter,  returned  himself  to  the  banquet. 





demands  the 

surrender  of 

Decius  Magius. 

The  demand 


and  Magius  is 

conducted  to 



He  is  put  on 
board  a  vessel  to 
go  to  Carthage. 

JO.  Next  day  Hannibal  attended  a  full  meeting  of  the 
senate.  The  first  part  of  his  address  was  very  conciliatory  and 
friendly.  In  this  he  thanked  the  Campanians  for  having  pre- 
ferred his  friendship  to  alliance  with  Rome,  and  among  other 
magnificent  promises  he  assured  them  that  Capua  would 
soon  be  the  head  of  all  Italy,  and  that  even  the  Romans  with  its 
other  peoples  would  seek  laws  from  their  city.  One  man  alone 
was  to  have  no  part  in  the  Carthaginian  friendship  and  in  the 
treaty  they  had  concluded  with  him,  Decius  Magius,  a  man 
who  was  not  and  ought  not  to  be  called  a  Campanian.  Of  that 
man  he  required  the  surrender,  and  in  his  own  presence  his  case 
must  be  considered  and  a  resolution  of  the  senate  be  passed. 

All  voted  for  the  proposal,  though  many  were  of  opinion 
that  the  man  did  not  deserve  such  a  calamity,  and  that  this 
.was  no  slight  beginning  towards  breaking  down  the  rights  of 
freedom.  Hannibal  left  the  senate  house,  and  taking  his  seat 
on  the  magistrate's  bench,  ordered  Decius  Magius  to  be  arrested, 
set  at  his  feet,  and  put  on  his  defence.  When  the  man,  who  still 
retained  his  high  spirit,  urged  that  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
this  could  not  be  insisted  on,  he  was  thrown  into  chains,  and 
orders  were  given  that  he  should  be  conducted  to  the  camp, 
with  a  lictor  behind  him.  So  long  as  he  was  led  along  with 
his  head  uncovered,  he  harangued  incessantly  as  he  went, 
shouting  to  the  crowds  that  gathered  round  him,  "  You  have, 
"  Campanians,  the  freedom  which  you  sought.  In  the  middle 
"  of  the  forum,  in  broad  daylight,  under  your  eyes,  I  who  am 
"  inferior  to  no  man  of  Campania,  am  dragged  away  in  chains  to 
"  execution.  What  worse  violence  could  be  done  if  Capua  were 
"  a  captured  city  ?  Go  and  meet  Hannibal,  deck  your  streets 
"  and  keep  the  day  of  his  arrival  as  a  holiday,  so  that  you  may 
"  gaze  on  this  triumph  over  your  fellow-citizens." 

As  the  mob  seemed  to  be  excited  at  these  shouts  of  his,  his 
head  was  covered  and  orders  were  given  to  hurry  him  swiftly  out- 
side the  city  gate.  And  so  he  was  conducted  to  the  camp,  and 
instantly  put  on  board  a  vessel  and  despatched  to  Carthage. 
Even  the  senate,  it  was  thought,  if  a  disturbance  in  the  city  were 
provoked  by  this  shameful  business,  might  repent  of  having 
surrendered  their  chief  man,  and,  should  an  embassy  be  sent 
for  his  recovery,  they  would  either  have  to  offend  their  new 

SECOND  PUNIC  WAR.  "  143 

allies  by  refusing  their  first  request,  or  else,  by  granting  it,  have  BOOK  xxiir. 

to  tolerate  the  presence  of  a  leader  of  discord  and  disorder  at 


A  storm  drove  the  vessel  to  Cyrense,  which  was  then  under     The  vessel  h 

If  recked,  and  he 

the  nile  of  kings.  Here  Magius  fled  for  refuge  to  the  statue  escapes  to 
of  King  Ptolema?us,  whence  he  was  conveyed  by  guards  to 
Alexandria  into  the  king's  presence.  Having  explained  to 
Ptolemaeus  that  he  had  been  put  in  chains  by  Hannibal  in 
violation  of  the  terms  of  a  treaty,  he  was  set  at  liberty  and  per- 
mission to  return  to  Rome  or  to  Capua,  as  he  chose,  was  granted 
him.  Magius  said  that  Capua  was  not  safe  for  him,  while  Rome, 
during  the  war  between  the  Romans  and  Campanians,  would  be 
a  home  for  a  deserter  rather  than  for  a  friendly  visitor.  There 
was  not  a  country  where  he  would  sooner  live  than  the  realm  of 
the  prince  in  whom  he  had  found  the  champion  and  upholder  of 
his  freedom. 

II.     During  these  occurrences,  Quintus  Fabius  Pictor,  our    Return  0/ the 
envoy,  returned  from  Delphi  and  read  from  a  written  document    /rom^D^^'iu 
the  oracle's  reply.     The  gods  and  goddesses  to  whom  prayer  was  '"'f/ tl'^ omle''' 
to  be  made,  and  the  mode  of  making  it,  were  given.     Next  it 
said  :  "  If,  Romans,  you  will  do  accordingly,  your  plight  will  be 
"  better  and  easier,  and  your  commonwealth  will  fare  more  as 
"  you  would  wish,  and  victory  in  the  war  will  be  with  the  people 
"  of  Rome.     When  your  state  has  prospered  and  has  been  saved, 
"  send  to  the  Pythian  Apollo  a  gift  out  of  the  gains  you  will 
"  have  earned,  and  pay  him  honour  out  of  the  plunder,  the  booty, 
"  and  the  spoils.     All  levity  put  far  from  you." 

This  translated  from  the  Greek  verses  he  read  aloud,  and 

then  he  said  that   on   leaving  the  oracle  he  at   once  offered 

sacrifice  to  all  these  gods  and  goddesses  with  wine  and  incense  ; 

that  the  presiding  priest  of  the  temple  had  bidden  him  go  on 

board  his  ship  with  the  same  laurel  garland  which  he  had  worn 

when  he  visited  the  oracle  and  performed  the  sacrifice,  and 

that,  fulfilling  all  the  directions  prescribed  him  with  the  most 

conscientious  care  and  exactness,  he  had  laid  the  garland  on 

[  the  shrine  of  Apollo  at  Rome.     The  Senate  decided  that  these 

1  sacred  rites  and  prayers  should  be  carefully  performed  at  Rome 

I  at  the  earliest  opportunity. 

During  these  proceedings  in   Rome  and   Italy,  there  had 



great  victories 

BOOK  xxiir.  arrived  at  Carthage  with  tidings  of  the  victory  at  Cannae,  Mago, 
Mago  arrives  at  Hamilcar's  son.  He  had  not  been  despatched  by  his  brother 
^""^news^'*^  from  the  actual  battle-field,  but  had  been  detained  some  days  in 
receiving  into  alliance  the  Bruttian  communities,  as  one  after 
another  they  revolted.  As  soon  as  a  meeting  of  the  senate  had 
been  granted  him,  he  recounted  his  brother's  achievements  in 
Italy,  how  he  had  fought  battles  with  six  generals,  four  being 
consuls,  and  two  respectively  a  dictator  and  a  master  of  the  horse, 
and  with  armies  under  consular  command  ;  how  he  had  slain 
over  two  hundred  thousand  men,  and  taken  over  fifty  thousand 
prisoners.  Of  the  four  consuls  two  had  fallen  ;  of  the  two  remain- 
ing one  was  wounded,  and  the  other,  after  losing  his  entire  army, 
had  barely  escaped  with  fifty  men.  The  master  of  the  horse 
had  been  routed  and  put  to  flight ;  the  dictator,  as  he  had  never 
trusted  himself  to  fight,  was  reputed  a  peerless  general.  The 
Bruttians  and  Apulians,  some  of  the  Samnites  and  Lucanians, 
had  revolted  to  Carthage  ;  Capua,  the  head  not  only  of  Campania 
but  even  of  Italy  after  the  prostration  of  Rome  by  the  battle  of 
Cannas,  had  given  itself  up  to  Hannibal.  For  so  many  great 
victories  it  was  reasonable  that  there  should  be  a  formal 
thanksgiving  to  the  immortal  gods. 

12.  Then  in  confirmation  of  such  joyful  intelligence,  he  bade 
them  pour  on  the  threshold  of  the  senate  house  rings  of  gold  in 
so  vast  a  heap  as  to  make  up,  when  measured,  three  pecks  and  a 
half  according  to  some  authors.  But  the  prevalent  and  more 
probable  report  is  that  they  did  not  exceed  one  peck.  After- 
wards he  explained,  to  prove  the  disaster  was  yet  greater  than 
it  seemed,  that  only  a  knight,  and  of  the  knights  only  the  first 
in  rank,  wore  this  ornament.  The  drift  of  his  speech  was  that 
He  exhorts  kis  the  nearer  was  Hannibal's  prospect  of  ending  the  war,  thfl 
countrymen  to  more  ought  they  to  support  him  with  assistance  of  every  kind 
Hannibah  He  was  fighting  far  from  home  in  the  heart  of  an  enemy** 
country  ;  there  was  a  vast  consumption  of  provisions  and  money, 
and  so  many  battles,  though  they  had  destroyed  whole  arniies 
of  the  enemy,  had  to  some  extent  reduced  the  forces  of  the  con- 
queror as  well.  They  ought  therefore  to  send  reinforcements  ; 
they  ought  to  send  money  for  pay  and  provisions  to  troops 
which  had  deserved  so  well  of  the  name  of  Carthage. 

Amid  the  universal  joy  that  followed  Mago's  words,  Himilco, 


a  man  of  the  Barcine  faction,  who  thought  he  saw  room  for  book  xxiii. 
taunting  Hanno,  said  :  "Well,  Hanno,  do  you  still  repent  of  our  huuHco  taunts 
"  having  made  war  on  the  Romans  ?    Bid  us  surrender  Hannibal  ;     Hanno  ivUk 
"  tell  us  we  are  not  to  render  thanks  to  the  immortal  gods  for  opposition  to  the 
"  such  successes.     Let  us  hear  the  voice  of  a  Roman  senator  in  '^"'^' 

"the  Carthaginian  Assembly  House."  Hanno  replied  ;  "  I  would  Hanno' s reply. 
"  have  been  silent  to-day,  fellow  senators,  rather  than  say  amid 
"  the  common  rejoicing  of  all  what  may  not  be  quite  welcome  to 
"  you.  Now,  however,  when  asked  by  a  senator  whether  I  still 
"  repent  o'f  our  having  made  war  on  the  Romans,  you  would  see 
"in  me,  were  I  to  be  silent,  a  temper  either  haughty  or  servile. 
"  The  first  is  the  character  of  the  man  who  forgets  the  freedom 
"  of  others  ;  the  latter  that  of  him  who  forgets  his  own. 

"  My  answer,"  he  went  on  to  say, "  to  Himilco  is  that  I  have 

"not  ceased  to  repent  of  the  war,  and  that  I  never  shall  cease 

"  to  find  fault  with  your  invincible  general  till   I   see  the  war 

"ended  on  some  tolerable  terms.     Nothing,  indeed,  but  a  new 

"peace  will  terminate  my  regret  for  the  peace  of  old  days. 

"And  so  what  Mago  hast  just  boastfully  told  us  to  the  present 

"dehght    of    Himilco   and    Hannibal's    other    partisans,    may 

"  dehght  me,  because  success  in  war,  if  we  choose  to  use  our 

"good  fortune,  will  give  us  a  more  favourable  peace.    If,  indeed, 

"we  let  slip  this  opportunity  when  we  may  have  the  credit  of 

"  offering  peace  rather  than  of  accepting  it,  I  am  afraid  that  even 

"this  our  present  rejoicing  will  grow  wanton  and  end  in  vanity. 

"  And  yet  even  now  what  does  it  mean  ?     *  I  have  destroyed 

"  whole  armies  of  the  enemy ;  send  me  soldiers.'    What  else 

j  "  would  you  ask  had  you  been  beaten  ?     '  I  have  taken  two  of 

1  "  the  enemy's  camps,  full,  of  course,  of  booty  and  provisions  ; 

I  "give  me  corn  and  money.'    What  else  would  you  want  from  us 

1 "  had  you  been  despoiled  and  deprived  of  your  camp  }  And  that 

j"  I  may  not  merely  express  my  own  surprise  at  everything,  let 

("me  say — fori  too,  since  I  have  answered  Himilco,  have  the 

j"  fullest  right  to  ask  a  question — that  I  should  wish  that  either 

1"  Himilco  or  Mago  would  reply.     The  fight  at  Cannas,  you  say, 

j"was  almost  the  destruction  of  Rome's  empire,  and  all  Italy  is 

"admitted  to  be  in  revolt.  Has  any  nation  of  Latin  race  revolted 

;"  to  us  ?  has  a  single  man  of  the  five-and-thirty  Roman  tribes 

''deserted  to  Hannibal  ?" 

145  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.        13.     Mago's  reply  was  a  denial  in  both  cases.     "Then  too 

.Mago's  answer. 

"many  of  the  enemy,"  said  Hanno,  "still  remain.  But  I  should 
"li've  to  know  what  is  the  temper,  what  the  confidence  of 
"this  vast  host."  Mago  said  that  of  this  he  knew  nothing. 
"  Nothing  may  be  more  easily  known,"  was  Hanno's  answer. 
"  Have  the  Romans  sent  any  envoys  to  Hannibal  to  treat 
"  for  peace  ?  Have  you  had  news  of  any  mention  at  all  of 
"peace  at  Rome?" 

To  this  again  Mago  said  No.  "  Then  we  have,"  said  Hanno, 
"a  war  upon  our  hands  just  as  fresh  as  on  the  day  when 
"  Hannibal  crossed  over  into  Italy.  Many  of  us  are  still  alive 
"  to  remember  the  frequent  alternations  of  victory  in  the  former 
"  Punic  war.  Never  did  our  fortunes  seem  more  prosperous 
"  both  by  sea  and  land  than  previous  to  the  consulship  of  Caius 
"  Lutatius  and  Aulus  Postumius.  As  soon  as  they  were  consuls, 
"  we  were  utterly  defeated  at  the  .(Agates  islands.  And  if  now 
"  too  (the  gods  avert  the  omen  !)  fortune  somewhat  change,  do 
"  you  hope,  when  vanquished,  for  the  peace  which,  now  that  we 
"  are  victorious,  no  one  offers  ?  I  have  indeed  an  opinion  to 
"  express,  if  the  question  is  to  be  whether  we  are  to  offer  the 
"  enemy  peace  or  to  accept  it  ;  but  if  you  mean  to  discuss  Mago's 
^^^  i^demands,  I  maintain  that  we  have  no  business  to  send  what  he 
^^"  asks  to  a  conquering  army,  still  less  ought  we  to  send  it  when 
"  they  are  deluding  us  with  a  vain  and  empty  hope." 

rt  is  decided  A  few  Only  were  impressed  by  Hanno's  speech.  His  feud  with 

Hanmbal.  ^^^  Barcine  family  impaired  the  authority  of  his  advice,  and  the 
joy  too  which  at  the  moment  possessed  all  hearts  made  their 
ears  deaf  to  anything  which  might  weaken  the  grounds  of  their 
exultation.  The  war,  they  thought,  would  soon  be  over,  if  they 
resolved  to  exert  themselves  a  litde.  And  so  with  the  heartiest 
unanimity  a  vote  was  carried  in  the  senate  to  send  Hannibal,  as 
reinforcements,  four  thousand  Numidians,  with  forty  elephants 
and  a  supply  of  money.  An  officer  with  supreme  powers  was 
sent  on  at  once  with  Mago  into  Spain  to  raise  twenty  thousand 
infantry  and  four  thousand  horse  to  fill  up  the  ranks  of  the 
armies  in  Italy  and  Spain. 

Energy  0/  the  \\.     All  this,  howevcr,  was  done  as  tardily  and  languidly  as 

is  usual  in  the  midst  of  success.  The  plight  of  the  Romans  a; 
well  as  their  natural  energy  kept  them  from  being  dilatory.    The 


consul  failed  not  in  any  duty  which  he  had  to  discharge,  and  the   book  xxiii. 

dictator,  Marcus  Junius  Pera,  after  due  performance  of  the  sacred 

rites  and  the  customary  application  to  the  popular  assembly 

for  permission  to  use  a  horse,  not  content  with  the  two  city 

legions  which  the  consuls  had  raised  early  in  the  year,  a  levy  of 

slaves  and  a  muster  of  troops  from  Picenum  and  Gaul,  stooped 

to  the  last  resource  of  a  country  almost  past  hope,  when  honour 

must  yield  to  necessity.     He  issued  a  proclamation  addressed 

to  all  who  had  committed  capital  offences  or  who  were  in  prison 

as  convicted  debtors,  that  such  of  them  as  should  serve  as 

soldiers  under  him  should  by  his  authority  be  released  from 

punishment  and  debt.     Six  thousand  of  these  men  he  equipped 

out  of  the  Gallic  spoils,  which  had  been  carried  in  the  triumph 

of   Caius   Flaminius,  and    so    he  marched  from   Rome  with 

twenty-five  thousand  armed  soldiers. 

After  receiving  the  submission  of  Capua  and  making  another  Hannibaiin  tkr 
fruitless  appeal   to  the  hopes   and   fears   of  the  Neapolitans,  "^'^  Noia." 
Hannibal  led   his  army  into   the   country  round  Nola.      His 
attitude  indeed  was  not   immediately  hostile,  as  he  did  not 
despair  of  a  voluntary  surrender,  but  he  meant,  should  they  long 
disappoint  his  hopes,  to  spare  the  people  nothing  in  the  way  of 
all  possible   suffering   or  terror.      The   senate,  especially  the      Dhsensiofis 
leading  men,  loyally  aidhered  to  their  alliance  with  Rome  ;  the  ciUz'm"ofNoia. 
commons,  as  usual,  were  all  for  change  and  devoted  to  Hannibal, 

I  while  they  let  their  thoughts  dwell  on  the  horror  of  ravaged 
fields  and  the  many  hardships  and  indignities  they  would  have 

ito  endure  in  a  siege.    Instigators  of  revolt  too  were  not  wanting. 

JThus  the  senators,  seized  with  apprehension  that  if  they  openly 

'Stood  their  ground  there  was  no  possibility  of  resisting  the 

linfuriated  populace,  found  means   to   defer   the   calamity   by 

feigning  compliance.     They  pretended  that  they  liked  the  notion 

si  revolt  to  Hannibal,  but  that  it  was  far  from  clear  on  what 

cerms  they  would  be  entering  into  a  new  treaty  and  alliance. 

I     Having  thus  secured  some  delay,  they  despatched  envoys  with   Envoys  sent  to 

ill  speed  to  the  Roman  praetor,  Marcellus,  who  was  with  an      Marceilm. 

jirmy  at  Casilinum.     They  explained  to  him  how  extreme  was 

jhe  jeopardy  of  the  people  of  Nola  ;  how  their  territory  was  in 

;he  hands  of  Hannibal  and  the  Carthaginians,  how  their  city 

j/ould  be  his  forthwith,  unless  they  received  aid.     By  conceding 

1  L   2 




t  Sessola. 

A  rrival  of 

X  Nocera. 

Surrender  of 
Nuceria  to 

A  citizen  of 

NoCa  ivishes  to 

surrender  the 

town  to 


a  promise  to  the  populace  that  they  would  revolt  when  they 
wished,  the  senate  had  prevailed  on  them  not  to  rush  into 
instant  revolt. 

Marcellus  warmly  praised  the  citizens  of  Nola,  and  bade 
them  delay  matters  till  his  arrival  by  the  same  pretexts.  Mean- 
while they  were  to  conceal  what  had  passed  between  them  and 
himself  and  all  prospect  of  help  from  Rome.  From  Casilinum 
he  directed  his  march  towards  Caiatia,*  whence,  after  crossing 
the  Vulturnus,  he  reached  Nola  through  the  district  of  Saticula 
and  Trebula  over  the  hills  above  Suessula.t 

15.     On  the  arrival  of  the  Roman  praetor,  the  Carthaginian 
quitted  the  territory  of  Nola  and  marched  down  to  the  sea, 
close  to  Naples.     He  was  eager  to  possess  himself  of  a  town 
on  the  coast,  that  ships  might  have  a  safe  passage  from  Africa  ; 
but  as  soon  as  he  heard  that  the  place  was  held  by  a  Roman 
officer  (Marcus  Junius  Silanus  was  there,  invited  by  the  citizens 
themselves),  he  passed  by  Naples  as  he  had  Nola,  and  made 
for  Nuceria. t     For  some  time  he  besieged  the  place,  frequently 
attacking  it,  frequently  addressing  vain  solicitations  now  to  the 
populace,  now  to  the  chief  men,  till  at  last  he  obtained  its  sur- 
render by  famine  on  the  understanding  that  the  inhabitants 
were  to  leave  it  without  arms  and  with  one  garment  apiece. 
Then,  inasmuch  as  from  the  first  he  had  wished  to  seem  friendly 
to  all  Italians,  except  Romans,  he  offered  rewards  and  honours 
to  those  who  remained  and  were  willing  to  serve  under  him. 
Not  a  man,  however,  did  he  secure  by  this  prospect.     They  all 
fled  hither  and  thither,  wherever  ties  of  friendship  or  the  im- 
pulse of  the  moment  urged  them,  through  the  towns  of  Cam 
pania,  to  Nola  and  Naples  especially.     About  thirty  senators 
all,  as  it  happened,  of  the  first  rank,  made  for  Capua,  and  finding 
themselves  shut  out  because  the  Capuans  had  closed  their  gate 
against  Hannibal,  took  refuge  at  Cum«.     The  spoil  of  Nucerii| 
was  given  to  the  soldiers  ;  the  city  was  plundered  and  burn] 
Marcellus  held  Nola  as  much  by  the  good-will  of  its  leadii^ 
men  as  by  confidence  in  his  garrison.  The  populace  he  dreadec 
and  above  all   one   Lucius  Bantius.     The   conscious  guilt 
attempted    revolt    and    fear    inspired  by  the   Roman  praetc 
prompted  this  man  at  one  moment  to  betray  his  birthplace, 
another,  should  fortune  fail  him  in  this,  to  desert  to  the  enemjl 


He  was  a  youth  of  spirit,  and  the  noblest  knight  of  the  time  book  xxiii. 

among  all  our  allies.     Hannibal  had  found  him  half  dead  at 

Cannae  amid  a  heap  of  slain  ;  he  had  treated  him  kindly,  had 

even  made  him  a  present,  and  so  sent  him  home.    Gratitude  for 

these  favours  made  him  wish  to  hand  over  Nola  to  the  control 

and  dominion  of  the  Carthaginians,  and  the  prastor  saw  that 

he  was  restless  and  disquieted  by  thoughts  of  revolution. 

As  the  man  had  to  be  either  checked  by  punishment  or  won  by  Marceihis  wins 
kindness,  Marcellus  thought  it  better  that  a  brave  and  energetic  kTndwo^sand 
ally  should  be  secured  for  himself  than  lost  to  the  enemy.  He  promises. 
therefore  invited  him  to  his  quarters  and  spoke  kindly  to  him. 
"  You  have  a  host  of  envious  fellow-citizens,"  he  said,  "  and 
"  hence  one  may  easily  infer,  what  no  citizen  of  Nola  has  told 
"  me,  how  numerous  have  been  your  noble  deeds  in  war.  How- 
"  ever,  if  a  man  has  once  been  a  soldier  in  a  Roman  camp,  his 
"  valour  cannot  remain  hidden.  Many  who  have  served  with 
"  you  tell  me  what  a  brave  man  you  are,  what  dangers  you  have 
"  repeatedly  encountered  for  the  safety  and  honour  of  the 
"  Roman  people,  and  how  you  never  quitted  the  field  of  Cannae 
"  till  you  were  buried  almost  lifeless  under  a  falling  mass  of 
"  men,  horses,  and  arms.  And  so.  Heaven's  blessing  on  your 
"  valour.  From  me  you  shall  have  every  distinction  and  reward  ; 
"  and  that  you  may  be  the  oftener  with  me,  you  shall  see  that 
"  this  means  both  honour  and  advantage  to  you." 

The  young  man  was  delighted  at  these  promises.    Marcellus 

presented  him  with  a  splendid  charger,  and  bade  his  quaestor 

;  count  out  for  him  five  hundred  silver  coins.     His  lictors  had 

orders  to  allow  him  to  visit  him  as  often  as  he  pleased.     This 

'  courtesy  on  the  part  of  Marcellus  so  completely  subdued  the 

I  temper  of  the  high-spirited  youth,  that  from  that  time  Rome 

'  had  not  a  braver  and  more  loyal  champion  among  her  allies. 

j       16,     Hannibal  being  once  more  before  the  gates  of  Nola     ,^f""'^j'^' 

(he  had  again  moved  his  camp  thither  from  Nuceria),  and  the 

1  populace  once  more  thinking  of  revolt,  Marcellus  on  the  enemy's 

! approach  had  retired  within  the  walls.     He  did  not  fear  for  his 

jcamp.  but  no  opportunity  of  betraying  the  town  would  he  give 

!to  those  too  numerous  citizens  who  were  intent  on  treachery. 

Both  armies  now  began  to   array  themselves   for  battle,   the 

'"■''mian  army  before  the  walls  of  Nola,  the  Carthaginians  in 

before  Nola. 

decides  to  fight. 

150  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.  front  of  their  camp.  Hence  ensued  skirmishes  with  varying 
result  between  the  town  and  the  camp,  as  the  generals  did  not 
choose  either  to  hold  back  the  few  soldiers  who  rashly  challenged 
their  foes  or  to  give  the  signal  for  a  general  engagement. 

Such  being  now  the  position  day  after  day  of  the  two  armies, 
the  leading  citizens  of  Nola  told  Marcellus  that  there  were 
nightly  communications  between  the  commons  and  the  Cartha- 
ginians, and  that  it  had  been  decided  to  plunder  the  baggage 
and  property  of  the  Roman  troops  as  soon  as  they  marched 
out  of  the  gates,  then  to  close  the  gates  and  take  possession  of 
the  ramparts,  intending  to  admit  the  Carthaginians  instead  of 
the  Romans  the  moment  they  had  the  control  of  their  own 
Marcellus ^^  affairs  and  of  the  town.  Marcellus,  on  receiving  this  informa- 
tion, highly  commended  the  senators  of  Nola,  and  resolved  to 
try  the  fortune  of  battle  before  any  disturbance  broke  out  in 
the  town. 

He  drew  up  his  army  in  three  divisions  at  three  gates  facing 
the  enemy,  with  orders  that  the  baggage  was  to  follow  close 
behind,  and  that  the  soldiers'  servants,  the  sutlers,  and  the  in- 
valids were  each  to  carry  a  stake.  At  the  middle  gate  he  posted 
the  main  strength  of  his  legions  and  his  Roman  cavalry,  at  the 
other  two  his  raw  recruits,  his  newly-enlisted  men,  and  his  light- 
armed  troops.  The  inhabitants  of  Nola  were  not  allowed  to 
approach  the  walls  or  the  gates,  and  the  force  intended  as  a 
reserve  was  assigned  to  the  baggage,  so  that  an  attack  might 
not  be  made  on  it  when  the  legions  were  engaged  in  the  fight. 

Thus  drawn  up  they  stood  within  the  gates.    Hannibal,  who, 
as  he  had  done  for  several  days,  had  his  troops  under  arms 
till  a  late  hour,  was  first  of  all  astonished  that  the  Roman  army 
did  not  march  out  of  the  city,  and   that  not  a  single  armed 
soldier  appeared  on  the  walls.     Concluding  that  the  secret  of 
the  communications  had  been  betrayed,  and  that  fear  kept  his 
friends  quiet,  he  sent  back  part  of  his  troops  to  their  camp  witl 
orders  to  bring  up  to  the  front  all  the  appliances  for  an  assauli 
as  he  was  confident  that,  if  he  met  hesitation  with  prompt  action 
the  populace  would  raise  some  disturbance  in  the  town.     Whili 
all  were  hurrying  in  bustle  and  excitement  to  their   severa 
posts  amid  the  foremost   standards    and   the   front  line  wai 
approaching  the  wall;  suddenly  the  gate  was  thrown  open,  at  th< 



order  of  Marcellus  the  trumpet  sounded  the  signal,  a  shout  was  book  xxiii. 
raised,  and  first  the  infantry  and  then  the  cavalry  flung  them- 
selves on  the  enemy  with  all  the  fury  of  their  fiercest  attack. 
They  had  already  carried  terror  and  confusion  enough  into 
the  centre  of  his  line,  when  from  the  two  adjacent  gates  the 
lieutenants,  Valerius  Flaccus  and  Caius  Aurelius,  burst  upon 
his  flanks.  Added  to  all  this  came  a  shout  from  the  sutlers 
and  soldiers'  servants  and  the  rest  of  the  crowd  set  to  guard  the 
baggage.  To  the  Carthaginians,  who  were  specially  scornful  of 
the  scanty  numbers  of  the  foe,  this  gave  the  sudden  semblance 
of  an  immense  army.  I  would  not  myself  venture  to  affirm  what 
some  authors  state,  that  two  thousand  eight  hundred  of  the 
enemy  were  slain,  with  a  loss  of  not  more  than  five  hundred 
Romans.  However,  whether  the  victory  was  as  great  or  less 
considerable,  a  mighty  result,  the  greatest  perhaps  throughout 
the  war,  was  achieved  that  day.  For  indeed  not  to  be  defeated 
by  Hannibal  was  for  the  victors  on  that  occasion  a  harder  matter 
than  it  was  afterwards  to  defeat  him. 

17.  As  soon  as  Hannibal,  who  had  now  lost  all  hope  of 
possessing  himself  of  Nola,  had  retired  to  Acerras,*  Marcellus  in-  *  Acerra. 
stantly  closed  the  city  gates,  setting  guards  at  them  that  no  one 
might  go  out,  and  then  held  an  inquiry  in  the  forum  on  the  men 
who  had  been  in  secret  communication  with  the  enemy.  More 
than  seventy  he  convicted  and  beheaded ;  their  property  was 
by  his  order  confiscated  for  the  uses  of  the  Roman  people  ;  the 
senate  was  invested  with  supreme  authority,  and  Marcellus 
marched  out  with  his  whole  army  and  established  himself  in  a 
camp  overlooking  Suessula. 

The  Carthaginian  at  first  attempted  to  persuade  Acerrae  to  a 
voluntary  surrender,  but  on  seeing  that  the  inhabitants  were 
resolute,  he  prepared  for  a  siege  and  an  assault.  The  towns- 
folk had  more  courage  than  strength.  Despairing  of  the  Hannibal 
defence  of  their  city  when  they  saw  the  blockade  closing '^''^'"^^^^''^"**'- 
round  their  walls,  they  stole  away  in  the  silence  of  night, 
before  the  circle  was  completed,  through  any  gap  in  the  lines  or 
at  any  negligently  guarded  point,  and  with  or  without  the  track 
J  of  roads  to  guide  them  they  fled,  as  design  or  chance  suggested, 
!  to  those  cities  of  Campania  which  it  was  certain  had  not  thrown 
off  their  allegiance. 



Marches  on 


Sieg^e  of 

After  plundering  and  burning  Acerrae,  Hannibal,  who  had 
received  intelligence  from  Casilinum  that  the  Roman  dictator  was 
advancing  with  his  legions,  and  feared  some  revolutionary  move- 
ment also  in  Capua  with  the  enemy's  camp  in  such  close  proximity, 
marched  his  army  to  Casilinum.  The  place  was  then  held  by 
five  hundred  citizens  of  PrEeneste,  and  with  them  were  a  few 
Romans  and  men  of  Latin  nationality,  whom  the  news  of  the 
battle  of  Cannae  had  driven  thither  for  refuge.  The  levy  at 
Prasneste  not  having  been  completed  by  the  proper  day,  these 
five  hundred  had  left  their  homes  too  late.  They  had  reached 
Casilinum  before  the  news  of  the  defeat,  and  being  there  joined 
by  other  Romans  and  allies,  they  had  marched  out  of  the  town 
in  considerable  force,  when  tidings  of  the  battle  turned  them 
back  to  it.  There,  notwithstanding  the  suspicions  of  the  Cam- 
panians  and  their  own  fears,  they  passed  some  days  in  securing 
themselves  against  plots  and  in  hatching  plots  in  their  turn, 
till  they  knew  as  a  certain  fact  that  negotiations  were  on  foot 
for  the  revolt  of  Capua  and  the  admission  of  Hannibal.  Then 
they  inassacred  the  townsfolk  by  night  and  seized  the  part  of 
the  city  on  this  side  of  the  Vulturnus,  the  river  which  divides 
it.  And  so  the  Romans  had  this  force  as  a  garrison  at  Casilinum. 
There  was  also  in  addition  a  cohort  from  Perusia*  of  four 
hundred  and  sixty  men,  driven  to  Casilinum  by  the  same 
news  which  a  few  days  before  had  driven  thither  the  men  of 
Praeneste.  There  were  about  enough  armed  soldiers  to  defend 
so  small  an  extent  of  walls,  surrounded  too  as  the  place  was  on 
one  side  by  a  river.  Want  of  corn,  however,  made  the  number 
of  men  seem  actually  excessive. 

1 8.  As  soon  as  Hannibal  was  within  a  moderate  distance 
of  the  place,  he  sent  forward  some  Gaetulians,  under  an  officer  ^ 
named  Isalcas,  with  orders,  first  of  all,  in  the  event  of  a  friendly 
interview  being  possible,  to  coax  the  citizens  with  kindly  words 
into  opening  their  gates  and  admitting  a  garrison  ;  but,  should 
they  persist  in  obstinate  resistance,  to  resort  to  force  and  try  an 
assault  on  any  part  of  the  city  that  might  be  practicable.  When 
they  approached  the  walls,  all  was  silent,  and  it  seemed  a  soli- 
tude. Fear,  so  the  barbarian  thought,  had  driven  them  away, 
and  he  was  preparing  to  storm  the  gates  and  break  down  the 
barriers,  when  suddenly  they  were  thrown  open,  and  two  cohorts, 




drawn  up  inside  for  this  express  purpose,  burst  forth  with  a  great  BOOK  XXlll. 
tumultuous  rush  and  made  havoc  of  the  enemy.  The  foremost 
ranks  having  been  thus  beaten  back,  Maharbal  was  despatched 
with  a  stronger  force  of  the  best  soldiers,  but  even  he  could  not 
sustain  the  furious  onset  of  the  cohorts.  At  last  Hannibal 
pitched  his  camp  before  the  walls,  and,  small  as  was  the  place 
and  small  the  garrison,  prepared  for  an  attack  in  full  force,  with 
his  whole  army.  While  he  was  threatening  and  harassing  the 
town,  having  drawn  his  lines  completely  round  the  walls,  he 
lost  several  of  his  soldiers,  and  these  his  bravest  men,  struck 
down  from  the  rampails  and  towers.  Once,  when  they  in  their 
turn  attacked,  he  all  but  cut  them  off  by  confronting  them 
with  a  troop  of  elephants,  and  drove  them  back  in  confusion  to 
their  walls  with  considerable  loss  for  such  a  mere  handful  of  men. 
More  would  have  been  slain  had  not  night  stopped  the  fighting. 
Next  day  the  heart  of  every  soldier  was  fired  with  ardoiar  for 
the  assault ;  the  more  so  when  a  golden  wreath  was  offered  for 
the  first  man  on  the  rarnparts,  and  when  Hannibal  himself 
taunted  the  captors  of  Saguntum  with  their  tardy  efforts  to  storm 
a  fortress  which  stood  on  level  ground,  and  reminded  them  one 
and  all  of  Cannae,  Trasumennus,  and  Trebia.  The  regular  siege- 
works  and  mines  were  then  applied,  nor  again  did  the  Roman 
allies  fail  to  meet  the  various  attempts  of  the  enemy  with  force 
and  skill  of  every  kind.  The  siege-works  they  encountered  with 
barriers  for  defence,  a.nd  the  hostile  mines  they  intercepted  with 
counter-mines,  thus  opposing  a  resistance  to  every  open  or  secret 
attack,  till  actual  shame  turned  Hannibal  from  his  purpose.  He 
fortified  a  camp,  leaving  in  it  a  moderate  force,  that  the  siege 
1  might  not  be  regarded  as  abandoned,  and  retired  into  winter 
I  quarters  at  Capua. 

1  Here  for  most  of  the  winter  he  had  his  army  under  cover. 
I  Often  and  long  had  it  steeled  itself  against  every  human  hard- 
'ship,  and  of  comfort  it  had  had  no  trial  or  experience.  And 
jthus  the  men  whom  no  intensity  of  misery  had  conquered,  were 
[now  ruined  by  a  superfluity  of  good  things  and  an  excess  of 
'pleasure,  all  the  more  utterly,  as  from  the  novelty  of  these  enjoy- 
iments  they  plunged  into  them  so  greedily.  Sloth,  wine,  feasting, 
women,  baths,  and  idle  lounging,  which,  with  daily  habit,  became 
ncreasingly  attractive,  so  enervated  both- body  and  mind,  that 

Hannibal  goes 

into  winter 


at  Capua  ; 

His  troops 





continues  the 

siege  of 
Casilinmn . 

BOOK  XXIII.  henceforth  it  was  their  past  victories  rather  than  their  present 
strength  which  saved  them.  This  error  of  the  general  was  con- 
sidered by  good  judges  of  the  art  of  war  more  fatal  than  his  not 
having  marched  instantly  from  the  field  of  Cannse  to  Rome. 
Delay  on  that  occasion  could  be  thought  only  to  have  deferred 
victory ;  this  blunder  sacrificed,  as  it  seemed,  the  strength  needful 
for  victory.  And  so  undoubtedly,  just  as  if  it  had  been  another 
army  with  which  he  had  left  Capua,  Hannibal  kept  up  afterwards 
none  of  his  old  disciplme.  In  fact,  entanglements  with  women 
made  many  of  his  men  return  thither,  and  the  moment  they 
began  to  serve  under  canvas,  and  trenching  and  other  military 
duties  came  upon  them,  body  and  spirit  alike  gave  way,  as  if 
they  had  been  raw  recruits.  From  that  time  during  the  whole 
period  of  the  summer  campaigns,  numbers  would  steal  away 
from  the  ranks  without  leave,  and  it  was  Capua,  and  Capua  only, 
that  was  the  hiding-place'of  the  deserters. 

19.  As  winter  gradually  relaxed,  Hannibal  marched  his 
soldiers  out  of  their  quarters,  and  went  back  to  Casilinum. 
Though  there  had  been  a  cessation  from  all  attacks  on  the  place, 
still  the  prolonged  blockade  had  reduced  the  inhabitants  and  the 
garrison  to  the  extremity  of  want.  The  Roman  camp  was  under 
the  command  of  Tiberius  Sempronius,  as  the  dictator  had  gone 
to  Rome  to  renew  the  auspices.  Marcellus  was  himself  eager 
to  relieve  the  besieged,  but  he  was  detained  alike  by  the  swollen 
waters  of  the  river  Vulturnus  and  the  entreaties  of  the  citizens 
of  Nola  and  Acerr^,  who  were  in  dread  of  the  Campanians, 
should  the  Roman  force  retire.  Sempronius  merely  watched 
Casilinum,  without  attempting  any  movement,  as  the  dictator's 
instructions  were  that  he  was  not  to  engage  in  any  operation 
during  his  absence.  Yet  the  news  he  received  from  Casilinum 
was  such  as  might  easily  overcome  the  utmost  patience.  It. 
appeared,  in  fact,  that  some,  rather  than  endure  their  hunger, 
had  flung  themselves  from  the  walls,  while  others  stood  on  them 
unarmed,  with  their  bare  bodies  exposed  to  the  blows  of  missiles. 
All  this  Sempronius  bore  with  impatience.  As  he  dared  not  fig! 
without  orders  from  the  dictator  , (though  fight  he  saw  he  mus 
if  he  was  openly  to  get  corn  into  the  place),  and  as  there  wajj 
no  prospect  of  introducing  corn  secretly,  he  collected  grain  fror 
all  the  neighbouring  country,  filled  a  number  of  casks  with  it 


and  sent  a  message  to  the  chief  magistrate  at  Casilinum  to  have  book  xxiii. 
any  casks  stopped  which  the  river  floated  down.     The  following 
night,  when  all  were  watching  the  stream,  intent  on  the  hopes  Supplies  of  food 
held  out  by  the  Roman  message,  the  casks  floated  down  the    ^dZl/intoThe 
mid-channel  of  the  river,  and  the  corn  was  equally  distributed  "''■''• 

among  the  entire  population.  The  same  thing  was  done  on  the 
next  day  and  the  day  after.  It  was  by  night  that  the  casks  .were 
despatched,  and  by  night  that  they  arrived  ;  thus  the  enemy's 
sentries  were  eluded. 

After  a  time  the  river  became  more  than  usually  rapid 
from  continuous  rains,  and  drove  the  casks  by  a  cross  eddy  to 
the  side  guarded  by  the  enemy.  There  they  were  seen,  sticking 
in  beds  of  willow  which  grew  on  the  banks,  and  the  matter 
being  reported  to  Hannibal,  he  set  a  stricter  watch,  so  that 
nothing  sent  to  the  town  down  the  Vulturnus  might  escape 
him.  However,  a  vast  quantity  of  walnuts,  thrown  out  of  the 
Roman  camp,  and  floated  down  the  middle  of  the  stream, 
was  caught  on  hurdles.  At  last  the  inhabitants  were  re- 
duced to  such  want  that  they  tried  to  chew  leathern  thongs 
and  the  hides  off  their  shields,  steeped  in  hot  water,  and 
scrupled  not  to  devour  mice,  or,  indeed,  any  living  creature  ; 
even  every  kind  of  grass  and  roots  they  tore  up  from  the  bottom 
of  their  walls.  The  enemy,  having  ploughed  up  all  the  grass- 
grown  surface  outside  the  ramparts,  they  sowed  it  with  rape, 
upon  which  Hannibal  exclaimed,  "  Am  1  to  sit  still  before 
Casilinum  till  those  seeds  grow?"  He  who  hitherto  had  not 
listened  to  a  word  about  stipulations,  now  at  last  allowed  them 
to  discuss  with  him  the  ransom  of  free-born  citizens.  Seven 
ounces  of  gold  was  the  price  agreed  on  for  each.  Having  Surrender 
received  a  guarantee  of  safety,  they  surrendered.  They  were  "f  Casilinum. 
kept  in  chains  till  all  the  gold  was  paid.  Then  they  were  sent 
jback  to  Cannas  under  protection.  This  is  more  probable  than 
I  that  they  were  charged  by  the  cavalry  as  they  were  leaving,  and 
icut  to  pieces.  Most  of  them  were  natives  of  Pra^neste.  Out 
!of  five  hundred  and  seventy  who  were  in  the  garrison,  some- 
iwhat  less  than  half  had  perished  by  hunger  or  the  sword  ;  the 
test  returned  in  safety  to  Prasneste  with  their  officer,  Marcus 
'Anicius,  who  had  formerly  been  a  clerk.  His  statue  marked  the 
pvent,  set  up,  as  it  was,  in  the  forum  at  Prc-eneste,  mailed,  clad  in 



■\  StrongoH. 

Fidelity  of 

Petelia  to  the 

cause  oj"  Rome. 

BOOK  XXIII,  a  toga,  and  with  the  head  covered,  and  there  were  three  standards 
with  this  inscription  on  a  bronze  'plate  : — "  Marcus  Anicius 
"  vowed  this  vow  for  the  soldiers  who  served  in  garrison  at 
"  Casilinum."  The  same  inscription  was  written  under  three 
standards  deposited  in  the  temple  of  Fortune. 

20.  The  town  of  Casilinum  was  restored  to  the  Campanians 
and  garrisoned  by  a  force  of  seven  hundred  men  from  Hannibal's 
army,  that  it  might  not  be  attacked  by  the  Romans  after  the 
withdrawal  of  the  Carthaginians.  The  Roman  Senate  voted 
double  pay  and  five  years'  exemption  from  service  to  the  soldiers 
from  Prseneste.  When  the  Roman  franchise  was  offered  them  for 
their  valour,  they  elected  to  make  no  change  in  their  condition. 
History  is  less  clear  as  to  the  treatment  of  the  citizens  of 
*  Perugia.  Perusia,*  as  no  light  is  thrown  upon  it  by  any  monument  of 
their  own,  or  by  any  vote  of  the  Romans, 

At  this  same  time  the  people  of  Petelia,t  the  only  Bruttian 
community  which  had  been  steadfast  to  its  friendship  with 
Rome,  were  assailed,  not  only  by  the  Carthaginians,  who  were 
in  occupation  of  their  country,  but  ;also  by  the  other  Bruttians, 
from  whose  cause  they  had  separated  thernselves.  Being  quite 
unable  to  hold  out  against  their,  troubles,  they  sent  envoys  to 
Rome,  to  beg  for  protection.  The  entreaties  and  tears  of  these 
men,  who  had  burst  into  doleful  complainings  at  the  doors  of  the 
Senate  House,  where  they  were  told  that  they  must  take  care  of 
themselves,  moved  the  Senators  and  the  Commons  to  the 
deepest  commiseration.  Again  the  question  was  submitted  to 
the  Senate  by  the  praetor,  Marcus  ^milius,  and  after  an 
anxious  review  of  the  resources  of  the  empire,  they  were  con- 
strained to  confess  that  they  had  no  longer  any  means  of  pro-j 
tecting  distant  allies.  They  bade  them  return  home  ;  they  had' 
done  all  that  loyalty  demanded  ;  and  they  rnust  now  face  theii 
position,  and  do  the  best  they  could  for  themselves. 

As  soon  as  the  result  of  the  embassy  was  reported  at  Petelia. 
such  sudden  grief  and  terror  overwhelmed  their  senate,  that 
some  proposed  flight,  each  man  escaping  as  he  could,  and  the 
desertion  of  their  city,  while  some  were  for  joining  the  othei 
Bruttians,  and  through  their  intervention  surrendering  to  Han-j 
nibal.  That  party,  however,  prevailed  which  contended  tha 
nothing  was  to  be  done  hurriedly  and  rashly,  and  that  they  oughl 



to  reconsider  the  matter.  Next  day  it  was  discussed  with 
less  agitation,  and  it  was  decided,  through  the  influence  of  the 
aristocracy,  that  everything  was  to  be  removed  from  the  country, 
and  that  the  city  and  its  walls  were  to  be  strengthened  for 

21.  Despatches  came  to  Rome  about  the  same  time  from 
Sicily  and  Sardinia.  The  despatch  from  Titus  Otacilius,  pro- 
praetor of  Sicily,  was  first  read  out  before  the  Senate.  It  stated 
that  Lucius  Furius,  the  praetor,  had  arrived  at  Lilybasum  *  with 
a  fleet  froln  Africa  ;  that  he  was  severely  wounded  and  in  the 
utmost  danger  of  his  life ;  that  the  troops  and  seamen  had 
neither  pay  nor  corn  from  day  to  day,  and  that  there  were  no 
means  of  furnishing  it.  He  strongly  advised  them  to  send  such 
supplies  as  soon  as  possible,  and  if  they  thought  fit,  one  of  the 
new  prcCtors  as  successor  to  himself. 

A  despatch  to  much  the  same  effect  as  to  soldiers'  pay  and 
corn  was  sent  by  Aulus  Cornelius  Mammula,  pro-praetor  of 
Sardinia.  Both  he  and  Otacilius  received  for  answer  that  there 
were  no  means  of  sending  either,  and  they  were  bidden  to  do 
their  best  for  their  fleets  and  armies.  Otacilius  having  sent 
envoys  to  Hiero,  the  only  remaining  stay  of  the  Roman  people, 
obtained  from  him  as  much  money  as  he  required  for  pay,  and 
corn  for  six  months.  Cornelius  in  Sardinia  received  liberal 
contributions  from  the  allied  communities.  At  Rome  too,  in 
consequence  of  the  scarcity  of  money,  three  finance-commis- 
sioners were  appointed  on  the  proposal  of  Marcus  Minucius, 
tribune  of  the  Commons.  They  were  Lucius  ^Emilius  Papius, 
who  had  been  consul  and  censor,  Marcus  Atilius  Regulus,  who 
had  been  twice  consul,  and  Lucius  Scribonius  Libo,  who  was 
then  tribune  of  the  Commons.  Two  commissioners  were  also 
appointed,  Marcus  and  Caius  Atilius,  for  the  dedication  of  the 
temple  of  Concord,  which  had  been  vowed  by  the  praetor 
Lucius  Manlius.  And  there  was  an  election  of  three  pontiffs, 
I  Quintus  Cascihus  Metellus,  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus,  and  Quintus 
j  Fabius  Flaccus,  into  the  places  of  Publius  Scantinius,  who  had 
idied,  of  Lucius  ^milius  Paullus,  the  consul,  and  Quintus  .(Elius 
Paetus,  both  of  whom  had  fallen  in  the  battle  of  Cannae. 

22.  The  Senators  having,  as  far  as  it  was  possible  for  human 
♦'^v«thought,  made  up  for  the  losses  which  fortune  had  inflicted 


Bnii  news  frpm 
Sicily  and 

*  Marsala. 

Hiero  is  still 

faithful  to 



numbers  of  i/te 




the  Latin 

BOOK  XXIII.  on  them  by  a  succession  of  disasters,  began  at  last  to  look 
anxiously  to  themselves,  to  the  solitude  of  the  Senate  House,  and 
the  scanty  numbers  of  those  who  met  for  public  business.  Indeed, 
since  the  consulship  of  Lucius  ^milius  and  Caius  Flaminius, 
the  list  of  Senators  had  not  been  revised,  although  during  those 
five  years  so  large  a  number  had  been  swept  off  in  the  reverses 
of  war,  not  to  speak  of  ordinary  casualties  to  individuals.  At 
the  urgent  demand  of  all,  the  matter  was  brought  forward 
for  discussion  by  the  praetor,  Marcus  ^milius,  the  dictator 
having  at  once  left  Rome  for  the  army  after  the  loss  of  Casi- 
linum.  Spurius  Carvilius  then  in  a  long  speech  deplored  the 
paucity,  or  rather  absolute  dearth,  of  citizens  out  of  whom 
Proposal  to  elect  Senators  could  be  chosen,  and  went  on  to  sav  that,  to  fill  up  the 

Senators  out  of  .  .,„  it-i  ,', 

■    -  number  of  the  Senate  and  to  bind  to  themselves  more  closely 

the  Latin  communities,  he  recommended  as  a  most  important 
step  the  granting  of  the  franchise  to  two  Senators  out  of  each 
of  these  communities,  should  the  Roman  Senate  approve,  and 
their  election  into  the  place  of  deceased  Senators. 

The  Senate  heard  the  proposal  with  as  much  impatience  as 
they  had  formerly  listened  to  the  demand  of  the  Latins  them- 
selves.   A  murmur  of  indignation  ran  through  the  whole  Senate 
House,  Manlius  especially  exclaiming, "  Even  now  there  is  a  man 
"  of  that  same  stock  from  which  sprang  that  consul  in  the  days  of 
"  old  who  threatened  to  slay  with  his  own  hand  any  Latin  whom 
"  he  saw  in  the  House."    Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  replied  that, 
"  Never  had  anything  been  mentioned  in  the  Senate  at  a  more 
"inappropriate  time  than  this  allusion,  calculated,  as  it  was,  j 
"  additionally  to  disturb  the  minds  of  the  allies,  just  while  their  I 
"  temper  was  so  undecided,  and  their  loyalty  was  wavering ;  | 
"  that  this  rash  speech  of  a  single  man  ought  to  be  buried  in  a 
"  universal  silence  ;  and  indeed,  if  ever  there  had  been  in  the  f 
"  Senate  House  a  secret  so  sacred  as  to  require  silence,  this 
"above    all    things   should    be   hidden,   concealed,  forgotten, 
"regarded  as  unsaid." 

This  quashed  all  further  mention  of  the  subject.     It  was 
decided  to  appoint  as  dictator  to  revise  the  senatorian  roll  a ' 
man  who  had  previously  been  censor,  and  indeed  the  oldest 
of  the  ex-censors  who  were  living.     A  vote  was  also  passed  to 
summon  the  consul  Caius  Terentius  to  nominate  the  dictator. 

//  is  rejected. 



Terentius  hurried  back  to  Rome  by  forced  marches  from 
Apulia,  where  he  left  a  garrison,  and  on  the  following  night,  as 
was  customary,  he  named  Marcus  Fabius  Buteo  dictator  for 
six  months,  without  a  master  of  the  horse,  in  accordance  with 
the  Senate's  resolution. 

23.  Having  mounted  the  rostra  with  his  lictors  Fabius  said, 
"  I  do  not  approve  of  there  being  two  dictators  at  one  time,  a 
"  thing  never  done  before,  or  of  being  dictator  myself  without 
"  a  master  of  the  horse,  or  of  the  censor's  authority  being 
"  centred  in  one  man,  in  the  same  man  indeed  for  a  second  time, 
"  or  of  giving  supreme  power  for  six  months  to  a  dictator,  un- 
"  less  he  is  appointed  to  carry  on  the  government.  Where  any 
•'transgression  of  due  limits  has  been  occasioned  by  fate, 
'  circumstances,  or  necessity,  I  will  myself  fix  a  limit.  I  will 
"  not  remove  from  the  Senate  any  of  those  whom  the  censors, 
"  Caius  Flaminius  and  Lucius  ^milius,  chose  into  that  body  ; 
"  I  would  merely  require  the  names  to  be  copied  and  read  out, 
"  as  I  do  not  wish  a  verdict  or  decision  on  a  Senator's  character 
"  to  rest  with  one  man.  The  places  of  deceased  Senators  I  will 
"  so  fill  up  as  to  show  that  I  am  guided  by  a  preference  of  class 
"  to  class,  not  of  individual  to  individual." 

After  reading  out  the  list  of  the  old  Senate,  Fabius  first 
chose  into  the  places  of  deceased  members  all  who  subsequently 
to  the  censorship  of  Lucius  ^milius  and  Caius  Flaminius  hai 
held  the  higher  curule  offices,  but  had  not  yet  been  admitted 
iSenators. "  He  took  them  in  the  order  of  their  previous  appoint- 
ments, and  then  he  chose  such  as  had  been  sediles,  tribunes  of 
jhe  Commons,  and  quaestors.     Next,  he  made  his  selection  from 
|hose  who  had  not  indeed  held  office,  but  who  had  the  spoils  of 
|m  enemy  set  up  in  their  houses,  or  who  had  obtained  a  crown 
;or  saving  a  citizen's  life.     Having  thus  added  to  the  Senate  a 
jiundred  and  seventy-seven  members,  he  at  once  retired  from 
iffice,  and  stepped  down  from  the  rostra  a  private  citizen,  his 
ictors  having  had  orders  to  depart.     And  then  he  mingled  with 
jie  groups  of  citizens  who  were  transacting  their  private  busi- 
';ess,  purposely  thus  passing  away  the  time  that  he  might  not 
like  them  from  the  forum  to  escort  him  home.      But  notwith- 
anding  this  delay,  men's  interest  in  him  did  not  die  away,  and 
ley  attended  him  to  his  house  in  crowds.     On  the  following 


A  dictator 

appointed  to 

realise  the  list  oj 


'  Speech  of  the 
new  dictator. 

The  dictator's 
revision  of  the 
Senatorian  list. 



-BOOK  XXI 1 1,  night  the  consul  went  back  to  his  army  without  informing  the 
Senate,  that  he  might  not  be  detained  at  Rome  on  account  of 
the  elections. 

24.  Next  day  the  Senate  on  being  consulted  by  the  praetor, 
Marcus  Pomponius,  passed  a  resolution  to  communicate  with 
the  dictator  and  request  that,  if  he  thought  it  for  the  public 
good,  he  would  come  to  Rome  with  the  master  of  the  horse  and 
the  praetor  Marcus  Marcellus  to  appoint  new  consuls.  The 
Senators  would  then  be  able  to  learn  from  their  own  lips  what 
was  the  position  of  the  State  and  to  take  measures  accordingly. 
All  came  who  were  summoned,  leaving  behind  them  officers  to 
command  the  legions.  The  dictator  after  a  few  modest  words 
about  himself  claimed  most  of  the  glory  for  Tiberius  Sempronius 
Gracchus,  the  master  of  the  horse,  and  then  gave  notice  of  the 
elections,  in  which  were  to  be  appointed  consuls,  Lucius 
Postumius,  for  a  third  time  in  his  absence,  then  holding  the 
province  of  Gaul,  and  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus,  who  was 
master  of  the  horse  and  curule  aedile.  The  new  praetors  were 
Marcus  Valerius  Laevinus,  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,  Quintus 
Fulvius  Flaccus,  and  Ouintus  Mucius  Scaevola.  The  dictator, 
having  appointed  these  magistrates,  returned  to  his  army  in 
winter  quarters  at  Teanum,*  leaving  the  master  of  the  horse  at 
Rome,  who  being  about  to  enter  on  office,  might  take  the 
Senate's  opinion  as  to  the  levy  and  equipment  of  armies  for  the 
coming  year. 

Just  when  they  were  most  busy  with  these  matters,  a  fresh 
disaster  was  reported,  for  fate  heaped  calamity  on  calamity  that 
year.     Lucius  Postumius,  the  consul  elect,  himself  and  his  army, 
it  was  said,  had  been  destroyed  in  Gaul.     He  was  about  to 
march  his  troops  through  a  vast  forest,  which  the  Gauls  called 
Litana.     On  its  right  and  left  sides,  along  the  Roman  route,  tb< 
Gauls  had  cut  the  trees  in  such  a  manner  that  though  the) 
would  stand,  if  undisturbed,  they  must  fall  at  the  impulse  of  ; 
slight   blow.      Postumius    had   two   Roman   legions,   and  ha( 
raised  from  the  coasts  of  the  Upper  Sea  such  a  force  of  allie 
that  he  marched   into  the  enemy's   country  with  twenty-fiv' 
thousand  armed  men.   Having  posted  themselves  on  the  border; 
of  the  forest,  the  Gauls  gave  a  push  to  the  outermost  of  th( 
trees  which    they  had    undermined,  the    moment    the   arm) 


Tidings  of  a 

disaster  in 

Gaul  to  a 

Roman  army. 




entered  the  pass.  One  tree  fell  on  another,  itself  insecure  and  BOOK  XXIII. 
barely  standing,  and  arms,  men,  and  horses,  were  overwhelmed 
on  both  sides  by  the  falling  mass,  so  that  scarce  ten  men  escaped. 
Most  of  them  having  been  killed  by  the  trunks  of  the  trees  or  by 
broken  boughs,  the  Gauls  who  occupied  the  whole  forest  in  armed 
force,  slaughtered  the  remainder,  whom  the  unexpected  disaster 
had  confounded.  Out  of  that  vast  host  a  few  only  were  taken 
prisoners  ;  these  were  making  for  a  bridge  over  a  river  and  were 
intercepted  by  the  enemy,  by  whom  the  bridge  had  been  pre- 
viously secured.  There  Postumius  fell,  fighting  with  all  his 
might  to  save  himself  from  capture.  The  Boii  bore  in  triumph 
the  spoils  they  had  taken  from  the  general's  person,  and  his  head, 
which  they  had  cut  off,  to  a  temple  reputed  the  most  sacred 
in  their  country.  Then  having  after  their  fashion  cleared 
out  the  contents  of  the  head,  they  set  the  scalp  in  gold, 
and  it  served  them  as  a  sacred  vessel  for  libations  in  their 
solemn  rites.  It  was  also  used  as  a  drinking-cup  by  the  priest 
and  by  the  ministers  of  the  temple.  The  plunder  too  taken  by 
the  Gauls  was  as  great  as  their  victory.  For  though  most  of  the 
beasts  were  crushed  by  the  downfall  of  the  trees,  all  else,  as 
nothing  was  lost  in  the  confusion  of  flight,  was  found  strewn 
I  along  the  line  where  the  army  lay, 

1      25.     On  the  news  of  this  calamity,  the  citizens  were  for  many 

;  days  in  such  alarm  that  all  shops  were  shut,  and  a  solitude  as  of 

j  night   reigned  through    Rome.     The    Senate   assigned  to  the 

jasdiles  the  business  of  going  round  the  city  and  ordering  the 

I  shops  to  be  opened,  and  the  display  of  public  grief  to  be  with- 

Idrawn  from  the  streets.     Tiberius  Sempronius   then    called   a 

iSenate  and  spoke  words  of  comfort  and  encouragement  to  the 

jSenators.   "  They  who  had  not  succumbed  under  the  catastrophe 

i"  of  Cannae,  must  not  let  themselves  be  cowed  by  smaller  mis- 

'  fortunes.     If  only  matters  went  prosperously,  as  regarded  the 

'  Carthaginian  foe  and   Hannibal,  and  this  he  hoped  for  the 

1'  future,  the  war  with  the  Gauls  might  be  safely  disregarded  and 

i'  deferred,  and  the  avenging  of  their  disastrous  blunder  would 

i'  rest  with  Heaven  and  with  the  Roman  people.     It  was  the  Car- 

■  thaginian  foe,  and  the  armies  with  which  they  must  wage  the 

u  ir  against  him,  which  ought  now  to  be  the  subject  of  their 

deliberations  and  discussions." 

I  M 

Grief  and 

distress  at 


speech  0/  the 



I.  IVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.  Sempronius  himself  first  stated  in  detail  what  infantry  and 
Preparations /or  cavalry,  what  force  of  citizens  and  of  allies,  composed  the  dic- 
the  war.  tator's  army.  Marcellus  next  fully  explained  the  total  amount  of 
his  own  troops.  Inquiry  was  made  of  well-informed  persons  as 
to  the  force  which  the  consul,  Caius  Terentius,  had  in  Apulia. 
There  was  no  attempt  at  calculating  how  consular  armies  of 
adequate  strength  for  such  a  war  were  to  be  made  up,  and  it  was 
therefore  decided  to  let  Gaul  alone  for  that  year,  notwithstanding 
that  a  just  resentment  suggested  action.  The  dictator's  army 
was  assigned  to  the  consul.  As  for  the  army  of  Marcellus,  it 
was  agreed  that  such  of  the  soldiers  as  had  been  in  the  flight  at 
Cannae  should  be  transferred  to  Sicily  and  serve  there,  as  long 
as  war  continued  in  Italy.  Thither  also  all  the  feeblest  men 
in  the  dictator's  legions  were  to  be  removed  without  any  fixed 
period  of  service,  except  those  who  had  been  through  the  pre- 
scribed number  of  campaigns.  The  two  city  legions  were  given 
to  the  consul  who  should  have  been  elected  in  the  room  of 
Lucius  Postumius.  It  was  resolved  to  appoint  him  as  soon  as 
it  could  be  done  without  disregard  of  the  auspices.  Two  legions 
likewise  were  to  be  summoned  from  Sicily,  each  at  the  earliest 
opportunity,  and  out  of  these  the  consul  to  whom  might  fall 
the  command  of  the  city  legions  was  to  take  as  many  soldiers 
as  he  might  require.  The  consul,  Caius  Terentius,  was  to  have 
his  powers  extended  for  the  ensviing  year,  and  there  was  to  be 
no  reduction  in  the  numbers  of  the  army  which  he  had  fori 
the  defence  of  Apulia. 

26.  During  these  movements  and  preparations  in  Italy,  th^ 
war  in  Spain  went  on  as  vigorously  as  ever.  Up  to  this  timi 
however,  it  was  favourable  to  the  Romans.  Publius  and  Cneiu 
Scipio  had  divided  their  forces,  Cneius  conducting  operations  b 
land,  Publius  by  sea.  The  Carthaginian  general,  Hasdruba 
who  distrusted  his  resources  in  both  respects,  kept  himself  fa 
away  from  the  enemy,  seeking  safety  in  his  distance  and  in  hi 
position,  till  after  long  and  urgent  entreaty  a  reinforcement  < 
four  thousand  infantry  and  five  hundred  cavalry  was  sent  hij 
from  Africa.  Thus  at  last  with  hopes  revived  he  moved 
camp  nearer  the  foe,  and  personally  directed  the  preparatif 
and  equipment  of  a  fleet  to  defend  the  islands  and  the  coaa 
He  was  busily  engaged  in  carrying  out  this  new  movement  wh« 

in  Spain. 


the  desertion  of  his  ships'-captains  struck  him  with  dismay.     He  BOOK  XXlil. 
had  censured  them  severely  for  abandoning  his  fleet  on  the 
Ebro  in  panic,  and  since  that  occasion  they  had  never  been 
really  faithful  either  to  their  commander  or  to  the  interests  of 
Carthage.     These  deserters  had  prompted  a  movement  among 
the  tribe  of  the  Tartesii,  some  of  whose  towns  had  at  their 
instigation  revolted.     One  town  they  had  themselves  taken  by 
assault.     The  Carthaginian  arms  were  now  turned  from   the 
Romans  against  this  tribe,  and  Hasdrubal  having  entered  the 
enemy's   country   with   an   invading   army  resolved   to   attack      Hasdmhal 
Chalbus,  a  renowned  chief  of  the  Tartesii,  who  with  a  strong      tke  revolted 
force  was  posted  in  his  camp  before  the  walls  of  the  town  which  ^''t^^^  <>/  spatn- 
a  few  days  previously  had  been  captured.     Accordingly  he  sent 
on  some  light  troops  in  advance  to  lure  the  enemy  into  fighting, 
and  scattered  some  of  his  infantry  throughout  the  surrounding 
country,  to  lay  it  waste  and  to  intercept  stragglers.     Thus  at  one 
and  the  same  moment  the  camp  was  in  commotion,  and  in  the 
country  round  there  was  flight  and  massacre.     But  after  a  while, 
making  their  way  back  to  the  camp  from  all  parts,  and  by  every 
j  road,  they  lost  their  fears  so  completely  that  they  had  spirit  enough 
jHot  only  to  defend  their  lines  but  even  to  challenge  the  enemy  to 
Ibattle.     They  rushed  out  of  the  camp  in  armed  array,  dancing 
lin  their  native  fashion,  and  their  sudden  daring  struck  terror 
(into  the  foe  who  but  just  before  had  been  himself  the  assailant. 
jHasdrubal  upon  this  marched  his  troops  up  a  hill  of  moderate 
[height,  further  protected  by  the  barrier  of  a  stream,  and  hither 
the  also  withdrew  the  light-armed  detachment  sent  on  in  advance 
mrl  his  scattered  cavalry.     But  as  he  did  not  trust  much  either        Critical 

iie  hill  or  to  the  river,  he  intrenched  his  camp.     While  this    of  Hasdrulal. 

mitual  fear  lasted,  several  skirmishes  took  place  ;  in  these  the 

f^umidian  trooper  was  no  match  for  the  Spaniard,  or  the  Moor 

vith   his  dart  for  his  shield-bearing  antagonist,  who  was  as 

:nible   as   himself  and   considerably  his  superior  in  resolute 

mirage  and  enduring  strength. 

27.  Finding  that  they  could  not  lure  the  Carthaginians  into 
n  engagement  by  showing  themselves  before  their  camp,  and 
lat  to  storm  it  was  not  easy,  they  took  by  assault  the  town  of 
scua,  into  which  Hasdrubal  on  entering  the  enemy's  territory  had 
'n\eyed  corn  and  other  supplies,  and  they  possessed  themselves 

M  2 



He  is  at  last 

BOOK  XXIII.  of  all  the  surrounding  country.  By  this  time,  whether  on  the 
march  or  in  camp,  they  were  no  longer  under  the  restraint  of 
authority.  The  heedlessness  which,  as  oftens  happens,  followed 
on  success  was  observed  by  Hasdrubal.  He  urged  his  men  to 
fall  on  the  enemy,  all  dispersed  and  out  of  their  ranks  as  they 
were,  marched  down  the  hill  and  advanced  on  their  camp  in 
battle  array.  News  of  his  near  approach  was  brought  by 
bewildered  fugitives  from  watch-towers  and  sentry-posts,  and 
there  was  a  general  call  to  arms.  Every  man  snatched  up  his 
weapons  and  rushed  instantly  into  battle,  without  order  or 
signal  or  military  formation.  The  foremost  were  already  in 
action,  while  others  were  running  up  in  bands,  and  others  again 
had  not  yet  quitted  their  camp.  At  first,  however,  their  very 
daring  dismayed  the  enemy.  Soon  finding  that  they  had  chargedi 
a  dense  mass,  themselves  a  mere  handful,  and  that  they  werej 
far  too  few  to  be  safe,  they  looked  back,  one  on  another,  and, 
repulsed  on  every  side,  formed  in  square.  With  limbs  in  close) 
contact  and  arms  touching,  and  pressed  into  a  confined  space; 
in  which  they  had  scarcely  room  to  move  their  weapons,  they 
were  hemmed  in  by  a  circle  of  the  enemy  and  cut  down.tili 
late  in  the  day.  A  mere  fraction  of  them  made  a  rush  out  anc 
fled  to  the  forests  and  mountains  ;  the  camp  too  was  abandonee,, 
in  the  same  panic,  and  the  whole  tribe  the  next  day  surrenden 

They  did  not  long,  however,  remain  at  peace.  Soon  aft 
wards  instructions  came  from  Carthage  that  Hasdrubal  at  t 
earliest  opportunity  was  to  lead  his  army  into  Italy.  The  ne 
as  soon  as  it  spread,  turned  nearly  all  men's  sympathies  througi 
out  Spain  from  Carthage  to  Rome.  Hasdrubal  accordingly  l 
once  sent  a  despatch  to  Carthage,  explaining  what  injury  th 
rumour  of  his  departure  had  caused.  "  If  he  were  really 
"  start  on  his  march,  Spain  would  be  Roman  territory  before  h 
"  crossed  the  Ebro,  For  not  only  had  he  neither  a  force  nor 
"general  to  leave  in  his  place,  but  the  Roman  commanders  we; 
"  such,  that  with  equal  strength  it  was  barely  possible  to  resii 
"them.  So  if  they  had  any  care  for  Spain,  they  must  sen 
"  some  one  to  succeed  him  with  a  strong  army,  and  he  too,  eve 
"  supposing  that  all  went  prosperously,  would  find  the  pre 
"  no  light  burden." 

He  receives 
orders  from 


to  march  into 



28.  Though  this  despatch  at  first  made  a  deep  impression  on  book  XXlll. 
the  Carthaginian  senate,  still  as  Italy  was  first  and  chief  in  their  HimUcosentto 
thoughts,  they  would  have  no  change  as  regarded  Hasdrubal  and  ^^'^'Zad:"^/  ^'^^ 
his  troops.     Himilco  was  sent  with  a  thoroughly  efficient  army  Hasdrubal,  who 

.  firepares  to 

and  a  reinforced  fleet  to  hold  and  secure  Spain  by  land  and  sea.      march  into 
As  soon  as  he  had  crossed  with  his  military  and  naval  armament,  "'^' 

he  fortified  a  camp,  hauled  his  vessels  ashore  and  surrounded 
them  with  intrenchments.  With  some  picked  cavalry  and  at  all 
possible  speed,  he  then  made  his  way  to  Hasdrubal,  equally- 
vigilant,  whether  the  temper  of  the  tribes  through  which  he 
passed  was  doubtful  or  hostile.  Having  explained  the  orders 
and  instructions  of  the  senate,  and  pointed  out  himself  in  turn 
how  the  war  ought  to  be  conducted  in  Spain,  he  went  back  to 
his  camp.  His  speed  more  than  anything  else  insured  his  safety, 
as  he  had  got  quite  clear  from  the  country  before  the  people 
could  unite. 

Hasdrubal  did  not  move  his  camp  till  he  had  exacted  con- 
tributions in  money  from  all  the  tribes  under  his  control,  for  he 
knew  well  that  Hannibal  had  in  some  cases  purchased  his 
passage  for  money,  that  he  had  procured  his  Gallic  auxiliaries 
I  simply  by  hiring  them,  and  that  had  he  attempted  such  a  march 
j  without  any  money  he  would  hardly  have  penetrated  as  far  as 
[the  Alps.  So  he  hurriedly  called  in  money-contributions  and 
imarched  down  to  the  Ebro. 

j  When  the  Carthaginian  orders  and  the  march  of  Hasdrubal  The  two  Scipios 
jcame  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Romans,  both  the  generals  at  '"armut^ 
bnce  put  everything  else  aside,  united  their  forces  and  prepared 
to  oppose  and  resist  the  enemy's  plans.  For  they  were  per-. 
Buaded  that  should  such  a  general  as  Hasdrubal  with  his  Spanish 
jirmy  effect  a  junction  with  Hannibal,  himself  alone  a  foe 
iigainst  whom  Italy  could  hardly  stand,  it  would  be  the  end  of 
;<ome's  empire.  Harassed  by  such  apprehensions,  they  drew 
•heir  armies  together  on  the  Ebro.  After  crossing  the  river  and 
Kilding  a  long  consultation  whether  they  should  confront  the  foe 
I  be  satisfied  with  keeping  him  from  his  proposed  march  by 

eking  Carthaginian  allies,  they  prepared  for  an  attempt  on   and  prepare  to 
lown  named   Ibera  from  the  neighbouring    river,  then  the  *neet Hasdrubai. 
I  chest  in  that  part  of  the  country.     Hasdrubal  on  being  aware 
t  this,  instead  of  giving  aid  to  his  allies,  proceeded  himself 

i66  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXI 1 1,  to  advance  to  the  attack  of  a  town  which  had  lately  put  itself 
under  Roman  protection.  So  the  Romans  abandoned  the  siege 
already  begun,  and  turned  their  arms  against  Hasdrubal 

29.  For  a  few  days  the  hostile  camps  were  separated  by  an 
interval  of  five  miles,  and  there  were  some  trifling  skirmishes, 
without,  however,  any  marching  out  to  battle.  At  last  on  one 
and  the  same  day,  as  though  by  concert,  the  signal  for  action 
was  given  on  both  sides,  and  with  all  their  forces  they  advanced 
into  the  open  plain.  The  Roman  army  was  drawn  up  in  three 
lines,  part  of  the  light  troops  being  posted  in  front  of  the  first 
line  and  part  behind  the  standards,  while  the  cavalry  closed  in 
the  wings.  Hasdrubal  strengthened  his  centre  with  Spaniards, 
placing  his  Carthaginians  on  the  right  wing,  his  Africans  and 
mercenary  auxiliaries  on  the  left.  He  stationed  Numidian 
troopers  close  to  the  Carthaginian  infantry  before  one  wing,  and 
the  rest  of  his  cavalry  near  the  Africans  in  front  of  the  other. 
All  his  Numidians,  however,  were  not  posted  on  the  right  wing;, 
only  those  who,  like  the  circus-riders,  were  trained  to  control ! 
two  horses,  and  often  when  the  battle  was  at  its  hottest,  would 
leap  in  all  their  accoutrements  from  the  weary  to  the  fresh 
steed  ;  such  was  their  activity  and  so  well  trained  was  their  breed 
of  horses. 

Hasdrubal  is  It  was  thus  that  the  armies  were  drawn  up;  the  hopes  of  the 

'^de/eate/.  generals  on  either  side  were  almost  equally  confident,  as  neither 
in  numbers  nor  in  the  character  of  the  troops  was  there  a  decided 
superiority  with  either  Romans  or  Carthaginians.  The  spirit 
the  soldiery  differed  widely.  The  Romans,  though  they  we: 
fighting  far  away  from  their  country,  had  easily  been  convin 
by  their  officers  that  they  were  fighting  for  Italy  and  Ro; 
Consequently,  as  if  their  return  home  depended  on  the  issue  of 
battle,  they  had  resolved  in  their  hearts  to  conquer  or  die.  Lei 
resolute  were  the  men  in  the  other  army.  Most  of  them  wei 
Spaniards,  who  would  rather  be  beaten  in  Spain  than  draggei 
victorious  into  Italy.  And  so  at  the  first  onset,  almost  before  th^ 
javelins  had  been  thrown,  the  centre  retreated,  and  when  thi 
Romans  charged  them  with  great  impetuosity,  turned  and  fled 
The  battle  was  quite  as  fierce  on  the  wings.  On  this  side  thi 
Carthaginian,  on  that  the  African,  pressed  his  attack,  assailinj 


in  front   and    rear  an   enemy   almost   surrounded.      But    the  BOOK  xxiil. 

Roman  army  by  this  time  had  gathered  all  its  force  into  its 

centre,  and  was  sufficiently  strong  to  drive  back  the  enemy's 

wings.   Thus  there  were  two  distinct  battles,  in  each  of  which  the 

Romans,  being  superior,  when  once  the  enemy's  centre  had  been 

broken,  both  in  numbers  and  strength,  were  decisively  victorious. 

A  vast  multitude  fell  on  the  field,  and,  but  for  the  precipitate 

flight  of  the  Spaniards  almost  before  the  action  had  begun,  there 

would  have  been  very  few  survivors  out  of  the  entire  army. 

Between  the  cavalry  there  was  absolutely  no  fighting,  for  the 

Moors  and  Numidians,  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  centre  give  way, 

instantly  took  to  headlong  flight,  leaving  the  wings  exposed,  and 

even  driving  the  elephants  before  them.     Hasdrubal  remained 

on  the  field  till  all  was  over,  and  then  escaped  with  a  handful 

of  men  out  of  the  midst  of  the  slaughter.     The  Romans  took 

and  plundered  the  camp.     This  battle  secured  for  Rome  the 

allegiance   of  any    waverers   in   Spain,  while  it  did  not   leave 

Hasdrubal  the  hope  of  remaining  in  the  country  with  tolerable 

safety,  much  less  of  marching  his  army  into   Italy.     All  this 

having  been  made  known  at    Rome  by  despatches  from  the 

Scipios,  there  was  joy,  not  so  much  at  the  victory  as  at  the 

hindrance  of  Hasdrubal's  passage  into  Italy. 

30.     During  these  operations  in   Spain,  Petelia  in  Bruttium      Capture  0/ 
was  stormed  by  Himilco,  Hannibal's  chief  officer,  within  a  few  Cart/m<-iniaui. 
months  after  the  beginning  of  the  siege.     The  victory  cost  the 
Carthaginians  much  blood  and  many  wounds,  and  it  was  the 
force  of  hunger  more  than  anything  else  which  conquered  the 
besieged.     After  having  devoured  all  their  corn,  and  the  flesh 
of  every  species  of  quadruped,  usual  or  unusual,  they  at  last 
prolonged  life  on  hides  of  leather,  on  grass  and  roots  and  the 
soft  bark  of  trees,  and  leaves  stripped  from  bushes.     Nor  were 
jthey  finally  captured  till  they  wanted  strength  to  stand  on  the 
jjwalls  and  carry  their  arms.     Having  thus  recovered  Petelia, 
.  Ithe  Carthaginian  general  marched  his  army  to  Consentia.*     The 
'  jplace   was   less   obstinately   defended,  and   in   a   few   days  he 
jreceived  its  submission. 
!    About  the  same  time  a  Bruttian  army  invested  Croton,t  a      t  Cotronc. 
■  IGreek  city,  once  mighty  in  arms  and  fighting-men,  but  then 
.  prought  so  low  by  a  succession  of  great  disasters  that  less  than 

*  Cozenza. 




surrenders  to  a 
Bnittian  army. 

Revolt  oj  Locri 
from  Rome, 

*  Reggio. 

ami  of  Geioa, 
king  H zero's  son. 

His  timely 

Funeral  games 

in  liononr  of 



two  thousand  citizens  of  all  ages  still  survived.  A  city  thus 
empty  of  defenders  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  enemy.  The  citadel 
only  was  saved,  whither  amid  the  confusion  of  the  storming 
some  fled  out  of  the  midst  of  the  slaughter.  Locri,  too,  where 
the  populace  was  betrayed  by  the  leading  citizens,  revolted  to 
the  Bruttians  and  Carthaginians.  Rhegium*  alone  in  that  part 
of  the  country  persisted  to  the  last  in  its  loyalty  to  Rome  and 
retained  its  independence.  The  same  inclination  to  revolt 
likewise  reached  Sicily,  and  even  the  house  of  Hiero  did  not 
keep  itself  wholly  free  from  desertion.  Gelon,  the  eldest  son 
of  the  family,  despising  alike  his  father's  old  age  and  the 
alliance  of  Rome,  after  the  defeat  of  Cannae  went  oyer  to  the 
Carthaginians,  and  would  have  disturbed  Sicily  had  he  not  been 
carried  off,  while  he  was  arming  the  populace  and  exciting 
our  allies,  by  a  death  so  timely  that  it  actually  threw  suspicion 
on  his  father. 

Such  were  the  events  of  the  year,  with  their  various  issues,  in 
Italy,  Sicily,  and  Spain.  At  its  close  Ouintus  P'abius  Maximus 
asked  leave  of  the  Senate  to  dedicate  the  temple,  which,  when 
dictator,  he  had  vowed  to  Venus  of  Eryx.  The  Senate  passed  a 
resolution  that  Tiberius  Sempronius,  the  consul  elect,  should,  as 
soon  as  he  entered  on  office,  propose  to  the  Commons  a  vote 
authorising  Quintus  Fabius  to  be  one  of  two  commissioners  for 
the  purpose  of  its  dedication.  In  honour  also  of  Marcus 
-^milius  Lepidus,  who  had  twice  been  consul  and  augur,  his 
three  sons,  Lucius,  Marcus,  and  Quintus,  gave  in  the  forum  a 
celebration  of  funeral  games  lasting  three  days,  with  twenty-two 
pairs  of  gladiators.  In  their  capacity  of  curule  aediles  Caius 
Lcetorius  and  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus,  the  consul  elect, 
who  during  his  aedileship  had  6een  master  of  the  horse,  celebrated 
the  Roman  games,  the  ceremony  occupying  three  days.  The 
plebeian  games  given  by  the  asdiles  Marcus  Aurelius  Cotta  and 
Marcus  Claudius  Marcellus  were  thrice  solemnised.  When  the 
third  year  of  the  Punic  war  came  round,  Tiberius  Sempronius 
entered  on  his  office  as  consul  on  the  first  of  March.  Quintua 
Fulvius  Flaccus,  who  had  previously  been  consul  and  censor, 
and  Marcus  Valerius  La;vinus,  held  respectively,  as  praetors,  the 
home  and  foreign  jurisdiction.  The  provinces  of  Sicily  and! 
Sardinia  fell  to  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher  and  Quintus  Mucius 


Scaevola.     The  Commons  voted  to  Marcellus  all  the  powers  of  a  book  xxiir. 
consul,  as  he  alone  of  Roman  generals  since  the ,  disaster  of      Marcellus 
Cannae  had  conducted  operations  successfully  in  Italy.  consular  powers. 

31.     The  Senate  the   day  on  which    they  held   their    ^x%X  Doubling  of  the 
deliberation  in  the  Capitol,  passed  a  resolution  that  out  of  the      -"STaita^' 
double  tax  demanded  that  year,  half  should  at  once  be  called  in, 
and  that  from  this  immediate  pay  should  be  furnished  to  the 
soldiers,  except  to  those  who    had    served    at  Cannae.     With 
respect  to  the  armies,  they  decided  that  Tiberius  Sempronius, 
the  consul,  should  appoint  a  day  for  the  two  city  legions  on 
which  they  were  to  muster  at  Cales,  whence  they  were  to  be 
marched  to  Claudius's  camp  on  Suessula.     The  legions  at  that       Military 
place,  of  which  the  army  at  Cannae  had  mainly  consisted,  were  to    "'/or'the'year^ 
be  transported  under  Appius  Claudius,  the  praetor,  into  Sicily 
and  those  in  Sicily  were  to  be  conveyed  to  Rome.     Marcus 
Claudius  Marcellus  was  despatched  to  the  army  which  on  the 
day  appointed  was  to  assemble  at  Cales,  and  he  received  orders 
to  march  the  city  legions  to  Claudius's  camp.     Appius  Claudius 
sent  Maecilius  Croto,  as  his  lieutenant,  to  take  the  command  of 
the  old  army  and  to  conduct  it  to  Sicily. 

Men  waited  ac  first  in  silent  expectation  for  the  consul  to 

j  hold  an  election  for  the  appointment  of  his  colleague,  but  when 

j after  a  while  they  saw  that  Marcellus  had  been  purposely,  as  it 

iwere,  sent  out  of  the  way,  the  very  man  whom  above  all  others 

they  wished  to  be  made  consul  that  year  for  his  brilliant  achieve- 

jments  when  praetor,  angry  murmurs  arose  in  the  Senate  House. 

jThe  consul,  on  perceiving  this,  said,  "  Both  measures.  Senators, 

"  were   for  the   public    advantage,   the    despatch    of    Marcus 

r'  Claudius  to  Campania  for  an  exchange  of  armies,  and  the  not 

'  "-iving  notice  of  the  elections  until  he  had  returned  after  the 

ttlement  of  the  business  with  which  he  was  intrusted,  so  that 

"  }  ()u  might  have  as  consul  the  man  demanded  by  this  crisis  in 

'  public   affairs  and  especially  desired  by  yourselves."     Thus 

uiihing  was  said  about  the  elections  till  Marcellus  returned. 

Meanwhile    two    commissioners   were    appointed,   Quintus 

lus  Maximus,  and  Titus  Otacilius  Crassus,  for  the  dedication, 

:  cctively,  of  the  temples  of  Reason  and  of  Venus  of  Eryx. 

li  stood  on  the  Capitol,  and  were  separated  only  by  a  water 

ii.uinel.  As  to  the  three  hundred  Campanian  knights  who  after 



elected  consul; 

he  abdicat/'s 

i^ffice,  and  is 

succeeded  by 




Distribution  pf 

the  Roman 



loyally  serving  their  time  in  Sicily  had  come  to  Rome,  a  pro- 
posal was  made  to  the  Commons  that  they  should  be  Roman 
citizens,  and  likewise  burghers  of  Cumae,  reckoning  from  the 
day  previous  to  the  revolt  of  the  Campanian  community  from 
Rome.  What  chiefly  prompted  the  motion  was  the  assertion 
of  the  men  themselves,  that  they  did  not  know  to  what  people 
they  belonged,  as  they  had  left  their  old  country  and  had  not 
yet  been  duly  admitted  into  that  to  which  they  had  returned. 

As  soon  as  Marcellus  came  back  from  the  army,  notice  was 
given  of  an  election  for  the  appointment  of  one  consul  in  the 
room  of  Lucius  Postumius.  Marcellus  was  chosen  with  the 
utmost  unanimity  to  enter  on  the  office  at  once,  but  thunder 
having  been  heard  at  the  moment  of  his  assumption  of  the 
consulate,  the  augurs  were  summoned,  and  pronounced  that 
there  was  in  their  opinion  a  flaw  in  his  election  ;  and  the 
Senators  generally  gave  out  that  the  appointment,  now  for  the 
first  time,  of  two  plebeian  consuls,  was  not  acceptable  to  the  gods. 
Marcellus  having  abdicated  office,  there  was  elected  in  his  place 
Fabius  Maximus,  now  consul  for  the  third  time. 

That  year  the  sea  glowed  like  fire  ;  at  Sinuessa  a  cow  gave 
birth  to  a  colt ;  at  Lanuvium  blood  trickled  down  the  statues  in 
the  temple  of  Juno  Sospita,  and  round  the  temple  there  was  a 
rain  of  stones.  For  the  last  portent  there  was  the  usual  nine 
days'  celebration  of  sacred  rites,  and  the  other  prodigies  were 
duly  expiated. 

32.     The  consuls  now  divided   the   armies   between   them. 
The  army  at  Teanum,  which  had  been  under  the  dictator  Marcus 
Junius,  fell  to  Fabius,  Sempronius  taking  the  command  of  thC; 
volunteer  slaves  at  that  place,  with  twenty-five  thousand  of  OUT 
allies.      To    the   praetor    Marcus   Valerius   were   assigned  th 
legions  which  had  returned  from  Sicily,  and  Marcellus  was  sen 
with  a  consul's  powers  to  the  army  encamped  at  Suessula  fo 
the  protection  of  Nola.     The  prstors  of  Sicily  and  Sardinii 
started  for  those  provinces.     Public  notice  was  given  by  th 
consuls  that  whenever  they  summoned  a  meeting  of  the  Senate 
the  Senators  and  all  who  had  the  privilege  of  speaking  in  th( 
House  were  to  assemble  at  the  Capena  Gate.     Those  praetor^ 
whose  business  was  the  administration  of  justice  held  theii 
courts  near  the  public  reservoir  ;  here  all  litigants  were  directeci 


to  answer  to  their  recognisances,  and  here  law  was  administered  book  XXIII. 
during  the  year. 

Carthage,  meanwhile,  whence  Mago,  Hannibal's  brother, 
was  on  the  point  of  crossing  into  Italy  with  twelve  thousand 
infantry,  five  hundred  cavalry,  twenty  elephants,  and  a  thousand 
talents  of  silver,  under  a  convoy  of  sixty  war-ships,  received  the 
news  of  her  ill-successes  in  Spain  and  of  the  defection  of  almost 
all  the  tribes  in  that  country  to  Rome.  Some  would  have  Mago 
with  such  a  fleet  and  army  give  up  Italy  and  turn  his  attention 
to  Spain,  when  suddenly  the  hope  of  recovering  Sardinia 
brightened  the  prospect.  "  There  was,"  they  were  told,  "  but  a 
''  small  Roman  force  there  ;  the  old  praetor,  Aulus  Cornelius, 
"  who  knew  the  province  thoroughly,  was  leaving,  and  a  new 
"  governor  was  expected.  Then,  too,  the  hearts  of  the  people 
*'  were  weary  of  their  long  subjection  ;  last  year  the  government 
"  had  been  harsh  and  extortionate.  They  were  crushed  by 
"  heavy  taxes  and  unfair  contributions  of  corn,  and  nothing  was 
"  wanting  but  a  head  to  lead  them  in  revolt."  Such  was  the 
report  of  a  secret  embassy  sent  by  the  chief  inhabitants,  the 
scheme  having  been  organised  mainly  by  Hampsicora,  who  was 
then  by  far  the  first  man  in  influence  and  wealth.  This  news 
coming  almost  at  the  same  moment,  both  bewildered  and 
encouraged  them.  Mago  was  despatched  with  his  fleet  and  Mago  despatched 
forces  to  Spain,  and  Hasdrubal,  to  whom  they  voted  an  army  ^^''Yos'paln"^'^ 
nearly  equal  to  Mago's,  was  chosen  to  take  the  command  in 

At  Rome  the  consuls,  after  transacting  all  necessary  business        Roman 

in  the  city,  at  once   bestirred  themselves  for  war.     Tiberius       /oVwar.'^ 

Sempronius  gave  his  soldiers  notice  of  a  day  by  which  they 

jwere  to  assemble  at  Sinuessa,  and  Quintus  Fabius,  having  first 

jconsulted  the   Senate,   issued  orders  that   every  one  was  to 

fconvey  his  corn  from  the  fields  into  fortified  towns  before  the 

'first  of  June.     Whoever  failed  to  do  this  was  to  have  his  estate 

(plundered,  his  slaves  sold  by  auction,  and  his  farm-buildings 

Iburnt.     Even  the  praetors  appointed  to  administer  justice  were 

lot  exempted  from  military  duties.     The  praetor  Valerius,  it  was 

Iccided,  was  to  go  to  Apulia  and  succeed  to  the  command  of  the 

irmy  of  Terentius,  and,  as  soon  as  the  legions  from  Sicily  had 

irrived,he  was  to  use  them  for  the  defence  of  that  district,and  send 



*  Tarantc. 
t  Brindisi. 

Philip  of 

j^Iacedon  sends 

an  embassy  to 


the  troops  of  Terentius  to  Tarentum*  under  one  of  his  lieutenant- 
generals.  Twenty-five  ships  were  also  given  him  with  which  to 
guard  the  coast  between  Brundisium  f  and  Tarentum.  The 
praetor,  Quintus  Fabius,  had  an  equal  number  for  the  defence  of 
the  coasts  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome.  To  the  pro-consul, 
Terentius  Varro,  was  assigned  the  business  of  levying  troops  in 
Picenum,  and  of  defending  that  country.  Titus  Otacilius,  after 
dedicating  the  temple  of  Reason  on  the  Capitol,  was  sent  to 
Sicily  with,  the  fullest  powers,  as  admiral  of  the  fleet. 

33.     All  kings  and  nations  were  now  attentively  observing 
this  struggle  between  the  two  most  powerful  peoples   of  the 
world.      It  was  so  especially  with  Philip,  king  of   Macedon, 
because  he  was  comparatively  near  to  Italy,  being  separated 
from  it  only  by  the  Ionian  Sea.     As  soon  as  he  heard  by  report 
that  Hannibal  had  crossed  the  Alps,  while  rejoicing  in  the  war 
that   had   broken   out   between  the  Romans  and  the  Cartha- 
ginians, his  mind  wavered  as  to  the   nation   with   which   he 
would  prefer  that  victory  should  rest,  and  he   saw  that  their 
relative  strength  was  yet  doubtful.     When  a  third  battle  had 
been   fought,  and  victory  a  third  time  was  with  the  Cartha- 
ginians, he  inclined  to  the  side  of  success,  and  sent  envoys  10 
Hannibal.     Avoiding  the  ports  of  Brundisium  and  Tarentum, 
because  they  were  held  by  Roman  guard-ships,  they  landed  at 
the  temple  of  Juno  Lacinia.     Thence  they  made  for  Capua, 
through  Apulia,  and  fell  into  the  midst  of  the  Roman  outposts. 
They  were  taken  to  Marcus  Valerius  Laevinus,  the  praetor,  who 
had  his  camp  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nuceria.     There  the 
head  of  the  embassy,  Xenophanes,  boldly  declared  that  he  had  1 
been  sent  by  king  Philip  to  contract  friendship  and  alliance] 
with  the  Roman  people,  and  that  he  had  communications  tfl 
make  to  the  consuls  and  to  the  Senate  and  people  of  Rome 
Amid  the  revolts  of  old  allies,  Valerius  was  overjoyed  at  a  nev 
alliance  with  so  illustrious  a  prince,  and  treated  these  enemie^ 
with  all  the  courtesy  due  to  friends.     He  gave  them  an  escor 
and    guides   to    show   them  the  roads  carefully  and  tell  ther 
what  points  and  what  passes  were  in  the  occupation  of  the 
Romans    or   of    enemies.      Xenophanes   passed   through  the 
Roman  posts  into  Campania,  and  thence  by  the  nearest  route"! 
into  Hannibal's  camp.     With  him  he  concluded  a  treaty  and| 


an  alliance  on  the   following   terms  : — "  King  Philip,  with  as  BOOK  XXIII. 

"  large  a  fleet  as  possible  "  (it  seemed  that  he  was  about  to  raise      a  treaty  of 

two  hundred  ships)  "  was  to  cross  into   Italy  and  ravage  the       ^J^tudtd 

*'  coasts  ;  he  was  to  the  best  of  his  power  to  make  war  by  land    ietween  thenu 

"  and  sea.     The  war  over,  all  Italy  with  Rome  itself  was  to  be 

"  the  possession  of  the    Carthaginians  and   Hannibal,  and  all 

"  the  spoil  was  to   fall   to    Hannibal.     Italy  being  thoroughly 

"  conquered,  they  were  to  sail  to  Greece  and  make  war  on  such 

"  kings  as  they  pleased.     The  states  on  the  mainland  and  the 

"  islands  lying  off  Macedonia  were  to  belong   to    Philip  and 

"  his  kingdom." 

34.     Such  were  the  general  terms  of  the  treaty  concluded 

between  the  Carthaginian  leader  and  the  Macedonian  envoys. 

Gisgo,  Bostar,  and  Mago,  who  had  been  sent  with  them  as 

envoys  to  obtain  the  security  of  the  king's  own  promise,  came 

to  the  same  place,  the  temple  of  Juno  Lacinia,  where  a  ship 

was  waiting  concealed.     They  had  started,  and  were  out  at  sea, 

when  they  were  espied  by  the  Roman  fleet  that  guarded  the 

shores  of  Calabria.     Valerius  Flaccus  having  despatched  some 

light  vessels  to  pursue  and  bring   back  the    ship,  the   king's 

agents  at  first  attempted  flight,  but  as  soon  as  they  perceived 

that  they  were  inferior  in  speed,  they  gave  themselves  up  to  the      HnnnibaFs 

Romans,  and  were  taken  before  the  admiral  of  the  fleet.     He  t"e7ta{dl[rfUie 

asked  them  who  they  were,  whence  they  came,  and  whither  they       Romans. 

\  1  were  going.     Xenophanes,  who  hitherto  had  been  very  lucky, 

I  began  at  first  to  make  up  a  false  story,  "  how  Philip  had  sent 

I  j" him  to  the  Romans,  and  that  he  had  found  his  way  to  Marcus 

"  Valerius,  that  being  the  only  safe  road.    He  had  not  been  able 

!  j"  to  traverse  Campania,  as  it  was  beset  with  the  enemy's  forces." 

Before  long,  the  Carthaginian  dress  and  manner  of  Hannibal's 

envoys  made  them  suspected,  and  when  they  were  questioned, 

their  speech  betrayed  them.     Upon  this,  their  companions  were 

taken  aside  and  intimidated,  and  then  a  despatch  from  Hannibal 

)  Philip  was  also  found,  with  the   stipulations  between  the 

Macedonian  king  and  the  Carthaginian  general.     When  all  this 

vas  quite  clear,  it  was  thought  best  to  convey  the  prisoners  and 

heir  company  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  Senate  or  to  the 

■onsuls,  wherever  they  might  be.     For  this  purpose  five  of  the 

'  iftest  vessels  were  picked  out,  and  Lucius  Valerius  Antias 




State  of 

A  ttempts  of  the 

Campanians  to 

bring  Cutna 

under  their 


was  sent  in  command.  He  had  instructions  to  divide  the 
envoys  among  all  his  ships,  so  as  to  have  them  in  separate 
custody,  and  to  take  care  that  there  was  no  conversation  or 
communication  of  plans  among  them. 

At  this  same  time  Cornelius  Mammula,  on  leaving  his  pro- 
vince of  Sardinia,  described  at  Rome  the  state  of  affairs  in  the 
island.  All  were  thinking,  he  said,  of  war  and  revolt  ;  Quintus 
Mucius,  his  successor,  had  encountered  on  his  arrival  an  un- 
wholesome condition  of  the  atmosphere  and  the  springs,  and 
having  fallen  into  an  illness  that  was  tedious  rather  than 
dangerous,  would  long  be  unable  to  sustain  the  burden  of  a 
war.  The  army,  too,  though  strong  enough  to  garrison  a 
peaceful  province,  was  wholly  unequal  to  the  war  which  seemed 
on  the  point  of  breaking  out.  It  was  accordingly  decreed  by 
the  Senate  that  Quintus  Fulvius  Flaccus  should  raise  five  thou- 
sand infantry  with  four  hundred  cavalry,  and  arrange  for  the 
transport  of  this  legion  to  Sardinia  at  the  earliest  opportunity. 
He  was  to  send  with  full  military  powers  any  one  whom  he 
thought  fit  to  conduct  operations  till  Mucius  had  recovered. 
Titus  Manlius  Torquatus,  who  had  been  twice  consul  and 
censor,  and  who  in  his  consulship  had  subdued  Corsica,  was 
despatched  on  this  business.  About  the  same  time,  a  fleet 
sent  from  Carthage  to  Sardinia  under  the  command  of  Has- 
drubal,  surnamed  Calvus,  was  shattered  by  a  frightful  storm 
and  driven  on  the  Balearic  Isles.  The  vessels  were  hauled 
ashore,  and  considerable  time  was  lost  while  they  were  being 
repaired ;  so  severely  damaged  were  their  hulls,  as  well  as 
their  rigging. 

35.  While  the  war  in  Italy  after  the  battle  of  Cannae  some- 
what languished,  as  the  strength  of  one  side  was  broken  and 
the  energies  of  the  other  was  relaxed,  the  Campanians  at 
tempted  by  themselves  to  annex  Cumae.  First  they  sough 
to  lure  the  citizens  into  revolt  from  Rome.  This  not  sue 
ceeding,  they  devised  a  stratagem  for  reducing  them.  All  th< 
Campanians  held  a  sacrifice  at  regular  intervals  at  Hamae.  The) 
informed  the  people  of  Cumae-  that  the  Campanian  senat< 
would  attend  the  ceremony,  and  requested  the  presence  of  th< 
Cuman  senate  for  joint  deliberation,  in  order  that  both  com< 
munities  might  have  the  same  allies  and  the  same  foes.    They 


should  have,  they  said,  an  armed  force  on  the  spot,  to  guard  BOOK  XXIII. 
against  any  danger  from  Romans  or  Carthaginians.  The 
citizens  of  Cumse,  though  they  suspected  mischief,  offered  no 
objection,  thinking  thus  to  veil  a  crafty  plan  of  their  own. 
Meanwhile  Tiberius  Sempronius,  the  consul,  after  reviewing 
his  army  at  Sinuessa,  it  being  there  that  it  was  bidden  to 
assemble  on  the  day  fixed,  crossed  the  river  Vulturnus,  and 
encamped  near  Liternum.*  As  there  was  nothing  to  do  in  the  *  Tor  di  Patria. 
camp,  he  compelled  his  soldiers  to  sally  forth  repeatedly  in 
battle  array,  that  the  raw  recruits,  who  formed  the  chief  part 
of  the  slave  volunteers,  might  be  trained  to  follow  the  standards 
and  to  recognise  their  ranks  in  action.  Amid  all  this,  it  was 
the  general's  principal  object,  and  he  had  instructed  his  lieu- 
tenants and  officers  to  the  same  effect,  to  have  no  taunts  flung 
at  any  one  about  his  former  condition,  such  as  might  sow  strife 
among  the  men.  The  veteran  should  allow  himself  to  stand 
on  the  same  level  with  the  recruit,  the  free  man  with  the  slave, 
holding  all  sufficiently  worthy  and  well  born  to  whom  the  people 
of  Rome  had  intrusted  their  arms  and  standards.  The  same 
fortune  which  had  compelled  this  state  of  things,  compelled 
them  to  maintain  its  existence.  Such  were  the  directions  of 
the  officers,  and  they  were  observed  by  the  soldiers  with  as 
much  zeal  as  they  were  given.  And  before  long  the  hearts  of 
all  had  grown  together  in  a  union  so  harmonious  that  it  was 
;ilmost  wholly  forgotten  what  a  man's  condition  in  life  had 
Ijccn  before  he  became  a  soldier. 

Gracchus,   while   thus   engaged,   was   informed   by  envoys 

from  Cumae  of  the  nature  of  the  embassy  sent  a  few  days  before 

!)\  the  Campanians,  and  of  their  own  reply  to  it.    A  three  days' 

'    tival  began  from  that  date,  and  not  only   the    Campanian 

ite  were  to  be  present,  but  also  their  camp  and  army.    After 

iciering  the  people  of  Cumae  to  carry  all  their  property  from 

he  country  into  the  city,  and  to  keep  within  their  walls,  Gracchus 

liniself,  on  the  day  before  the  Campanians  were  to  hold  their 

ustomary  sacrifice,  moved   his  camp  to  Cumae,  from   which 

lams  was  distant  about  three  miles.     The  Campanians  had 

heady  flocked  thither  in  great  numbers,  as  had  been  arranged, 

nd  not  far  off,  Marius  Alfius,  the  Medixtuticus,  that  is,  the  first 

aagistrate  in  Campania,  was  secretly  encamped  with  fourteen 

176  LIVY. 

HOOK  XXIII.  thousand  armed  men,  more  intent  on  preparing  the  sacrifice 
and  the  stratagem  that  was  to  be  executed  during  the  celebra- 
tion than  on  fortifying  his  camp  or  any  military  work.  For 
three  days  the  sacrifices  went  on  at  Hamae.  The  rites  were 
performed  at  night,  but  so  as  to  be  completed  before  midnight. 
This  was  the  moment  of  which  Gracchus  resolved  to  take  ad- 
vantage. He  posted  sentries  at  the  gates,  that  no  one  might 
be  able  to  disclose  his  plans,  compelled  his  soldiers  to  recruit 
their  strength  and  give  themselves  to  repose  up  to  the  tenth 
hour  of  the  day,  that  they  might  be  ready  to  assemble  at  night- 
fall, and  ordered  the  advance  at  the  first  watch.  After  marching 
Gracchus       in    Still  silcncc,  he  reached  Hamae  at  midnight  and  burst  at 

^"byaVidiieiT  every  gate  simultaneously  into  the  Campanian  camp,  negligently 
attack,  and  t/ien  gruardcd,  as  was  to  be  expected,  during  a  vigil.     Some  he  slew 

retires  to  C  unite,  o  '  r'  j  o  o 

as  they  lay  stretched  in  slumber,  others  as  they  were  returning 
unarmed  from  the  celebration  of  the  sacred  rites.  In  that 
night's  fray  fell  more  than  two  thousand  men,  with  the  com- 
mander himself,  Marius  Alfius.  Thirty-four  military  standards 
were  taken. 

36.  Gracchus,  after  having  possessed  himself  of  the 
enemy's  camp  at  a  loss  of  less  than  a  hundred  soldiers,  quickly 
withdrew  to  Cumae,  as  he  feared  danger  from  Hannibal,  who 

*  Monte  di      ^yas   encamped   at  Tifata*   overlooking   Capua.     Nor  was  he 
Maddaloni.  .,,,,..  .,.  a  r    ■, 

misled  by  his  forecast  of  the  future.     As  soon  as  news  of  the 

disaster  reached  Capua,  Hannibal,  who  calculated  on  finding  at 

Hams  an  army  chiefly  composed  of  young  soldiers  and  slaves, 

flushed  and  insolent  with  success,  plundering  the  vanquished 

and  carrying  off  spoil,  hurried  his  men  at  quick  march  past 

Capua,  and  gave  orders  that  the  Campanian  fugitives  whom  h$ 

met  were   to   be  conducted   under  escort  to  Capua   and  tt 

wounded  conveyed  in  waggons.     But  he  found  at  Hamae  tl: 

camp  evacuated  by  the  enemy,  nothing  but  traces  of  the  recer 

defeat  and  the  bodies  of  his  allies  all  around  him.     Some  ad 

vised  him  to  march  at  once  on  Cumas  and  attack  the  plac^j 

Though  this  was  what  Hannibal  very  eagerly  desired,  so  tha 

having  failed  at  Naples  he  might  at  least  possess  himself 

one  maritime  town  in  Cumae,  still,  as  his  troops,  marched  ou^ 

as  they  had  been  in  a  hurry,  had  taken  nothing  but  their  arr 

with  them,  he  retired  to  his  camp  on  Tifata.     The  following 



day,  at  the  importunate  entreaties  of  the  Campanians,  he 
returned  with  all  appliances  for  the  siege  of  Cumae.  He 
completely  ravaged  the  country  round  it,  and  then  established 
his  camp  a  mile  from  the  city.  Meanwhile  Gracchus  had  halted, 
more  from  shame  at  the  thought  of  deserting  in  such  a  crisis 
allies  who  were  appealing  to  his  good  faith  and  that  of  the 
Roman  people  than  because  he  had  much  confidence  in  his 
troops,  while  the  other  consul,  Fabius,  who  had  his  camp  at 
Gales,  did  not  dare  to  cross  the  river  Vulturnus  with  his  army. 
At  first  he  was  giving  his  attention  to  a  repetition  of  the  auspices, 
then  to  prodigies,  which  were  reported  in  quick  succession. 
When  he  sought  to  expiate  them,  the  augurs  persisted  in 
replying  that  such  omens  were  not  easily  averted. 

37.     While  Fabius  was  detained  by  these  causes,  Gracchus 

was  being  blockaded.     He  was  now  in  fact  threatened  by  siege- 

jworks.    A  wooden  tower  had  been  advanced  against  the  town, 

land  to  confront  it  the  Roman  consul  had  raised  another  tower 

somewhat  loftier  on  the  very  walls.     He  used  indeed  the  walls 

which  of  themselves   were    sufficiently  lofty,  as   a  foundation, 

mto  which  he  drove  strong  piles.    From  this  tower  the  garrison  at 

jfirst  defended  the  city,  and  its  fortifications  with  stones,  stakes, 

jind  other  missiles.     At  last,  when  they  saw  that  the  tower  by 

Dcing  gradually  advanced  was  close  to  the  walls,  they  flung  on 

t  with  burning  brands  a  huge  mass  of  fire.     Terror-stricken 

jit  the  flames,  the  host  of  armed  soldiers  threw  themselves 

iieadlong  from  the  tower,  and  at  that   moment   there  was  a 

imultaneous  sally  from  two  gates  of  the  town,  which  routed 

'iC  enemy's  outposts  and  drove  them  into  the  camp.     Thus  on 

Kit  day  the  Carthaginian  was  more  in  the  plight  of  the  be- 

jieged  than  of  the  besieger.      As   many  as   thirteen   hundred 

'arthaginians  were  slain,  and  fifty-nine  taken  prisoners.     They 

ere  caught  unawares,  as  they  were  keeping  guard  carelessly 

nd  heedlessly  near  the  walls  and  at  their  posts,  and  dreading 

athing  so  little  as  a  sally.     Before  the  enemy  could  recover 

om  their  sudden  panic,  Gracchus  gave  the  signal  of  retreat, 

\d  withdrew  his  men  within  the  walls. 

Next  day  Hannibal,  who  thought  that  the  consul  elated  by 

success  would  fight   a    regular  battle,  drew  up  his   troops 

tween  his  camp  and  the  city.      Seeing  however  that  not  a 







blockaded  in 


He  makes  a 
successful  sally. 

abandons  the 
siege  of  Cutnce. 




BOOK  XXIII.  man  stirred  from  his  usual  post  of  defence,  and  that  there  was 
no  thought  of  trusting  presumptuous  hopes,  he  returned  to 
Tifata,  baffled  in  his  purpose.  At  the  very  same  time  at  which 
the  siege  of  Cumae  was  raised,  Tiberius  Sempronius,  surnamed 
Longus,  fought  a  successful  engagement  at  Grumentum  *  in 
Lucania  with  the  Carthaginian  general  Hanno.  He  slew  more 
than  two  thousand  of  the  enemy,  with  a  loss  of  two  hundred 
and  eighty  soldiers,  and  he  captured  upwards  of  forty-one 
standards.  Driven  out  of  Lucanian  territory,  Hanno  retired 
into  Bruttium.  Those  towns,  too,  of  the  Hirpini  which  had 
revolted  from  Rome  were  forcibly  recovered  by  the  prastor, 
Marcus  Valerius.  Vercellius  and  Sicilius,  the  authors  of  the 
revolt,  were  beheaded.  More  than  a  thousand  prisoners  were 
sold  by  auction.  The  remainder  of  the  booty  was  given  up  to 
the  soldiers,  and  the  army  marched  back  to  Luceria. 

38.     During  these  operations  in  Lucania  and  in  the  country 
of  the  Hirpini,  the  five  ships  which  were  conveying  the  captured 
Macedonian  and  Carthaginian  envoys  to  Rome,  had  sailed  round 
almost  the  whole  coast  of  Italy  from  the  Upper  to  the  Lower 
Sea.     When  they  were  passing  Cumae,  and  it  was  not  distinctly 
known  whether  they  belonged  to  the  enemy  or  to  allies,  Gracchu? 
sent  vessels  from  his  fleet  to  meet  them.     As  soon  as  it  hai 
been  ascertained  by  mutual  inquiry  that  the   consul  was  at 
Cumas,  the  ships  put  into  that  place,  the  prisoners  were  taken 
to  the  consul,  and  their  papers  were  placed  in  his  hands.    Having 
read  the  letters  from  Philip  and  from  Hannibal,  he  sent  them 
all  under  seal  to  the  Senate  by  land,  directing  the  envoys  to  be 
conveyed  by  ship.     Almost  on  the  same  day  both  letters  and 
envoys  reached  Rome,  and,  when  upon  inquiry,  what  they  said 
was  found  to  agree  with  the  documents,  the  first  feeling  of  the 
Senate  was  serious  alarm  when  they  saw  how  formidable  a  wai 
threatened  them  from  Macedonia,  barely  equal  as  they  were  I 
the  burden  of  the  war  with  Carthage.     Yet  so  far  were  the 
from  succumbing,  that  they  instantly  debated  how  they  migl 
keep  off  the  enemy  from  Italy  by  attacking  him  themselves.  The 
gave  orders  to  put  the  prisoners  in  chains,  and  their  attendant 
they  sold  by  auction,  and   then   decided  to  get   ready  twent 
vessels  to  be  added  to  the  twenty-five  already  under  the  com 
mand  of  Publius  Valerius  Flaccus.     The  vessels  were  equipped 

The  envoys  of 
Philip  and 

Hannibal  are 

brotight  to 




and  launched,  the  five  which  had  conveyed  the  captive  envoys  BOOK  xxill. 
added  to  them,  and  thus  a  fleet  of  thirty  ships  sailed  from  Ostia 
for  Tarentum.  Instructions  were  given  to  Pubhus  Valerius  to 
put  on  shipboard  Varro's  troops,  which  were  commanded  by 
Lucius  Apustius,  the  governor  of  Tarentum,  and,  besides  guard- 
ing with  a  fleet  of  fifty  vessels  the  shores  of  Italy,  to  ascertain 
something  about  the  war  with  Macedon.  Should  Philip's 
designs  correspond  with  the  letters  and  the  disclosures  of  the 
envoys,  Marcus  Valerius,  the  praetor,  was  to  be  informed  by  a 
despatch.  '  He  was  then,  after  putting  his  army  under  the 
command  of  his  lieutenant,  Lucius  Apustius,  to  go  to  the  fleet 
at  Tarentum,  cross  on  the  very  first  opportunity  into  Macedonia, 
and  use  every  effort  to  confine  Philip  within  his  kingdom.  For 
the  maintenance  of  the  fleet,  and  for  the  war  with  Macedon, 
the  same  money  was  voted  which  had  been  sent  to  Appius 
Claudius  in  Sicily  to  be  paid  to  King  Hiero.  The  money  was 
conveyed  to  Tarentum  through  the  hands  of  Lucius  Apustius. 
Hiero  at  the  same  time  sent  two  hundred  thousand  pecks  of 
1  wheat  and  a  hundred  thousand  of  barley.. 

39.     While  the  Romans  were  thus  planning  and  acting,  a 

{captured  vessel,  one  of  those  which  had  been  sent  to  Rome, 

jescaped  back  to  Philip.     It  thus  became  known  to  him  that 

ihis  envoys  and  their  despatches  had  been  captured.     As  he 

iknew  nothing  of  the  compact  which  they  had  arranged  with 

iHannibal  or  of  the   message  which   Hannibal's  envoys  would 

have  brought  him,  he  sent  a  second  embassy  with  the  same  in- 

ti  actions.     The  envoys  he  sent  to  Hannibal  were  Heracleitus, 

iuinamed  Scotinus,  Crito  of  Bceotia,  and  Sositheus  Magnes. 

riiey  were  successful  in  taking  and  in  bringing  back   their 

ncssage,  but  summer  passed  away  before  the  king  could  move 

ir  attempt  anything.     Such  was  the  effect  of  the  capture  of  a 

ingle  vessel  with  the  envoys  in  delaying  the  war  now  hanging 

ver  the  Romans. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Capua  where  Fabius  had  crossed 
le  Vulturnus,  having  at  last  completed  his  expiation  of  the 
iirtents,  both  the  consuls  were  carrying  on  operations.  Com- 
alteria,Trebula,*  and  Austicula,  towns  which  had  revolted  to  the 
arlhaginian,  were  stormed  by  Fabius,  and  Hannibal's  garrisons 
them  with  a  great  number  of  Campanians  were  made  prisoners. 

N   2 

Philip  sends  a. 
second  etnbassy 
to  Hannibal. 


operations  of 


^  Treglia. 

i8o  LIVY. 

BOOK  xxill.  At  Nola,  just  as  in  the  previous  year,  the  Senate  was  on  the 
side  of  the  Romans,  the  commons  on  that  of  Hannibal,  and 
secret  plots  were  being  hatched  to  destroy  the  principal  citizens 
and  to  betray  the  town.  To  hinder  the  success  of  these  attempts, 
Fabius  marched  his  army  to  a  position  between  Capua  and 
Hannibal's  camp  on  Tifata,  and  established  himself  on  Vesuvius 
in  the  camp  of  Claudius.  Thence  he  despatched  the  pro-consul, 
Marcus  Marcellus,  with  the  force  under  his  command,  to 
garrison  Nola. 

40.  In  Sardinia,  too,  active  operations,  which  had  been 
dropped  when  Quintus  Mucius,  the  prsetor,  was  attacked  by 
serious  illness,  were  commenced  by  Titus  Manlius.  Manlius 
hauled  his  war-ships  ashore  at  Carales,  and  after  arming  the 
crews  with  the  view  of  carrying  on  hostilities  by  land,  and 
receiving  command  of  the  praetor's  troops,  made  up  his  army 
to  twenty  thousand  infantry  and  two  hundred  cavalry.  With  this 
force  he  invaded  the  enemy's  territory,  and  encamped  at  no  great 
distance  from  the  camp  of  Hampsicora.  It  happened  that 
Hampsicora  had  then  marched  into  the  country  of  the  Pelliti- 
Sardi  to  arm  their  youth  and  so  increase  his  army.  His  son, 
Hostus  by  name,  commanded  at  the  camp.  With  a.  young  man's 
confidence  he  rashly  risked  an  engagement,  in  which  he  was 
Roman  victory  beaten  and  put  to  the  rout,  upwards  of  three  thousand  of  the 

in  Sardinia,  g^^j-^^j  being  slain  in  the  battle  and  as  many  as  eight  hundred 
made  prisoners.  The  rest  of  the  army,  after  wandering  in  their 
flight  over  fields  and  forests,  took  refuge  at  a  town  name 
Cornus,  the  capital  of  the  district,  whither,  so  rumour  sai 
their  leader  had  escaped.  This  battle  would  have  ended  th 
war  in  Sardinia,  had  not  the  Carthaginian  fleet,  which  hai 
been  driven  by  a  storm  on  the  Baliaric  isles,  arrived  under  thi 
command  of  Hasdrubal  at  the  critical  moment  to  awaken  hopei 
of  renewing  the  struggle. 

Manlius  on  hearing  the  report  of  the  arrival  of  the  Cartha 
ginian  fleet,  retired  to  Carales,  and  thus  an  opportunity  wa; 
given  to  Hampsicora  of  joining  the  Carthaginians.  Hasdrubal^ 
having  landed  his  troops  and  sent  the  fleet  back  to  Carthage, 
started  with  Hampsicora  for  his  guide  to  plunder  the  territories 
of  Rome's  allies,  and  he  would  have  reached  Carales  had  not 
Manlius  met  him  with  his  army  and  checked  his  widely  extended 


ravages.  At  first  camp  confronted  camp  with  but  a  small  space  BOOK  xxili. 
between  them,  and  soon  there  were  sorties  and  some  trifling 
skirmishes  with  varying  results.  At  last  they  went  into  action 
and  fought  a  regular  engagement  at  close  quarters  for  four  hours. 
Long  did  the  Carthaginians  maintain  a  doubtful  conflict,  while 
the  Sardi  were,  as  usual,  easily  beaten  ;  but  ultimately  they  them- 
selves, too,  seeing  the  general  slaughter  and  flight  of  the  Sardi 
around  them,  were  routed.  But  the  moment  they  turned  their 
backs,  the-  Roman  wing,  which  had  defeated  the  Sardi,  wheeled 
round  and  hemmed  them  in.  It  then  became  a  massacre  more 
than  a  fight.  Twelve  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  of 
Sardi  and  of  Carthaginians  ;  about  three  thousand  seven  hundred 
were  taken  prisoners,  with  twenty- seven  military  standards. 

41.  The  battle  was  rendered  specially  famous  and  memor- 
able by  the  capture  of  Hasdrubal,  the  general,  and  of  Hanno 
and  Mago,  Carthaginian  nobles.  Mago  was  of  the  Barcine 
family  and  was  nearly  related  to  Hannibal ;  Hanno  had  headed  the 
rebellion  of  the  Sardi  and  was  unquestionably  the  author  of  the 
war.  The  fall,  too,  of  the  leaders  of  the  Sardi  contributed  equally 
to  make  this  a  glorious  victory.  Hampsicora's  son  Hostus  was 
slain  on  the  field,  and  Hampsicora,  who  fled  with  a  few  troopers, 
I  on  hearing  of  his  son's  death  in  addition  to  the  ruin  of  his 
fortunes  slew  himself  in  the  night,  when  no  one  could  interfere 
to  hinder  his  purpose.  The  rest  found  refuge  as  before  in 
the  town  of  Cornus.  Manlius  attacked  it  with  his  victorious 
'.army  and  re-took  it  in  a  few  days.  Then  other  states  which 
ihad  revolted  to  Hampsicora  and  the  Carthaginians,  gave  host- 
tages  and  surrendered.  Having  required  them  to  furnish  tribute 
'and  corn  according  to  their  respective  abilities  or  past  miscon- 
duct, Manhus  marched  his  army  back  to  Carales.  There  he 
launched  his  ships  of  war,  and  having  put  on  board  the  troops 
!lie  had  brought  with  him,  he  sailed  to  Rome  and  announced  to    Rcconquest  of 

he  Senate  the  thorough  conquest  of  Sardinia.     The  tribute  he       Sardinia. 

landed  over  to  the  quaestors,  the  corn  to  the  a^diles,  and  the 

jfisoners  to  the  praetor  Fulvius. 

About  the  same  time  the  prsetor  Titus   Otacihus   crossed 

rom  Libybaeum  to  Africa  with  a  fleet  of  fifty  ships.  After 
.aging  the  Carthaginian  territory  he  set  sail  for  Sardinia, 
ither  Hasdrubal,  as  report  said,  had  crossed  from  the  Baliaric 

i82  LIVY, 

BOOK  XXIII.  isles,  and  fell  in  with  his  fleet  as  it  was  on  its  return  to  Africa,  A 
trifling  engagement  was  fought  in  the  open  sea,  and  Otacilius 
captured  seven  ships  with  their  crews.  As  for  the  rest,  panic 
dispersed  them  as  effectually  as  a  storm  would  have  done.  It 
happened,  too,  that  about  the  same  time  Bomilcar  arrived  at 
Locri  with  some  troops  sent  as  reinforcements  from  Carthage, 
as  well  as  some  elephants  and  supplies,  Appius  Claudius,  with 
the  view  of  falling  on  him  unawares,  rapidly  marched  his  army 
to  Messana  under  the  pretext  of  making  a  circuit  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  crossed  to  Locri  with  a  favourable  tide.  By  this 
time  Bomilcar  had  left  to  join  Hanno  in  Bruttium,  and  the 
Locrians  closed  their  gates  against  the  Romans.  Appius  after 
making  a  great  effort  without  any  result  returned  to  Messana. 

Marcellusat    That  same  summer,  Marcellus,  who  was  holding  Nola  with  a 

"  '*■         garrison,  made  thence  frequent  incursions  into  the  territories  of 

the  Harpini  and  of  the  Samnites  in  Caudium.   So  utterly  did  he 

waste  the  whole   country  with  fire   and   sword   as  to  revive 

throughout  Samnium  the  memory  of  ancient  disasters. 

Envoys  from         42,     Envoys  were  therefore  instantly  despatched  by  the  two 

'^Samnites^to  pcoples  simultaneously  to  Hannibal.  These  addressed  the 
Hannibal.  Carthaginians  as  follows  : — "  In  early  days,  Hannibal,  we  stood 
"  alone  by  our  own  choice  as  enemies  of  Rome,  as  long  as  our 
"  arms  and  our  strength  could  defend  us.  When  we  lost  con- 
"  fidence  in  them,  we  allied  ourselves  with  King  Pyrrhus.  He 
"  abandoned  us,  and  then  we  submitted  to  an  inevitable  peace, 
"  in  which  we  lived  for  nearly  fifty  years,  till  the  time  when  you 
"  entered  Italy,  You  so  endeared  yourself  to  us,  not  so  much 
"  by  your  valour  and  success,  as  by  your  marked  courtesy  and 
"  kindness  towards  our  citizens  whom  you  captured  and  restored 
"  to  us,  that,  while  you,  our  friend,  were  safe  and  prosperous, 
"  we  feared,  if  I  may  say  it  without  offence,  not  even  the  wrath 
They         "  of  heavcn,  far  less  the  Roman  people.     But  now,  while  you 

remonstrate      ,,  ,.,..,  ,, 

■with  him  for  are  not  only  safe  and  victorious,  but  actually  present  among  us, 
^unprotecud.  "  ^°  *^^^  y°"  might  almost  hear  the  wailings  of  our  wives  and 
"  children,  and  behold  our  burning  houses,  we  have  suffered,  we 
"  protest,  such  repeated  devastations  this  summer  that  it  would 
"  seem  that  Marcellus  and  not  Hannibal  was  the  victor  at 
"  Cannae,  while  the  Romans  boast  that  you  have  strength  only 
"  for  a  single  blow  and  are  then  paralysed,  as  if  you  had  lost 


"  your  sting.     For  almost  a  hundred  years  we  waged  war  with  book  xxiii. 
"  Rome,  without  the  aid  of  any  foreign  general  or  army,  unless  I 
"  except  those  two  years  with  Pyrrhus,  though  he  did  not  so  much 
"  defend  us  with  his  own  strength  as  reinforce  that  strength  out 
"  of  our  own  soldiery.      I  will  not  boast  of  our  successes,  how 
"  we  passed  under  the  yoke  two  consuls  and  two  consular  armies, 
"  or  of  other  fortunate  and  glorious   incidents  in  our  history. 
"  The  sufferings  and  reverses  of  those  days  we  can  speak  of  with 
"  less  indignation  than  those  which  are  now  befalling  us.    Great 
"  dictators  with  masters  of  the  horse,  two  consuls,  each  with  a 
"  consular  army,  would  then  invade  our  territories  ;  first  dulyre- 
"  connoitring,  and  posting  their  reserves,  they  marched  in  regular 
*' array  to  ravage  the  country.  But  now  we  are  the  prey  of  one  pro- 
"  praetor  and  of  a  single  garrison,  small  even  for  the  defence  of 
"  Nola.     It  is  not  in  military  detachments  but  in  mere  brigand 
"  fashion  that  they  scour  our  lands,  more  heedlessly  than  if  they 
"  were  roving  over  Roman  ground.    And  the  cause  is  this.   You 
"  do  not  defend  us  yourself,  and  all  our  youth  who,  were  they  at 
"  home,  would  protect  us,  are  serving  under  your  standards,     I 
"  should  not  notice  you  or  your  army  did  I  not  suppose  that  that 
"  which  I  know  has  routed  and  overthrown  so  many  Roman 
'*  hosts,  must  find  it  easy  to  crush  these  roving  plunderers  of  our 
country,  who  have  straggled  away  from  their  standards  wher- 
ever any  prospect,  however  idle,  of  booty  lures  this  or  that 
man.   They  surely  will  be  the  prey  of  a  handful  of  Numidians, 
'  and  you  will  have  sent  defence  to  us  and  have  taken  it  from 
'  Nola,  if  only  you  count  those  whom  you  thought  worthy  to 
'  have  as  allies,  not  unworthy  of  the   protection  which  you 
*  promised  them  as  such." 

43.     Hannibal's  reply  was  this  :  "  The  Hirpini  and  Sam-      Hannibal's 

,'  nites,"  so  he  said,  "  did  everything  at  once.     They  told  their         ''^^^■^' 

\'  calamities,  asked  help,  and  complained  of  being  unprotected 

f  and  deserted.    They  ought  first  to  have  told  the  facts,  then  to 

j  have  asked  aid  ;  and  last  of  all  if  they  failed  to  get  it,  to  have 

complained  that  they  had  implored  assistance  in  vain.     He 

would  not  march  his  army  into  the  territory  of  the  Hirpini 

and  Samnites,  lest  he  too  might  be  a  burden  on  them,  but  into 

the  country  of  the  allies  of  Rome  that  lay  close  at  hand.     By 

laying  this  waste  he  would  both  enrich  his  army  and  also  rid 

i84  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.  "  them  of  the  presence  of  the  enemy  by  terror.  As  for  the 
"  war  with  Rome,  if  Trasumennus  was  a  more  famous  battle 
"  than  Trebia,  and  Cannse  than  Trasumennus,  he  would  soon 
"  edipse  the  memory  even  of  Cannas  by  a  greater  and  more 
"  glorious  victory.' ' 
He  marches  With  this  answer  and  some  splendid  presents  Hannibal  dis- 

'       missed  the  envoys.     Leaving  a  small  force  at  Tifata  he  himself 
began  to  advance  with  the  rest  of  his  army  on  Nola.     Thither 
also  came  Hanno  from  Bruttium  with  the  reinforcements  and 
elephants  from  Carthage.     Having  encamped  at  no  great  dis- 
tance, Hannibal  found  on  inquiry  that  matters  were  very  different 
from  what  he  had  been  told  by  the  envoys  of  his  allies.     None 
in  fact  of  the  operations  of  Marcellus  were  such  that  it  could  be 
said  that  he  had  rashly  put  himself  in  the  power  of  fortune  or  of 
the  enemy.     It  had  been  after  careful  reconnoitring  in  strong 
detachments,  and  with  his  retreat  secured,  that  he  had  gone  out 
to  plunder.     Every  care  and  precaution  had  been  taken,  just  as 
if  he  were  fighting  against  Hannibal  in  person.     When  he  dis- 
covered that  the  enemy  was  approaching,  he  kept  his  troops 
within  the  walls,  and  ordered  the  senators  of  Nola  to  walk  tip 
and  down  the  ramparts  and  observe  all  the  enemy's  proceedings 
in  the  neighbourhood.     Two  of  these,  Herennius  Bassus  and 
Herius  Pettius,  Hanno,  who  had  gone  close  to  the  walls,  invited 
to  a  conference,  and  when  with  the  permission  of  Marcellus 
they  had  left  the  city,  he  spoke  to  them  through  an  interpreter. 
He  extolled  the  valour  and   success  of  Hannibal,  while  he 
depreciated  the  waning  greatness  and  strength. of  the  Roman 
and  sounds  the  peoplc.     "Were  these,"  he  said,  "what  they  had  once  been, 
temper  of  the    "  s^i^  those  who  knew  by  experience  how  oppressive  Rome's 
"  empire  was  to  her  allies  and  what  indulgence  Hannibal  had 
"  shown  even  towards  all  his  prisoners  of  Italian  race,  must 
"  prefer  the  Carthaginian  alliance  and  friendship  to  the  Roman. 
"If  both  consuls  were  with  their  armies  at  Nola,  they  would 
"  after  all  be  no  more  a  match  for  Hannibal  than  they  had  been 
"  at  Cannse.     Much  less  could  a  single  praetor  with  a  few  new 
"  soldiers  defend   Nola.      Whether  Hannibal  should  possess 
"  himself  of  the  place  by  capture  or  by  surrender,  concerned 
"  them  more  than  Hannibal.     For,  indeed,  he  would  possess 
"  himself  of  it,  as  he  had  of  Capua  and  Nuceria.     But  what  a 


'"■  difference  there  was  between  the  lot  of  Capua  and  that  of  book  xxili. 

"  Nuceria,  the  citizens  of  Nola  themselves  knew,  situated  as 

"  they  were,  almost  half-way  between  those  towns.     He  had  no 

"  wish  to  forecast  what  would  befall  the   city   if  taken  ;    he 

"  preferred   to    pledge    his    word    that,    if    they    surrendered 

"  Marcellus  and  his  garrison  and  Nola,  no  one  but  themselves 

"  would   decide   the   terms   on   which    they  would   enter  into 

"  alliance  and  friendship  with  Hannibal." 

44.  To  this  Herennius  Bassus  replied  :  "  There  has  been 
"  a  friendship  of  many  years  between  the  people  of  Rome  and 
"  of  Nola,  of  which  hitherto  neither  has  repented.  Had  we 
"  thought  that  we  should  change  our  allegiance  when  fortune 
"  changed,  it  is  now  too  late  so  to  change  it.  Had  we  meant 
"  surrender,  we  should  not  have  summoned  Roman  aid.  As  it 
"  is,  there  is  a  perfect  bond  of  union  between  us  and  those  who 
"  have  come  to  protect  us,  which  will  continue  to  the  end." 

This  conference  took  from  Hannibal  all  hopes  of  recovering      Hannibal 
Nola  by  surrender.     He  therefore  completely  invested  the  town    '"^'^ses  NoU. 
with  a  view  of  a  simultaneous  attack  on  its  walls  from  every  part. 
As  soon  as  Marcellus  saw  that  he  was  close  to  the  ramparts  he 
drew  up  his  troops  within  one  of  the  gates  and  burst  out  with  great 
fury.  Not  a  few  were  overthrown  and  slain  by  this  first  onset ;  soon  Action  at  Nola 
there  was  a  general  rush  to  join  the  combatants,  whose  strength  '^^^''^rLdt"'^'"' 
being  equalised,  a  terrible  fight  began,  which  would  have  been 
Imemorable  as  few  battles  have  been,  had  not  a  violent  down- 
pour of  rain  with  tremendous  storms  put  an  end  to  the  conflict. 
That  day,  after  a  partial  engagement,  they  retired  in  fierce  ex- 
:ite;nent,  the  Romans  to  the  town,  the  Carthaginians  to  their 
:  unp.     Of  the  latter,  however,  there  fell  in  the  panic  of  the 
irst  attack  not  more  than  thirty,  of  the  Romans,  not  a  man.   The 
nin  continued  without  ceasing  throughout  the  whole  night  till 
lie  third  hour  of  the  following  day.     And  so  both  sides,  though 
iser  for  battle,  kept  themselves  that  day  within  their  intrench- 
aents.     Three  days  afterwards  Hannibal  sent  part  of  his  army 
"  I  plundering  expedition  into  the  country  round  Nola.     Mar- 
is, perceiving  this,  at  once  led  his  troops   to   battle,  and 
lannibal  did  not  refuse  the  challenge.      There   was   about  a 
lile  between  the  city  and  the  camp,  and  within  that  space  (it  is 
I'l  level  ground  round  Nola)  the  armies  met.     A  shout  rose 

i86  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.  from  each,  and  summoned  back  to  the  battle  now  begun  the 
nearest  soldiers  from  the  cohorts  which  had  gone  out  into  the 
fields  for  plunder.  And  the  citizens  of  Nola  swelled  the  Roman 
ranks,  and  they  were  warmly  praised  by  Marcellus,  who  ordered 
them  to  stand  with  the  reserves  and  carry  the  wounded  off  the 
field,  but  keep  out  of  action,  unless  he  gave  them  the  signal  to 

45.  The  battle  was  undecided,  the  generals  cheering  on 
their  men,  fighting  to  the  utmost  of  their  strength.  Marcellus 
bade  them  press  hard  an  enemy  who  had  been  beaten  three  days 
previously,  had  been  driven  in  flight  a  few  days  ago  from  Cuma;, 
and  under  his  own  leadership,  though  by  other  troops,  had  been 
repulsed  last  year  from  Nola.  "  His  whole  army,"  he  said, 
"  was  not  on  the  field  ;  some  were  roving  for  plunder  throughout 
"  the  country.  Even  those  who  were  engaged,  were  enervated  by 
"  the  luxury  of  Campania,  by  wine  and  women,  and  had  worn 
"  themselves  out  by  every  debauchery  during  a  whole  winter. 
"  Their  old  strength  and  vigour  were  gone ;  the  endurance  of 
"  the  frames  and  hearts  which  had  surmounted  the  heights  of  the 
"  Pyrenees  and  of  the  Alps,  had  melted  away.  The  present 
"  combatants  were  but  the  remnant  of  those  brave  men  and 
"  could  scarce  bear  the  burden  of  their  arms  or  limbs.  Capua 
"  had  been  Hannibal's  Cannae  ;  there  had  perished  warlike 
"  valour,  military  disciphne,  all  glory  of  the  past,  all  hope  for 
"  the  future.-" 

While  Marcellus  was  rousing  the  courage  of  his  soldiers  by 
these  taunts  against  the  enemy,  Hannibal  was  upbraiding  his 
men  with  much  harsher  reproaches.  "  I  recognise,"  he  said, 
"  the  same  arms  and  standards  which  I  saw  and  with  which  I 
"  fought  at  Trebia,  Trasumennus,  and  last  of  all,  at  Cannae.  But 
*'  I  protest  that  I  marched  into  winter-quarters  at  Capua  with  one 
"  army  and  marched  out  of  it  with  another.  Are  you,  whose 
"  attack  two  consular  armies  never  once  sustained,  barely  a 
"  match  for  a  Roman  lieutenant  and  the  onset  of  a  single  legioi 
"  and  one  division  of  allies  ?  Is  Marcellus  with  his  raw  recruits, 
"  and  his  reserves  of  Nolan  townsfolk  now  again  challenging! 
"  us  with  impunity  ?  Where  is  that  soldier  of  mine  who 
"  dragged  the  consul  Flaminius  from  his  horse  and  struck  off  his 
"  head  ?    Where  is  the  man  who  cut  down  Lucius  Paullus  a; 




repulsed  be/ore 


"Cannae?    Are  their  swords  now  blunt ;  are  their  right  hands  BOOK  xxiii 

"  paralysed  ?     Or  what  other  miracle  explains  it  ?     Once  few  in 

"  number,  you  used  to  vanquish  a  superior  host ;  now  yourselves 

"  superior  you  barely  resist  a  few.    Brave  in  tongue,  you  boasted 

"  that  you  would  storm  Rome,  were  you  to  be  led  thither.     See 

"  before  you  a  less  formidable  enterprise.     Here  I  wish  to  test 

"  your  strength  and  valour.     Storm  Nola,  a  city  in  a  plain,  with- 

"  out  defence  of  river  or  sea.     When  you  have  laden  yourselves 

*'  with  the  booty  and  the  spoils  of  so  rich  a  town,  I  will  either 

"  lead  you  or  follow  you  \vhither  you  please." 

46.  Neither  words  of  encouragement  nor  reproach  availed 
to  put  resolution  into  their  hearts.  At  every  point  they  were 
driven  back,  while  the  courage  of  the  Romans  rose,  cheered  on 
as  they  were,  not  only  by  their  general  but  by  the  people  of  Nola, 
who  with  shouts,  which  testified  to  their  good-will,  roused  yet 
more  the  enthusiasm  of  battle.  The  Carthaginians  turned  and 
were  driven  into  their  camp,  but  though  the  Roman  soldiers 
were  eager  to  storm  it,  Marcellus  led  them  back  to  Nola  amid 
^reat  joy,  and  congratulations  even  from  the  populace,  which 
(had  previously  inclined  towards  Carthage.  More  than  five 
housand  of  the  enemy  were  slain  that  day,  six  hundred  taken 
dive  with  nineteen  military  standards  and  two  elephants.  Of 
he  Romans  less  than  a  thousand  fell.  The  next  day  was  spent 
n  an  armistice  by  tacit  consent,  both  sides  burying  their  slain  in 
he  battle.  The  spoils  taken  from  the  enemy  Marcellus  burnt 
'.s  a  vow  to  Vulcan. 

Two  days  afterwards,  prompted,  I  imagine,  by  some  resent- 
aent,  or  by  the  hope  of  a  more  liberally  rewarded  warfare, 
ivo  hundred  and  seventy-two  troopers,  Numidians  and 
paniards  intermixed,  deserted  to  Marcellus.  Of  their  brave 
'nd  faithful  services  the  Romans  often  availed  themselves 
Juring  this  war.  When  it  was  over,  the  Spaniards  had  lands 
jiven  them  in  Spain,  the  Numidians  in  Africa,  in  recompense 
f  their  valour. 

I  Hannibal  sent  back  Hanno  from  Nola  to  Bruttium  with  the 

frees  which  he  had  brought  with  him,  and  went  himself  into 

inter-quarters   in    Apulia,   encamping    near   Arpi.       Quintus 

ibiu5,  on   hearing  that   he   had   marched    into    Apulia,   col- 

!  grain  from   Nola  and   Naples    and    stored    it    in    the 

i88  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.  camp  on  Suessula.  Having  then  strengthened  his  lines  and 
Fabms  lays  left  a  force  sufficient  to  defend  his  position  throughout  the 
Campania,  winter,  he  moved  his  camp  nearer  Capua,  and  wasted  the 
territory  of  the  Campanians  with  fire  and  sword.  At  last  the 
Campanians,  though  they  had  absolutely  no  confidence  in  their 
strength,  were  compelled  to  sally  out  from  the  city-gates  and 
establish  a  camp  upon  ground  in  front  of  their  town.  They  had 
in  all  six  thousand  soldiers,  the  infantry  utterly  inefficient,  but 
the  horse  of  good  quality.  Accordingly  they  kept  harassing 
the  enemy  by  cavalry  skirmishes.  Among  their  many 
distinguished  troopers  was  one,  Cerrinus  Vibellius,  surnamed 
Taurea.  He  was  too  a  citizen  of  Capua,  and  he  was  far  the 
bravest  horse-soldier  in  all  Campania.  Indeed,  when  he  served 
with  the  Romans,  there  was  but  one  Roman,  Claudius  Asellus 
who  rivalled  him  in  renown  as  a  trooper.  Taurea  rode  up  to 
the  enemy's  squadrons  and  took  a  long  survey  of  them.  When 
at  length  there  was  a  hush,  he  asked :  "  Where  is  Claudius 
"  Asellus  ?  He  used  to  dispute  with  me  in  words  the  palm  of 
"  valour ;  why  should  he  not  decide  the  matter  by  the  sword, 
"  yielding  up  the  prize  of  victory  if  he  is  beaten,  and  taking  it 
"  if  he  is  victorious  ?  " 

47.  This  message  having  been  delivered  to  Asellus  in  the 
camp,  he  merely  waited  awhile  to  ask  the  consuls  whether  he 
was  at  liberty,  contrary  to  regulations,  to  fight  an  enemy  who 
challenged  him.  On  obtaining  leave,  he  at  once  armed  himself, 
rode  out  in  front  of  the  sentries  and  called  Taurea  by  name 
bidding  him  to  an  encounter  wherever  he  pleased.  By  this 
time  the  Romans  had  poured  out  in  multitudes,  to  witness  the 
combat,  and  the  Campanians  too  were  crowding  the  entrench- 
ments of  their  camp  and  even  their  city-walls,  to  look  on  at  a 
Duel  between  a  distance.  The  Combatants,  who  had  already  given  notoriety 
c^panian  to  the  affair  by  their  speeches  of  defiance,  now  galloped  their 
trooper.  ijo^ges  at  full  speed,  with  spears  in  rest.  There  was  abundance 
of  room,  and  they  amused  themselves  by  spinning  out  a  bloodless 
duel.  At  last  the  Campanian  said  to  the  Roman,  "  This  will  be 
"  a  contest  between  horses,  not  between  horsemen,  unless  we 
"  gallop  our  steeds  down  from  the  open  into  this  hollow  lane, 
"  where,  as  there  is  no  space  for  manoeuvrmg,  we  may  fight  a' 
•'  close  quarters."    Almost  before  he  had  said  the  word  Claudiu 


had  plunged  with  his  horse  into  the  lane.  Taurea,  bolder  in  book  xxiii. 
speech  than  in  deed,  retorted  on  him,  "  I  would  not  be  an  ass 
in  a  ditch."  The  saying  subsequently  passed  into  a  rustic 
proverb.  Claudius  rode  along  the  lane  to  a  great  distance,  and 
meeting  no  enemy  returned  to  the  open  ground.  He  then  went 
back  victorious  to  his  camp  amid  great  rejoicing  and  congratu- 
lation, denouncing  the  cowardice  of  his  foe.  To  this  fight  of 
the  two  cavalry  soldiers  is  added  in  some  chronicles  an  incident 
certainly  extraordinary,  the  truth  of  which  it  is  for  common 
sense  to  detide.  Claudius,  it  is  said,  who  followed  up  Taurea  in 
his  flight  to  the  town,  rushed  in  at  one  of  the  enemy's  gates 
which  was  open,  and  rode  out  unhurt  by  another  amid  the 
helpless  wonderment  of  the  foe. 

48.    The  camp  was  now  quiet,  and  the  consul  even  shifted  his 
position  some  way  back,  that  the  Campanians  might  begin  their 
[sowing.     Nor  did  he  do  any  injury  to  their  lands  until  the  corn 
jwas  high  enough  in  blade  to  yield  fodder.     Then  he  carried  it 
Ito   Claudius's  camp  on   Suessula,   and   there  established   his  Fabius  in  winter 
{winter  quarters.      He  ordered   Marcellus,  the  pro-consul,  to     ^s'uesluia. 
Iretain  a  sufficient  force  at  Nola  for  the  defence  of  the  place, 
ind  sent  away  the  rest  of  his  troops  to  Rome,  that  they  might 
lot  be  a  burden  to  the  allies  and  an  expense  to  the  State.     And 
jracchus,  having  marched  his  legions  from  Cumse  to  Luceria  in 
{\pulia,  despatched  the  praetor,  Marcus  Valerius,  with  the  army     Gracchus  at 
lie  had  had  at  Luceria,  to  Brundisium,  with  instructions  to  guard  guard  the  coast. 
Ihe  shores  of  the  Sallentine  territory  and  take  precautions  in 
egard  to  Philip  and  the  war  with  Macedon. 

At  the  end  of  the  summer  in  which  occurred  the  operations    Tidings  from 

e  have  described,  came  despatches  from  Publius  and  Cneius 

cipio,  telling  what  great  successes  they  had  achieved  in  Spain,   Despatch  from 

ut  also  stating  that  money  was  wanting  for  the  soldiers'  pay, 

nd  clothing  and  corn  for  the  troops,  and  that  the  seamen  were 

uite  destitute.    As  for  the  pay,  if  the  treasury  were  empty,  they 

•uld  themselves   devise   some  plan   of   getting  it  from  the 

paniards,  but  they  must  certainly  raise  all  the  other  supplies 

om  Rome,  that  being  the  only  possible  way  of  retaining  either 

e  troops  or  the  province.     When  the  despatch  had  been  read, 

cry  one  admitted  the  truth  of  the  statements  and  the  justice 

the  request ;   still  the  thought  presented  itself  of  the  vast 

igo  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIII.  forces  which  they  would  have  to  maintain  by  sea  and  land  and 

of  the  immense  new  fleet  soon  to  be  equipped,  should  war  break 

Financial      out  with  Macedon.     Sicily  and  Sardinia,  which  had  paid  tribute 

oj  the  Romans,  before  the  war,  could  hardly  support  the  armies  which  gua.)rded 
these  provinces,  and  the  expenses  were  furnished  out  of  a 
citizens'  tax.  Not  only  had  the  number  of  the  contributors 
of  this  tax  been  materially  diminished  by  those  murderous 
defeats  of  our  armies  at  Trasumennus  and  Cannae,  but  even  the 
few  survivors,  were  they  to  be  burdened  with  an  increased  pay- 
ment, would  perish  by  another  destruction.  Consequently  unless 
the  State  could  be  upheld  by  credit,  it  would  not  be  upheld  by 
its  resources.  The  praetor  Fulvius,  it  was  said,  must  show  him- 
self in  an  assembly  of  the  people  and  point  out  to  them  the 
public  necessities,  and  invite  those  who  had  improved  their 
properties  by  taking  contracts  to  lend  money  for  a  time  to  the 
State,  from  which  they  had  enriched  themselves,  and  arrange 
to  furnish  the  army  in  Spain  with  all  that  it  needed,  on  the 
condition  that,  as  soon  as  there  was  money  in  the  treasury,  they 
should  first  be  paid.  Such  was  the  prtetor's  proclamation  to  the 
people,  and  he  named  a  day  on  which  he  would  issue  contracts 
for  the  supply  of  clothing  and  corn  to  the  army  in  Spain  and  of 
whatever  else  was  necessary  for  the  seamen. 
PzMic  spirit         "49.     As  soon  as  the  day  arrived,  three  companies,  each  of 

of  tie  citizens,   nineteen  members,  came  forward  to  take  the  contracts.     They 
made  two  demands.     One  was  exemption  from  military  service 
j  while  they  were  engaged  on  this  public  business  ;  another  was, 

that,  for  whatever  they  put  on  shipboard  they  were  to  be  insured 
at  the  risks  of  the  State  against  storms  or  attacks  of  the  enemy 
Both  demands  being  granted,  they  took  the  contracts,  and  the 
administration  of  the  State  was  carried  on  with  private  money; 
Such  principles  and  such  patriotism  pervaded  every  class,  almosi 
without  exception. 

As  all  the  contracts  were  taken  with  hearty  good-will,  sc 
they  were  performed  with  the  most  scrupulous  fidelity,  and  the 
armies  supplied  just  as  they  would  have  been  from  the  over-<i 
flowing  exchequer  of  former  days»  When  the  supplies  arrived,i 
the  town  of  Iliturgi  was  being  besieged  by  Hasdrubal,  Mago,  and! 
Hamilcar,  son  of  Bomilcar,  because  it  had  revolted  to  Rome. 
Between  these  three  hostile  camps  the  Scipios  made  their  way 


into  the  city  of  our  allies  after  hard  fighting  and  great  slaughter  book  xxili. 
3f  the  opposing  army,  and  brought  with  them  corn  of  which     luturgia,  in 
Lhere  was  an   extreme  scarcity.      Then  after  encouraging  the   ^^"'^I'y^the^^ 
townsfolk  to  defend  their  walls  with  the  same  spirit  with  which  Carthagimans, 

^  who  are  defeated 

they  had  seen  the  Roman  army  fight  on  their  behalf,  they  and  compelled  to 

fd-isc  the 

marched  off  to  attack  the  principal  camp  which  was  under  the  siege. 

command  of  Hasdrubal,  The  two  other  Carthaginian  generals 
and  their  armies  hastened  to  the  spot,  seeing  it  was  to  be  the 
scene  of  the  decisive  struggle.  There  was  a  sally  out  of  the 
camp,  followed  by  a  battle,  and  that  day  sixty  thousand  of  the 
enemy  and  sixteen  thousand  Romans  were  engaged.  So  far, 
however,  was  the  victory  from  being  doubtful  that  the  Romans 
slew  of  the  enemy  a  number  exceeding  their  own,  taking  more 
than  three  thousand  prisoners,  a  little  under  a  thousand  horses 
with  fifty-nine  standards,  and  killing  five  elephants  in  the  battle. 
jOn  that  day  they  captured  three  camps.  The  siege  of  Iliturgi 
Ihaving  thus  been  raised,  the  Carthaginian  armies  were  marched 
away  to  attack  Intibili,  their  losses  having  been  made  up  out  of 
the  province,  one  indeed  which  above  all  others  was  fond  of 
lighting,  if  only  plunder  or  pay  were  to  be  got,  and  in  which 
i/oung  men  abounded.  Again  a  pitched  battle  was  fought,  the 
jiame  fortune  attending  both  sides.  More  than  thirteen  thousand 
|)f  the  enemy  fell  and  more  than  two  thousand  were  taken  pri- 
soners, with  forty-two  standards  and  nine  elephants.  And  now 
Indeed  all  the  Spanish  tribes  revolted  to  Rome,  and  far  greater 
'esults  were  achieved  that  year  in  Spain  than  in  Italy. 


B.C.  215-213. 



operations  in 


I.  On  his  return  from  Campania  to  Bruttium,  Hanno,  with 
Bruttian  help  and  guidance,  sought  to  seize  the  Greek  towns. 
These  remained  loyal  to  the  Roman  alliance  all  the  more 
willingly  because  they  saw  that  the  Bruttians,  whom  they  both 
hated  and  feared,  were  now  on  the  side  of  the  Carthaginians. 
Rhegium  was  first  attempted,  and  several  days  were  spent 
there  without  result.  Meanwhile  the  people  of  Loeri  were 
hurriedly  cariying  from  their  fields  into  the  city  their  corn, 
wood,  and  other  necessaries,  anxious  at  the  same  time  that  not 
a  scrap  of  plunder  might  be  left  for  the  enemy.  Every  day  a 
larger  crowd  poured  out  of  the  city-gates,  till  at  last  there  were 
left  in  the  town  only  those  who  were  pressed  into  the  service  of 
repairing  the  walls  and  gates  and  carrying  weapons  to  the 
ramparts.  Against  this  promiscuous  multitude  of  all  ages  and 
ranks,  as  it  straggled,  mostly  unarmed,  over  the  fields,  the 
Carthaginian,  Hamilcar,  sent  out  his  cavalry,  with  orders  to 
hurt  nobody,  but  simply  to  scatter  them  in  flight  and  then  inter- 
cept them  with  his  troopers,  so  as  to  cut  them  off  from  the 
city.  The  general  himself,  taking  up  a  position  on  high  ground 
from  which  he  could  see  the  neighbouring  cavalry  as  well  as  the 
town,  directed  a  Bruttian  cohort  to  advance  up  to  the  walls, 
summon  the  principal  Locrian  citizens  to  a  conference,  and, 
should  they  promise  friendship,  to  Hannibal,  they  were  to 
encourage  them  to  surrender  the  city.  As  for  the  Bruttians  in 
this  conference,  the  Locrians  believed  at  first  nothing  that  they^ 
said,  but  when  the  Carthaginians  showed  themselves  on  th« 


hills,  and  a  few  fugitives  brought  the  news  that  all  the  rest  of  the  book  xxiv. 
population  was  at  the  enemy's  mercy,  they  were  overwhelmed 
with  terror,  and  replied  that  they  would  consult  the  popular  assem- 
bly. Instantly  a  meeting  was  summoned.  All  the  meaner  sort 
were  for  a  new  government  and  a  new  alliance,  and  those  whose 
kinsfolk  had  been  intercepted  by  the  enemy  outside  the  walls 
felt  themselves  as  much  pledged  as  if  they  had  given  hostages. 
A  few,  indeed,  in  their  hearts  approved  a  steadfast  loyalty,  but 
they  had  not  the  courage  to  maintain  it.  And  so,  with  an  ap- 
parently unhesitating  assent,  surrender  was  made  to  the  Cartha-  Surrender  of 
ginians.  Lucius  Atilius,  commander  of  the  garrison,  and  the  CarUialinians. 
Roman  soldiers  under  him,  were  secretly  taken  down  to  the  port 
and  put  on  shipboard  to  be  conveyed  to  Rhegium,  and  then  they 
admitted  Hamilcar  and  the  Carthaginians  into  the  town,  on 
condition  that  a  treaty  was  to  be  at  once  concluded  on  equitable 
terms.  Faith  in  the  matter  was  all  but  broken  with  the  party 
tmaking  the  surrender,  as  the  Carthaginians  complained  that 
they  had  treacherously  let  the  Romans  depart,  while  the 
iLocrians  pleaded  that  they  had  themselves  escaped.  Some 
pavalry  went  in  pursuit,  in  case  the  tide  in  the  straits  might 
possibly  delay  the  vessels  or  carry  them  back  to  land.  Those 
indeed  whom  they  pursued,  they  failed  to  overtake,  but  they  saw 
lOme  other  ships  crossing  the  straits  from  Messana  to  Rhegium. 
these  carried  Roman  soldiers  whom  Claudius,  the  praetor,  had 
despatched  to  garrison  the  city.  So  the  Carthaginians  at  once 
pithdrew  from  Rhegium.  By  Hannibal's  orders  peace  was 
[ranted  to  the  Locrians.  They  were  to  live  independent,  under 
jieir  own  laws  ;  their  city  was  to  be  open  to  the  Carthaginians, 
t  its  port  was  to  be  under  Locrian  control ;  there  was  to  be 
alliance  with  the  understanding  that  Carthaginians  and 
ocrians  were  to  help  each  other  both  in  peace  and  war. 

2.     Thus  the  Carthaginians  returned  from  the  straits,  amid 

\C[ry  complaints  from  the  Bruttians  at  their  having  left  Rhegium 

k!  Locri  unmolested.     The  plunder  of  these  cities  the  Bruttians 

h1  fully  counted  on  for  themselves.      So  on  their  own  account    The  BnittioMs 

levied  and  equipped  fifteen  thousand  of  their  own  youth   """'^'^  Cn>ton 

inarched  to  attack  Croton,  also  a  Greek  city  on  the  coast. 

V   would   secure,  they  thought,  a   vast   accession   to  their 

sources  by  possessing  themselves  of  a  town  on  the  sea,  with  a 


194  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  harbour  ?nd  strong  fortifications.  But,  as  they  could  not  quite 
venture  to  summon  the  Carthaginians  to  their  aid,  they  were 
ha^^ssed  by  the  apprehension  that  they  might  seem  to  be 
attempting  something  not  for  the  benefit  of  their  aUies.  And 
again,  should  the  Carthaginian  any  more  be  the  negotiator  oi 
a  peace  rather  than  their  helper  in  war,  an  attack  on  the  inde- 
pendence of  Croton  would,  they  feared,  be  as  useless  as  had 
^  previously  been  the  attack  on  Locri.     Hence  they  thought  it  best 

to  send  envoys  to  Hannibal  and  obtain  from  him  a  guarantee 
that  Croton,  when  reconquered,  should  belong  to  the  Bruttians. 

Hannibal  replied  that  the  question  was  one  for  those  on  the 
spot,  and  he  referred  them  to  Hanno.  From  Hanno  no  definite 
answer  was  received.  It  was  not  indeed  the  wish  of  the  Car- 
thaginians to  see  a  famous  and  wealthy  city  plundered,  and  they 
hoped  that,  when  the  Bruttians  attacked  it,  as  it  was  evident 
that  they  neither  approved  nor  aided  the  attack,  its  citizens 
would  revolt  to  them  the  sooner. 

Among  the  people  of  Croton  there  was  no  unity  of  policy  or 
of  feeling.     One  and  the  same  disease,  so  to  say,  had  fastened  on 
all  the  Italian  states,  strife  between  the  commons  and  the  aristo- 
cracy, the  senate  favouring  Rome,  while  the  commons  were  for 
throwing  themselves  into  the  hands  of  the  Carthaginians.    Of  this 
dissension  in  the  city  the  Bruttians  were  informed  by  a  deserter. 
One,  Aristomachus,  he  said,  was  the  popular  leader  and  advised! 
surrender.  In  so  vast  a  city,  with  wide  and  scattered  fortifications,] 
the  sentries  and  guards  of  the  senators  were  but  few,  and  wherevei' 
men  of  the  popular  party  were  on  duty,  there  was  free  entrance 
Under  the  advice  and  leading  of  the  deserter,  the  Bruttians  regu- 
larly invested  the  town.     At  the  first  assault,  they  were  admittef 
They  take  the    by  the  commons,  and  secured  every  part  except  the  citadel.  Thi- 
"  "*  'citadel.     '  was  held  by  the  aristocracy,  who  had  already  prepared  it  as 
place  of  refuge  against  such  a  contingency.     Thither  also  Aristo 
machus  fled,  representing  that  he  had  advised  the  surrender  0 
the  town  to  the  Carthaginians  and  not  to  the  Bruttians. 
Description  of         3-     Before  Pyrrhus's  invasion  of  Italy  the  city  of  Crete 
Croton.        jj^^  ^  ^g^jl  Qf  twelve  miles  circuit.     After  the  desolation  cause 
by  that  war  barely  half  the  space  was  inhabited.     The  rivd 
whose  waters  had  flowed  through  the  middle  of  the  town,  noi 
flowed  outside  the  district  occupied  by  houses,  and  the  citad< 


was  at  a  distance  from  the  inhabited  part.  Six  miles  from  the  book  xxiv. 
city  was  a  famous  temple,  more  famous  indeed  than  the  city 
itself,  dedicated  to  Juno  Lacinia  and  reverenced  by  all  the 
neighbouring  peoples.  There,  in  the  middle  of  a  grove, 
densely  grown  and  closed  in  by  stately  fir-trees,  were  rich 
pastures,  where  cattle  of  all  kinds,  sacred  to  the  goddess,  fed 
without  a  shepherd.  The  various  flocks  went  forth  separately 
and  returned  at  night  to  their  stalls,  never  harmed  by  the 
stealthy  attacks  of  wild  beasts  or  the  craft  of  man.  Hence 
great  profits  were  derived  from  the  cattle,  and  out  of  them  was 
made  and  dedicated  a  pillar  of  solid  gold.  The  temple  too 
became  renowned  for  its  wealth  as  well  as  for  its  sanctity. 
Miracles  are  commonly  attributed  to  such  famous  spots.  There 
is  a  story  of  an  altar  at  the  porch  of  the  temple,  the  ashes  of 
which  are  never  disturbed  by  any  breeze. 

I      The  citadel  of  Croton,  which  on  one  side  overhung  the  sea, 
|while  on  the  other  it  faced  landwards,  was  in  old  days  protected 
jmerely  by  its  natural  situation,  but  subsequently  it  was  likewise 
jsurrounded  by  a  wall  at  the  part  where,  from  the  rocks  behind, 
jDionysius,  the  tyrant  of  Sicily,  had  once  taken  it  by  stratagem. 
This  fortress,  safe  enough,  as  was  thought,  was  now  held  by  the 
protoniat  aristocracy,  whom  their  own  people  along  with  the 
pruttians  were  beleaguring.     At  last  the  Bruttians,  seeing  that  it 
ivas  impregnable  to  their  attacks,  out  of  sheer  necessity  implored 
jhe  aid  of  Hanno.      He  endeavoured  to  force  the  Crotoniats  to 
ji  surrender,  stipulating  that  they  would  allow  the  admission  of  a 
Sruttian  colony,  and  so  recover  its  ancient  populousness  for  a 
ity  which  wars  had  wasted  and  desolated.      But  on  not  one  of 
pe  citizens,  except  Aristomachus,  had  he  any  effect.      They 
[eclared  they  would  perish  sooner  than  be  confounded  with 
bruttians  and  have  to  accept  strange  ceremonies,  customs  and 
|iws,  and  ultimately  even  a  strange  language.      Aristomachus 
jimself  alone  deserted  to  Hanno,  finding  that  his  arguments 
puld  not  induce   his   companions   to    surrender,  and  that  he 
fjuld  not  get  a  chance  of  betraying  the  citadel,  as  he  had  be- 
layed the  town.     Soon  afterwards  some  Locrian  envoys,  having 
ith  Hanno's  permission  entered  the  citadel,  urged  the  occupants 
let  themselves  be  transferred  to  Locri  instead  of  resolving  to 
CO  the  last  extremity.     They  had  previously  obtained  leave  to 

O  2 

196  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  make  the  offer  from  Hannibal,  to  whom  they  had  despatched  an 
rJie  inhabitants  cmbassy.      Thus  Croton  was  abandoned,  and  the  inhabitants 
°-^  ^aflVri!^^  were  marched  down  to  the  sea  and  put  on  shipboard.     The 
entire  population  took  their  departure  to  Locri. 

In  Apulia  even  the  winter  did  not  pass  quietly  between  the 
Romans  and  Hannibal.  The  consul  Sempronius  wintered  at 
Luceria,  Hannibal  not  far  from  Arpi.  Some  slight  skirmishes 
occurred  between  them,  as  occasion  offered,  or  as  this  or  that  side 
saw  an  opportunity.  In  these  the  Romans  improved  daily, 
becoming  more  cautious  and  less  in  danger  from  stratagem. 
Hieronymus  4.     In  Sicily  Hicro's  death  had  made  a  complete  change  for 

snccM ^_^^^iero  ^^  Romans.  The  throne  had  passed  to  Hieronymus  his  grand- 
son, a  boy  little  likely  to  bear  liberty  much  less  absolute  power, 
with  moderation.  Eagerly  did  guardians  and  friends  lay  hold  of 
such  a  temper,' to  hurry  it  into  every  excess.  Hiero,  it  is  said,  fore- 
seeing that  this  would  be  so  in  the  future,  wished  in  his  extreme 
old  age  to  leave  Syracuse  free,  and  not  to  let  a  kingdom, 
which  had  been  won  and  consolidated  by  merit,  be  ruined  by 
the  ridiculous  follies  of  a  youthful  despot.  But  his  purpose  met 
with  the  most  determined  resistance  from  his  daughters,  who 
thought  that  while  the  boy  would  have  the  name  of  king,  the 
control  of  everything  would  rest  with  themselves  and  their 
husbands,  Andranodorus  and  Zoippus,  whom  Hiero  intended  to 
leave  his  principal  guardians.  It  was  not  easy  for  a  man  in  his 
ninetieth  year,  who  was  plied  day  and  night  by  women's 
flatteries,  to  exercise  his  mind  freely  and  make  private  matters 
subordinate  to  public  considerations.  And  so  he  left  the  boy 
fifteen  guardians,  and  implored  them  on  his  death-bed  to  main- 
tain inviolate  that  loyalty  which  for  fifty  years  he  had  himself! 
observed  towards  the  people  of  Rome,  and  to  resolve  that  the 
lad  should,  above  all  things,  tread  in  his  footsteps  and  follow  the 
ways  in  which  he  had  been  trained. 

Such  were  Hiero's  instructions.  As  soon  as  he  had  breathed 
his  last,  his  will  was  produced  by  the  guardians,  and  the  boy, 
then  about  fifteen  years,  was  set  before  a  public  assembly,  wher^, 
a  few,  placed  here  and  there  to  lead  cheers  of  applause,  ex^ 
pressed  approval  of  the  document,  while  the  rest,  as  if  the 
had  lost  a  father  and  their  country  was  orphaned,  saw  terra 
everywhere.        Meantime   the  kingfs   funeral    was    celebrate 



Character  of 

with  more  love  and  affection  on  the  part  of  the  citizens  than  book  xxiv. 
regard  from  his  own  kin.  Then  the  other  guardians  were  put 
aside  by  Andranodorus,  who  kept  repeating  that  Hieronymus 
was  now  a  young  man  and  capable  of  reigning.  By  himself 
abdicating  the  guardianship  which  he  shared  with  several  others, 
he  concentrated  in  his  own  person  the  influence  of  all. 

5.  Even  a  good  and  self-controlled  prince  would  not  have 
easily  found  favour  with  the  Syracusans,  had  he  come  after  the 
extreme  popularity  of  Hiero.  As  a  fact,  however,  Hieronymus 
apparently  wished  to  deepen  their  regret  for  his  grandfather  by 
his  own  vices,  and  at  his  very  first  appearance  let  them,  see  how 
different  everything  was.  Those  who  for  so  many  years  had 
never  seen  Hiero  and  his  son  Gelon  distinguished  by  dress  or 
any  other  outward  badge  from  the  other  citizens,  now  beheld 
a  purple  robe,  a  diadem  and  an  armed  bodyguard,  and  even 
occasionally  saw  the  king  issue  from  his  palace  with  carriages 
idrawn  by  four  white  horses,  after  the  fashion  of  the  tyrant 
JDionysius.     This  haughty  state  and  style  was  accompanied  by  a 

forresponding  contempt  for  all  men,  by  ears  contemptuously  deaf 
0  entreaty  and  an  insulting  tongue,  by  denial  of  access,  not 
pnly  to  strangers  but  also  to  his  guardians,  by  monstrous  lusts 
and  by  an  inhuman   cruelty.     Consequently   there   was   such 
Universal  terror   that  some   of  the  guardians   forestalled   the 
horrors  of  execution  by  suicide  or  flight.     Three  of  them,  who 
|ilone  could  enter  the  palace  with  some  familiarity,  Andranodorus 
i\nd  Zoippus,  Hiero's  sons-in-law,  and  a  certain  Thraso,  com- 
[nanded  indeed  not  much  attention  on  other  matters,  but,  as  the 
two  first  inchned  to  Carthage,  while  Thraso  was  for  alliance  with 
Rome,  they  now  and  then  by  their  quarrels  and  party-strife 
■ittracted  to  themselves  the  notice  of  the  young  prince.     Mean- 
vhile  a  conspiracy  directed  against  the  tyrant's  life  was  disclosed 
i)y  a  soldier's  servant,  a  lad  of  the  same  age  as  Hieronymus  and 
'ccustomed  from  boyhood  to  all  the  privileges  of  familiarity. 
The  informer   could  name  only  one   of  the   conspirators, 
heodotus,  by  whom  he  had  himself  been  solicited.     The  man 
as  instantly  arrested  and  delivered  up  to  Andranodorus  to  be 
irtured,  but  though  he  unhesitatingly  confessed  about  himself, 
e  was  silent  about  his  accomplices.     At  last,  when  torn  by 
very  torture  too  dreadful  for  human  endurance,  pretending 

agaim  t  hint. 

198  Livy. 

BOOK  XXIV.  that  he  was  conquered  by  his  sufferings,  he  aimed  his  disclosure 
not  at  the  really  guilty,  but  at  the  innocent,  falsely  asserting 
that  Thraso  was  the  author  of  the  plot,  and  that  they  never 
would  have  dared  such  an  attempt  but  for  their  reliance  on  so 
powerful  a  leader.  He  named,  too,  men  continually  at  the  tyrant's 
side,  men  who  occurred  to  him  as  the  cheapest  victims,  while 
amid  his  anguish  and  groans  he  was  concocting  his  story. 
Thraso's  name  rendered  the  disclosure  particularly  probable  to  , 
the  tyrant's  mind.  He  was  therefore  at  once  given  up  to 
punishment,  and  in  his  penalty  were  included  the  rest,  all  as 
innocent  as  he.  Of  his  accomplices  not  a  single  man  hid  him- 
self or  fled,  all  the  time  that  their  partner  in  the  plot  was  being 
tortured  ;  such  was  their  confidence  in  the  honour  and  fidelity  of 
Theodotus,  and  such  Theodotus'  own  resolution  in  keeping  his 

6.  The  sole  tie  of  friendship  with  Rome  was  gone  now 
that  Thraso  was  out  of  the  way,  and  there  was  at  once  a 
decided  tendency  to  revolt.  Envoys  were  despatched  to 
Hannibal,  and  he  sent  back  along  with  a  nobly-born  youth, 
Hannibal  by  name,  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes,  natives  of 
Carthage,  who  while  originally  descended  from  a  grandfather 
exiled  from  Syracuse,  were  on  the  mother's  side  Carthaginians. 

Alliance  between  Through  them  an  alliance  was  formed  between  Hannibal  and 
^d^HannJbal  ^^^  Syracusan  tyrant,  with  whom  they  stayed,  with  Hannibal's 
consent.  Appius  Claudius,  the  prastor,  who  had  the  province  of 
Sicily,  on  hearing  this,  at  once  sent  envoys  to  Hieronymus. 
The  envoys  said  they  came  to  renew  the  alliance  which  had 
existed  with  his  grandfather,  but  they  were  heard  and  dismissed 
with  ridicule,  Hieronymus  asking  them  in  jest,  how  they  had 
fared  in  the  battle  of  Cannae.  "  He  could  hardly  believe,"  he  i 
said,  "  the  story  of  Hannibal's  envoys,  and  he  wished  to  know  ' 
"  the  truth,  that  he  might  make  his  plans  accordingly,  as  to 
"  whose  prospects  he  should  attach  himself"  The  Romans 
told  him  that  they  would  come  back,  when  he  began  to  listen 
seriously  to  such  communications,  and  warning  rather  than 
begging  him  not  to  break  faith  with  them  lightly,  took  their 

Hieronymus  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Carthage  to  conclude 
a  treaty  based  on  his  alliance  with  Hannibal.     It  was  stipulated 




concludes  a 

treaty  iinth 


that,  when  they  had  driven  the  Romans  out  of  Sicily,  which  BOOK  XXIV. 

would  soon  be  accomplished  by  sending  a  fleet  and  an  army, 

the  river  Himera,  which  about  divides  the  island,  should  be  the 

boundary  between  the  Syracusan  and  Carthaginian  dominions. 

Hieronymus,  puffed  up  by  the  flatteries  of  the  people,  who  bade 

him  remember  not  only  Hiero,  but  likewise  king  Pyrrhus,  his 

maternal  grandfather,  soon  afterwards  sent  a  second  embassy, 

to  express  his  opinion  that  in  fairness  all  Sicily  ought  to  be 

ceded  to  him,  while  the  empire  of  Italy  might  be  claimed  as  a 

right  by  the  Carthaginians.   This  fickleness  and  boastful  temper 

in  a  headstrong  boy  excited  no  suspicion  and  called  forth  no 

censure  from  the  Carthaginians,  who  cared  only  to  detach  him 

from  the  Romans. 

7.     Everything,  however,  with  him  was  tending  to  a  swift 
destruction.     He  had  sent  forward  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes 
with  two  thousand  armed  men  each,  to  make  attempts  on  the 
towns  held  by  Roman  garrisons,  while  he  himself  with  the  rest 
of  his  army,  consisting  of  about  fifteen  thousand  infantry  and 
cavalry,  had  started  for  Leontini.    The  conspirators,  all  of  whom 
happened  to  be  soldiers,  took  possession  of  an  empty  house, 
overlooking  a  narrow  street  along  which  the  king  used  to  go  to 
the  forum.    There  all  but  one  man  stood  ready  armed,  awaiting 
his  passage,  and  to  that  man  (Dinomenes  was  his  name),  as 
he  was  in  the  body-guard,  was  assigned  the  part  of  detaining 
on  some  pretext  the  rear  of  the  procession,  the  moment  the 
king  approached  the  door  of  the  house.     All  was  done  as  had 
1  been  arranged.     Dinomenes,  pretending  to  disentangle  his  foot 
from  a  knot  fastened  round  it,  stopped  the  throng,  and  caused 
such  a  gap  in  it  that  the  king,  attacked  as  he  passed,  without 
I  any  armed  attendants,  was  stabbed  with  several  wounds  before 
i  succour  could  arrive.     Shouts  and  uproar  reached  the  ears  of 
I  the  others,  and  a  shower  of  darts  was  discharged  at  Dinomenes, 
j  who,  it  was  now  clearly  seen,  was  stopping  the  way.     Yet  he 
I  escaped  them  with  but  two  wounds.     The  flight  of  the  body- 
,  guard  followed  the  instant  they  saw  the  king  prostrate.     Some 
of  the  assassins  hurried  to  the  forum,  and  found  a  people  over- 
joyed at  their  freedom  ;  some  went  to  Syracuse,  to  forestall  the 
1  designs  of  Andranodorus  and  the  other  royal  ministers. 

In   this   critical   state   of  affairs^  Appius  Claudius,  seeing 

He  is 


200  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  war  starting  up  at  his  doors,  informed  the  Senate  by  letter 
that  Sicily  was  attaching  itself  to  the  Carthaginians  and  to 
Hannibal.  He  himself,  to  check  the  Syracusan  plans,  con- 
centrated all  his  garrison  forces  on  the  boundary-line  between 
the  Roman  province  and  the  king's  territory.  At  the  year' s 
close  Quintus  Fabius,  by  the  authority  of  the  Senate,  fortified 
«  Pozzuoli.  and  garrisoned  Puteoli,*  which  during  the  war  had  begun  to 
Election  of     be  used  largely  as  a  market.     Then  he  went  to  Rome  for  the 

consuls  at  Rome,  gjections,  of  which  he  gave  notice  by  proclamation  for  the  first 
election-day  he  could  fix.  He  went  straight  from  his  journey 
past  the  city  into  the  Campus  Martius.  That  day  the  first 
voting  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  junior  century  of  the  tribe  of  Anio, 
and  this  nominated  to  the  consulate  Titus  Ctacilius  and  Marcus 
^milius  Regillus.  Thereupon  Quintus  Fabius,  as  soon  as  there 
was  silence,  made  the  following  speech  : — 

speech  of  Fnbins        8.     "  If  we  had  peace  in  Italy,  or  war  with  an  enemy  who 

on  the  occasion,  a  allowed  somewhat  wide  room  for  carelessness,  he  who  should 
"  put  any  obstacle  in  the  way  of  your  partialities  when  you  go 
"  to  the  poll  to  confer  office  on  whom  you  choose,  would  in  my 
"  opinion  be  quite  unmindful  of  your  freedom.  When,  however, 
"  we  know  that  in  this  war,  with  this  enemy,  no  general  has  ever 
"  blundered  without  terrible  disaster  to  us,  you  ought  to  begin 
"  your  voting  for  the  election  of  consuls  with  as  much  care  as 
"  you  go  armed  to  the  battle-field.  Every  one  should  say  to 
"  himself:  '  I  nominate  a  consul  who  is  a  match  for  Hannibal.' 
"  This  year  at  Capua,  Vibellius  Taurea  of  Campania,  a  knight 
"  of  the  first  rank,  challenged  us,  and  he  was  met  by  a  Roman 
"  knight  of  the  first  rank,  Asellus  Claudius.  Against  a  Gaul 
t  Teverone.  "  who  in  old  days  challenged  us  on  the  bridge  over  the  Aniof  our 
"  fathers  sent  Titus  Manlius,  in  the  pride  of  his  strength  and 
"  courage.  It  was  for  the  same  reason,  not  many  years  after- 
"  wards,  I  must  maintain,  that  you  had  no  distrust  of  Marcus 
"  Valerius,  when  he  armed  himself  for  the  combat  against  a 
"  Gaul  who  challenged  us  in  like  fashion.  As  we  desire  to  have 
"  infantry  and  cavalry  superior  to  the  enemy,  or  at  least  his 
"  match,  so  let  us  look  out  a  commander-in-chief  who  is  a  match 
"  for  the  enemy's  general.  Even  when  we  have  chosen  the  first 
"  general  in  our  state,  a  man  hastily  selected  and  appointed 
"  for  a  year  will  be  pitted  against  a  veteran  officer  always  in 


"  command,  who  has  none  of  the  restraints  of  either  time  or  BOOK  XXIV. 
"  law  to  hinder  him  from  doing  and  directing  everything  just  as 
"  the  exigencies  of  war  require.     With  us,  on  the  other  hand, 
"  the  year  closes  in  the  midst  of  our  preparations,  and  when  we 
"  are  only  beginning  our  work. 

"  I  have  said  enough  to  show  what  sort  of  men  you  ought  to 
"  appoint  consuls.  It  remains  for  me  to  say  a  few  words  about 
"  those  in  whose  favour  the  first  vote  has  been  given  Marcus 
"  ^milius  Regillus  is  the  priest  of  Quirinus,  and  we  cannot  let 
"him  leave  his  sacred  duties  or  keep  him  at  home  without 
"  neglecting  either  what  is  due  to  the  gods  or  what  is  due  to  the 
"  war.  Otacilius  is  the  husband  of  my  sister's  daughter,  by 
"  whom  he  has  children.  Still,  what  you  have  done  for  me  and 
"  my  forefathers  is  such  that  I  must  hold  the  public  interest 
"  dearer  than  my  private  connections.  Any  sailor  or  passenger 
"  can  steer  a  ship  in  a  calm  sea,  but  when  a  furious  tempest  has 
"  burst  forth  and  the  ship  is  hurried  along  by  the  gale  through 
"  troubled  waters,  then  there  is  need  of  a  good  man  and  a  pilot. 
"  We  are  now  sailing  over  a  tranquil  sea,  but  have  already  been 
"  all  but  sunk  by  several  storms,  and  therefore  you  ought  with 
"  the  utmost  care  to  consider  and  take  thought,  who  is  to  sit  at 
"  the  helm. 

"  We  have  tried  you,  Otacilius,  in  a  comparatively  small 

"  matter.     You  have  certainly  given  us  no  proof  why  we  should 

"  trust  you   in    a    greater.      This   year   we   equipped  a   fleet 

"  which  you  commanded,  with  three  objects.     It  was  to  ravage 

"  the  coast  of  Africa ;  to  protect  for  us  the  shores  of  Italy ; 

"  above  all,  it  was  to  hinder  the  transport  of  reinforcements  with 

"  money  and  supplies  for  Hannibal.   Appoint  Otacilius  consul,  if 

"  he  has  rendered,  I  do  not  say  all,  but  some  one  of  these  services 

"  to  his  country.     If,  while  you  commanded  the  fleet,  any  help 

i  "  from  home  reached  Hannibal  safe  and  entire,  just  as  if  there 

I  "  was  peace  at  sea  ;  if,  again,  the  coast  of  Italy  has  been  this 

1 "  year  more  dangerous  than  that  of  Africa,  what  can  you  say  for 

I  "  pitting  you,  above  all  men,  as  our  general,  against  Hannibal? 

1"  If  you  were  consul,  we  should  think  it  necessary  to  nominate 

j "  a  dictator  after  the  example  of  our  fathers.     Nor  could  you 

j"  feel  angry  at  some  one  of  our  Roman  citizens  being  esteemed 

i  I"  superior  in  war  to  yourself.     It  is  no  man's  interest  more  than 

202  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  "  your  own,  Otacilius,  that  a  burden  should  not  be  laid  on  your 
"  shoulders  which  would  crush  you.  I  most  decidedly  advise 
*'  you,  fellow  citizens,  that  in  the  very  same  spirit  in  which,  were 
"  you  standing  armed  for  battle,  you  would  choose  two  com- 
"manders,  under  whose  leadership  and  guidance  you  would 
"  wish  to  fight,  so  you  should  choose  your  consuls  to-day  ;  men 
"  to  whom  your  children  are  to  swear  the  oath,  at  whose 
"  bidding  they  are  to  muster,  under  whose  eye  and  direction 
"  they  are  to  serve.  The  lake  of  Trasumennus  and  the  field  of 
"  Cannas  are  melancholy  examples  to  recall,  but  they  are  also 
"a  salutary  warning  to  beware  of  like  disaster.  Herald, 
"  summon  back  to  the  poll  the  juniors  of  the  tribe  of  Anio." 
Fabius  9.  As  Titus  Otacilius  meanwhile  kept  furiously  exclaiming  and 

Marcehiis  roaring  out  at  Fabius  that  he  wanted  his  consulship  prolonged, 
^"consulf  ^^^  consul  ordered  the  lictors  to  step  up  to  him.  Having  gone 
straight  from  his  journey  to  the  Campus  Martius,  he  had  not 
entered  the  city,  and  so  he  reminded  Otacilius  that  the  rods  and 
axes  were  still  carried  before  him.  Again  the  first  century  went 
to  the  poll,  and  bestowed  the  consulship  on  Quintus  Fabius  Maxi- 
mus  for  the  fourth  and  on  Marcus  Marcellus  for  the  third  time. 
The  rest  of  the  centuries,  without  a  difference,  nominated  the 
same  men.  One  praetor  too  was  re-elected,  Quintus  Fulvius 
Flaccus.  Among  the  others  were  appointed  Titus  Otacilius 
Crassus  for  the  second  time,  Quintus  Fabius,  the  consul's  son, 
at  the  time  curule  aedile,  and  Publius  Cornelius  Lentulus.  As 
soon  as  the  elections  for  praetors  were  over,  the  Senate  passed  a 
resolution  assigning  the  city  jurisdiction  with  extraordinary 
powers  to  Quintus  Fulvius,  and  he  was  specially  to  have  the  con- 
trol of  the  capitol,  when  the  consuls  had  gone  to  the  war.  There 
were  great  floods  twice  that  year,  and  the  Tiber  overflowed  the 
district  with  a  terrible  ruin  of  houses  and  destruction  both  of 
cattle  and  human  beings. 

It  was  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  Second  Punic  war  that  Quintus 
Fabius  Maximus  for  the  fourth  and  Marcus  Marcellus  for  the 
third  time  entered  on  the  consulship,  attracting  to  themselves  in 
an  unusual  degree  the  sympathies  of  the  citizens.  For  many 
years  there  had  not  been  such  a  pair  of  consuls.  Old  men: 
recalled  how  in  like  manner  Maximus  Rullus  and  Publius 
Decius  had  been  nominated  consuls  for  the  war  with  the  Gauls, 

B.C.  214. 



of  the  Romans. 

and  subsequently  Papirius  and  Carvilius,  to  oppose  the  Sam-  book  xxiv 
nites  and  Bruttians  with  the  peoples  of  Lucania  and  Tarentum. 
Marcellus,  being  with  the  army,  was  appointed  consul  in  his 
absence ;  Fabius,  who  was  present,  and  himself  holding  the 
elections,  had  his  consulship  prolonged.  The  crisis  and  the 
exigencies  of  war,  involving  peril  to  the  State's  existence, 
rendered  it  impossible  for  any  one  to  criticise  the  precedent, 
or  to  suspect  the  consul  of  ambition.  Indeed,  they  rather 
praised  hts  magnanimity  ;  for  knowing,  as  he  did,  that  the 
State  needed  a  supremely  able  commander,  and  that  he  was 
unquestionably  such  himself,  he  thought  less  of  any  personal 
unpopularity  which  might  arise  out  of  his  election  than  of  the 
interests  of  the  country. 

10.     On  the  day  on  which  the  consuls  entered  on  office  the 

Senate  was  convoked  in  the  Capitol.    First  of  all  it  was  decided 

that  the  consuls  were  to  determine  by  lot  or  by  arrangement 

between  themselves,  previous  to  their  departure  for  the  army, 

which  of  them  should  hold  the  elections  for  the  appointment 

of  censors.     All  who  were  with  the  troops  had  their  commands 

prolonged,  and  orders  to  remain  in  their  respective  provinces 

were  given  to  Tiberius  Gracchus  in  Luceria,  where  he  was  with 

an  army  of  volunteer  slaves,  to  Terentius  Varro  in  Picenum, 

and  to  Manlius  Pomponius  in  the  country  of  the  Gauls.    Among 

the  praetors  of  the  past  year  Quintus  Mucins  was  to  have,  as 

pro-pra£tor,  the  province  of  Sardinia,  and  Marcus  Valerius  was 

'  to  be  near  Brundisium  to  have  charge  of  the  coast  and  keep  a 

j  vigilant  eye  on  all  the  movements  of  Philip,  king  of  Macedon. 

1  To  Publius  Cornelius  Lentulus,  as  praetor,  Sicily  was  assigned 

i  as  his  province,  and  to  Titus  Otacilius  the  fleet,  which  he  had 

I  commanded  in  the  previous  year  against  the  Carthaginians. 

\       Several  portents  were  announced  that  year.     The  more  they 

were  believed  by  simple-minded  and  pious  people,  the  more 

inumerous  were  the  reports  of  them.     At  Lanuvium,  within  the 

Itemple  of  Juno  Sospita,  crows,  it  was  said,  had  built  a  nest  ; 

tin  Apulia  a  palm  with  green  leaves  had  caught  fire  ;  at  Mantua 

lin  overflow  of  the  waters  of  the  river  Mincius*  had  had  the 

ippearance  of  blood  ;  at  Cales  it  had  rained  chalk,  and  at  Rome 

alood  in  the  cattle-market ;  in  the  Insteian  quarter  an  under- 

jn'ound  spring  had  burst  forth  with  such  a  gush  of  water  that 






*  Castiglione. 
t  Palestrlna. 

t  Spolelo. 

Disposition  of 

the  Roman 


The  fleet 

some  jars  and  casks  on  the  spot  were  overturned  and  swept 
away,  as  it  were  by  the  force  of  a  torrent ;  lightning  had  struck 
a  public  hall  on  the  Capitol,  a  temple  in  Vulcan's  field,  a 
walnut  tree  and  a  public  road  in  the  Sabine  country,  as  well 
as  the  city  wall  and  a  gate  at  Gabii.*  Soon  there  was  talk  of 
other  miraculous  occurrences.  The  spear  of  Mars  at  Praeneste  f 
had  moved  of  its  own  accord ;  an  ox  in  Sicily  had  spoken  ; 
a  child  in  its  mother's  womb  in  the  Marrucine  country  had 
shouted  "Ho,  triumph";  a  woman  at  SpoletumJ  had  been 
turned  into  a  man ;  an  altar  had  been  seen  in  the  sky  at  Hadria, 
with  forms  of  men  round  it  in  white  apparel.  And  even  at 
Rome  itself,  within  the  city,  a  swarm  of  bees  had  been  seen  in 
the  forum,  and  immediately  afterwards,  some  persons  declaring 
that  they  beheld  armed  legions  on  the  Janiculum,  roused  the 
citizens  to  arms.  Those  who  were  on  the  Janiculum  at  the 
time  declared  that  no  one  had  been  seen  there  except  the 
ordinary  inhabitants  of  the  hill.  For  these  portents  expiation 
was  made  with  victims  of  the  larger  kind  by  direction  of  the 
diviners,  and  a  day  of  public  prayer  was  appointed  to  all  the 
gods  who  had  shrines  at  Rome. 

II.  Having  done  all  that  was  proper  to  make  peace  with 
heaven,  the  consuls  took  the  Senate's  opinion  on  the  public 
policy,  the  conduct  of  the  war,  the  required  amount,  and  the 
disposal  of  the  military  forces.  It  was  decided  to  carry  on  the 
war  with  eighteen  legions.  Each  consul  was  to  have  two  for 
himself.  Gaul,  Sicily,  and  Sardinia  were  to  be  held  each  with 
two  legions  ;  Quintus  Fabius  the  praetor  was  to  have  two  for 
the  charge  of  Apulia,  and  Tiberius  Gracchus  two  of  volunteer 
slaves  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Luceria.  One  was  to  be  left  for 
Caius  Terentius,  the  pro-consul,  in  Picenum,  one  for  Marcus 
Valerius  with  the  fleet  near  Brundisium,  and  two  were  to 
garrison  Rome.  To  make  up  the  full  number  it  was  necessary 
to  levy  six  new  legions.  These  the  consuls  were  directed  to 
raise  at  the  earliest  opportunity,  as  well  as  to  equip  a  fleet,  so 
that  with  the  ships  stationed  off  the  coast  of  Calabria  the  fleet 
that  year  would  be  made  up  to  a  hundred  and  fifty  war  ships. 

The  troops  levied,  and  a  hundred  new  vessels  launched, 
Quintus  Fabius  held  elections  for  the  appointment  of  censors. 
Marcus    Atilius    Regulus    and   Publius    Furius    Philus    were 



/jimisfied  <it 
private  cost. 

appointed.     As  rumours  of  the  war  in  Sicily  gained  ground,  BOOK  XXIV 

Titus  Otacilius  received  orders  to  proceed  thither  with  his  fleet. 

Sailors  were  wanting,  and  so  the  consuls,  by  direction  of  a 

resolution  of  the  Senate,  issued  an  edict  to  the  effect  that  all 

persons  who  themselves  or  whose  fathers  in  the  censorship  of 

Lucius  Emilias  and  Caius  Flaminius  had  been  assessed  from 

five  thousand  to  ten  thousand  denarii,  or  whose  property  had 

subsequently  reached  that  amount,  should  furnish  one  sailor, 

with  six  months'  pay ;  those  whose  assessment  was  from  ten 

thousand  to  thirty  thousand  denarii,  three  sailors,  with  a  year's 

pay  ;  those  above  thirty  thousand  up  to  a  hundred  thousand, 

five  sailors ;    those  above  a  hundred  thousand,  seven  sailors. 

Senators  were  to  furnish  eight,  with  a  year's  pay.     Sailors  were 

supplied  in  accordance  with  this  edict ;  they  were  armed  and 

equipped  by  their  masters,  and  embarked  with  ready-cooked 

rations  for  thirty  days.     This  was  the  first  occasion  on  which 

a  Roman  fleet  was  manned  with  seamen  furnished  at  private 

cost.  ^ 

12.     These  unusually  great  preparations  especially  alarmed 

the  people  of  Campania,  who  feared  that  the  Romans  would 

begin  the  year's  campaign  with  the  siege  of  Capua.     So  they 

sent  envoys  to  Hannibal,  imploring  him  to  advance  with  his 

army  to  Capua,  as  new  armies  were  being  levied  at  Rome  to 

attack  the  city,  no  other  defection  having  so  greatly  provoked 

the  wrath  of  the  Romans.     With  such  agitation  did  they  report 

the  news  that  Hannibal,  assured  that  he  must  be  prompt  or 

the  Romans  would  forestall  him,  quitted  Arpi  and  established 

I  himself  in  his  old  camp  at  Tifata,  overlooking  Capua.     From 

I  Tifata,  where  he  left  some  Numidian  and  Spanish  troops  as  a 

I  defence  both  for  his  camp  and  for  Capua,  he  marched  with  the 

I  rest  of  his  army  to  lake  Avernus,  on  the  pretext  of  offering 

1  sacrifice,  but  really  to  make  an  attempt  on  Puteoli*  and  its 

:  garrison.    Fabius,  on  being  informed  that  Hannibal  had  moved 

I  from  Arpi  and  was  going  back  into  Campania,  marched  night 

1  and  day  without  intermission,  and  returned  to  his  army.     He 

also  directed  Tiberius  Gracchus  to  bring  up  his  forces  from 

Luceria,  and  Ouintus  Fabius,  the  prastor,  the  consul's  son,  to 

take  the  place  of  Gracchus  in  those  parts.   At  the  same  time  two 

jPrastors  started  for  Sicily,  Publius  Cornelius  to  command  the 

Terror  of  the 




BOOK  XXIV.  army,  and  Otacilius  to  have  charge  of  the  coast  and  of  the 
marine.  The  other  praetors  went  to  their  respective  provinces. 
Those  whose  term  of  office  had  been  extended,  were  appointed 
to  the  same  countries  as  in  the  past  year. 

13.  While  Hannibal  was  at  lake  Avernus,  five  young  nobles 
from  Tarentum  came  to  him.  They  had  been  taken  prisoners, 
some  at  lake  Trasumennus,  the  others  at  Cannas,  and  had  been 
sent  to  their  homes  with  the  courteous  treatment  which  the 
Carthaginians  had  uniformly  shown  to  all  the  Roman  allies. 
They  told  Hannibal  that  out  of  gratitude  for  his  kindness  they 
had  prevailed  on  a  majority  of  the  young  men  of  Tarentum  to 
prefer  his  friendship  and  alliance  to  that  of  Rome.  As  envoys 
sent  by  their  fellow  townsmen  they  begged  Hannibal  to  march 
his  army  closer  to  Tarentum.  "  Only  let  his  banners  and  his 
"  camp  be  seen  from  Tarentum,  and  the  city  would  come  over 
"  to  him  without  a  moment's  delay.  The  commons  were  under 
"  the  control  of  the  younger  men,  and  the  government  was  in 
"  the  hands  of  the  commons."  Hannibal  praised  them  warmly, 
loaded  them  with  splendid  gifts,  and  bade  them  return  home 
and  mature  their  plans.  He  would  be  with  them  himself  ,at 
the  right  moment.  With  this  assurance  he  dismissed  the 
Tarentine  envoys. 

Meanwhile  he  was  himself  full  of  eagerness  to  secure  Taren- 
tum. It  was,  he  saw,  a  rich  and  noble  city,  situated  too  on 
the  coast,  and  most  conveniently  for  Macedonia.  King  Philip 
would  make  for  this  port,  were  he  to  cross  into  Italy,  as  the 
Romans  held  Brindisium.  So,  having  finished  the  sacrifice 
he  had  come  to  offer,  and  ravaged  during  his  stay  the  country 
round  Cumae  as  far  as  the  promontory  of  Misenum,  he  suddenly 
moved  his  army  towards  Puteoli,  to  surprise  the  Roman  gar- 
rison. It  consisted  of  six  thousand  men,  and  the  place  was 
defended  by  fortifications,  as  well  as  naturally  strong.  Here  the 
Carthaginian  lingered  three  days.  He  attempted  every  part  of 
the  fortress  without  any  success,  and  then,  more  out  of  rage 
than  with  any  hope  of  becoming  master  of  the  city,  marched 
to  plunder  the  district  round  Naples.  His  arrival  in  a  country 
bordering  on  their  own  stirred  the  populace  of  Nola,  who  had 
long  disliked  the  Romans  and  been  at  feud  with  the  senate  of 
their  state.   Envoys  accordingly  came  to  invite  Hannibal  with  a 


confident  promise  of  the  surrender  of  the  town.  Their  design  BOOK  XXIV. 
was  anticipated  by  Marcellus,  who  was  summoned  by  the  prin- 
cipal citizens.  In  one  day  he  reached  Suessula  from  Cales, 
although  the  river  Vulturnus  had  delayed  his  passage.  On  the 
following  night  he  threw  into  Nola  six  thousand  infantry  and 
three  hundred  cavalry  as  a  protection  to  the  senate.  While  the 
consul  was  doing  everything  with  promptness  to  secure  the 
place  against  attack,  Hannibal  was  frittering  away  his  time  ;  as 
he  had  twice  already  made  the  same  attempt  without  success,  it 
became  rather  slow  to  put  faith  in  the  people  of  Nola. 

14.  The  consul,  Quintus  Fabius,  about  this  same  time  Hannoand 
marched  to  attack  Casilinum,  which  was  held  by  a  Carthaginian  Beneventum. 
garrison,  while,  almost  as  if  by  mutual  arrangement,  Hanno  on 
one  side  advanced  from  Bruttium  with  a  large  force  of  infantry 
and  cavalry  on  Beneventum,  and  Gracchus  on  the  other  side 
approached  the  place  from  Luceria.  He  was  the  first  to  enter 
the  town.  Soon  afterwards,  hearing  that  Hanno  had  encamped 
about  three  miles  from  it  by  the  river  Caloris,  and  was  ravaging 
the  country,  he  too  quitted  the  walls  and  took  up  a  position 
about  a  mile  from  the  enemy.  There  he  harangued  his  troops. 
His  legions  were  to  a  great  extent  made  up  of  volunteer  slaves, 
who  preferred  silently  earning  their  freedom  by  another  year's 
service  to  demanding  it  publicly.  Yet,  as  he  left  his  winter 
quarters,  he  had  heard  murmurs  among  the  soldiers  on  their 
march,  who  asked  whether  they  were  never  to  serve  as  free 
men.  He  had  told  the  Senate  by  letter  that  the  question  was 
not  so  much  what  the  men  wanted  as  what  they  had  deserved, 
adding  that  up  to  that  day  he  had  had  from  them  good 
and  brave  services,  and  that  all  they  wanted  to  complete  their 
resemblance  to  a  regular  soldier  was  their  freedom.  Leave  Gracchus' s  offer 
j  was  given  him  to  do  in  the  matter  whatever  he  thought  was  for  *" slaves  t^"hir 
the  state's  interest.  Accordingly,  before  he  engaged  the  enemy,  army. 
I  he  publicly  gave  out  that  "  the  long-hoped-for  opportunity  of 
1"  winning  their  freedom  had  arrived.  Next  day  he  would  fight 
"  a  pitched  battle  in  the  clear,  open  plain,  where,  without  any  fear 
"  of  ambuscades,  matters  could  be  decided  by  genuine  valour. 
("  Whoever  brought  back  the  head  of  an  enemy,  should  at  once 
1"  by  his  order  be  a  free  man  ;  but  any  one  who  quitted  his  post 
1"  should  suffer  the  death  of  a  slave.     Every  man's  fortune  was       - 

2o8  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  "  in  his  own  hand  ;  their  freedom  would  be  guaranteed,  not  by 
"himself  only,  but  by  the  consul,  Marcus  Marcellus,  and  the 
"  entire  Senate,  whom  he  had  consulted  respecting  it,  and  who 
.  "  had  allowed  him  to  decide." 

Gracchus  then  read  out  to  them  the  consul's  despatch  and 
the  Senate's  resolution.  Thereupon  they  raised  a  shout  of 
hearty  approval,  clamouring  for  battle,  and  furiously  insisting 
that  he  should  forthwith  give  the  signal.  Gracchus,  having 
given  out  that  he  would  fight  next  day,  dismissed  the  assembly. 
The  men  were  overjoyed,  those  especially  who  were  to  have 
their  freedom  as  the  reward  of  one  day's  good  service,  and 
spent  their  remaining  time  in  getting  their  arms  in  readiness. 
Sharp  IS-     Next  day,  as  soon  as  the  signals  began  to  sound,  they 

engagement,  ^gj-e  the  very  first  to  assemble,  prepared  and  armed,  at  the  gene- 
ral's tent.  With  sunrise  Gracchus  led  out  his  army  to  battle. 
The  enemy  too  showed  no  hesitation  about  fighting.  He  had 
seventeen  thousand  infantry,  chiefly  Bruttians  and  Lucanians, 
and  twelve  hundred  cavalry,  a  very  few  of  whom  were  Italians, 
the  rest  being  almost  all  Numidians  and  Moors.  The  fight  was 
both  fierce  and  long,  and  for  four  hours  hung  in  suspense.  To 
the  Romans  nothing  was  a  worse  hindrance  than  the  enemy's 
heads,  offered  as  a  price  of  freedom.  The  moment  a  soldier 
had  promptly  slain  his  foe,  he  first  wasted  his  time  in  labouring 
to  cut  off  the  head  amid  the  crowd  and  confusion  ;  then,  as  his 
right  hand  was  occupied  in  holding  the  head,  he  ceased,  however 
brave  a  man,  to  be  a  fighter,  and  so  the  battle  was  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  slow  and  timid.  Gracchus,  on  being  told  by  the 
officers  that  not  a  man  of  the  enemy  was  now  being  wounded 
where  he  stood,  but  only  those  who  had  fallen  were  being  be- 
headed, and  that  the  soldiers  carried  heads  in  their  right  hands 
instead  of  swords,  at  once  had  the  order  given  that  they  were  to 
fling  away  the  heads  and  rush  on  the  enemy.  "  Their  valour," 
he  said,  "  was  sufficiently  clear  and  conspicuous,  and  freedom 
"would  be  a  certainty  to  such  brave  men."  The  battle  was 
then  renewed,  and  the  cavalry  too  charged  the  enemy.  The^ 
Numidians  promptly  met  them,  and,  as  the  fight  of  the  cavalr 
was  now  as  fierce  as  that  of  the  infantry,  the  result  again  beJ 
came  doubtful.  The  generals  on  either  side  heaped  reproachesil 
on  their  foe,  the  Roman  taunting  the  Bruttians  and  Lucaniansjl 


with  having  been   repeatedly   beaten   and   conquered  by  his  book  xxiv. 
ancestors,  while  the  Carthaginian  talked  of  Roman  slaves  and 
soldiers  fresh  from  a  slave's  prison,  till  at  last  Gracchus  gave 
out  that  they  must  not  hope  for  freedom,  unless  on  that  very  day 
the  enemy  were  routed  and  put  to  flight. 

16.     At  these  words  their  hearts  were  finally  roused,  and 
again  raising  a  shout,  like  different  men,  they  threw  themselves 
with  such  force  on  the  enemy  that  further  resistance  was  impos- 
sible.    First  the  Carthaginian  troops  before  the  standards,  then 
the  soldiers  immediately  round  them,  fell  into  disorder,  and  at 
last  their  whole  army  was  broken.     Then  there  was  unmistak- 
able flight,  and  a  rush  of  fugitives  into  the  camp,  in  such  panic 
and  confusion  that  even  at  the  camp-gates  and  intrenchments 
not  a  man  stood  his  ground,  and  the  Romans,  who  pursued 
in  almost  unbroken  order,  began  another  fresh  battle  within 
the  enemy's  lines.     As  the  fighting  was  confined  to  a  narrow 
I  space,  the    slaughter    was    all    the    more    dreadful.      It  was 
I  helped  on,  too,  by  some  prisoners  who,  snatching  up  swords 
jamid  the  confusion  and  forming  themselves  into  a  body,  cut     Defeat  0/ the 
I  down  the  Carthaginians  in  the  rear  and  hindered  their  flight.  Carthaginiatts. 
jThus,  out  of   so    numerous   an   army,   barely   two    thousand 
men,  chiefly  cavalry,  escaped  with  their  commander;  all  the 
-rest  were    slain    or    captured.      Thirty-eight    standards   were 
ubIso  taken. 

U      Of  the  victors  about  two  thousand  fell.     All  the  spoil,  except 
\  :he  prisoners,  was  given  to  the  soldiers,  any  cattle  being  also 
J  reserved  which  was  recognised  by  the  owners  within  thirty  days. 
A^hen  they  had  returned  to  the  camp,  laden  with  booty,  about 
bur  thousand  of  the  volunteer  slaves,  who  had  fought  rather 
eebly,  and  had  not  broken  into  the  enemy' s  lines  with  their 
comrades,  fearing  punishment,  posted  themselves  on  a  hill  not 
ir  from  the  camp.     Next  day  they  were  marched  down  by 
heir  officers,  and  came,  the  last  of  all,  to  a  gathering  of  the 
icii,  which    Gracchus  had   summoned.     The   pro-consul   first 
"•;irded  with  military  gifts  the  old  soldiers  according  to  their  ^ 
pcctive  courage  and  good  service  in  the  late  action;  then,  as  Gracchus pves 
:j,arded  the  volunteer-slaves,  he  said  that  he  wished  to  praise      'slave"'tK-Tr 
1,  worthy   and   unworthy  alike,   rather   than  on  that  day  to       fretdoiH. 
mish  a  single  man.     "  I  bid  you  all  be  free,"  he  added,  "  and  \ 

P  \ 


BOOK  XXIV.  "  may  this  be  for  the  good,  the  prosperity  and  the  happiness  of 
"  the  State,  as  well  as  of  yourselves." 

A  shout  of  intense  and  eager  joy  was  raised  at  these  words, 
while  the  men  one  moment  embraced  and  congratulated  each 
other,  and  the  next  lifted  their  hands  to  heaven  with  a  prayer 
for  every  blessing  on  the  Roman  people  and  on  Gracchus  him- 
self. Gracchus  then  replied  :  "  Before  placing  you  all  on  the 
"  equal  footing  of  freedom,  I  was  unwilling  to  distinguish  any  of 
"  you  as  brave  or  as  cowardly  soldiers.  Now  as  the  State's  promise 
"  has  been  already  fulfilled,  that  all  distinction  between  courage 
"  and  cowardice  may  not  be  obliterated,  I  require  you  to  give  in 
"  to  me  the  names  of  the  men  who,  remembering  that  they  had 
"  shrunk  from  the  conflict,  so  lately  seceded  from  us.  I  will  call 
"  them  one  by  one  and  bind  them  by  an  oath,  that,  those  only 
"  excepted  who  shall  have  the  excuse  of  illness,  so  long  as  they 
"  serve  in  war,  they  will  take  their  meat  and  drink  standing,  and 
"  no  otherwise.  This  penalty  you  will  bear  with  resignation. 
"  if  you  reflect  that  yoii  could  not  possibly  have  been  branded 
*'  with  any  lighter  mark  for  cowardice." 

He  then  gave  them  orders  to  gather  up  the  camp  furniture. 
The  soldiers  carrying  or  driving  their  spoil  with  mirth  and  jest- 
came  again  to  Beneventum,  so  full  of  frolic  that  they  seemed  tc 
be  returning  from  a  banquet  or  some  great  festival  rather  th 
from  a  battle-field.     All  the  people  of  Beneventum  poured  out 
a  crowd  and  met  them  at  the  gates,  embracing  and  congrati 
lating  the  men  and  offering  them  hospitality.     Every  citizen  h; 
prepared  a  feast  in  the  open  court  of  his  house ;  to  this 
invited  the  soldiers  and  implored  Gracchus  to  allow  them 
feast.     Gracchus  gave  permission,  on   the  understanding  ihi 
they  all  feasted  in  public,  every  man  at  his  own  doors.    A 
things   necessary   were   brought   forth.      Wearing  the   cap 
liberty  or  with  heads  wreathed  with  white  wool,  the  volunteej 
slaves  feasted,  some  reclining,  others  standing  and  serving  an 
eating  at  the   same   time.     It   seemed   a  worthy  occasion  fo 
Gracchus  to  order,  as  he  did  on  his  return  to  Rome,  a  picture  c 
that   celebrated   day  to  be  painted  in  the  temple  of  Libert) 
which  his  father  had  had  built  on  the  Aventine  out  of  mone 
from  state  fines  and  had  then  dedicated. 

17.     During  these  proceedings  at  Beneventum,  Hanniba 


after  ravaging  the   whole  country  round   Naples,  moved   his  book  xxiv. 
camp  to  Nola.     As  soon  as  the  consul  knew  of  his  approach,  he     Hannibal  at 
sent  for  Pomponius,  the  pro-praetor,  with  the  army  which  was  in         ■^'"^'*' 
camp  overlooking  Suessula,*  and  prepared  to  meet  the  foe  and  to       *  Sessola. 
fight  without  any  delay.     In  the  silence  of  night,  through  the 
gate  that  was  furthest  from  the  enemy,  he  sent  out  Caius  Claudius 
Nero  with  the  main  strength  of  the  cavalry.     Nero  had  orders  to      Marcdlus 
ride  stealthily  round  the  enemy's  army  and  follow  them  up  him. 

slowly,  and  throw  himself  on  their  rear,  as  soon  as  he  saw  the 
battle  begun.  This  he  failed  to  accomplish,  whether  from 
mistaking  the  way  or  from  want  of  time  is  uncertain.  The 
action  began  in  his  absence,  and  though  the  Romans  had  unques- 
tionably the  advantage,  yet,  as  the  cavalry  did  not  show  them- 
selves at  the  right  moment,  the  arrangements  for  the  day  were 
disturbed.  Marcellus  dared  not  pursue  his  foe  as  he  retired, 
and  gave  the  signal  for  retreat.  But  more  than  ten  thousand  of  Roman  victory. 
the  enemy  are  said  to  have  been  slain  that  day  ;  of  the  Romans 
less  than  four  hundred.  Towards  sunset  Nero,  with  horses  and 
men  wearied  by  a  useless  march  of  a  day  and  a  night,  without 
so  much  as  having  seen  the  enemy,  began  to  return,  and  very 
heavily  was  he  censured  by  the  consul,  who  declared  that  it  was 
through  him  that  they  had  not  repaid  the  foe  for  the  defeat  of 
Cannae.  Next  day  the  Romans  marched  out  to  battle,  while  the 
Carthaginians,  thus  silently  confessing  their  own  defeat,  kept 
themselves  within  their  camp.  The  third  day  Hannibal,  who 
[  had  now  relinquished  all  hope  of  possessing  himself  of  Nola, 
;  an  attempt  in  which  he  had  never  been  successful,  started  in  the  Hannibal 
I  silence  of  night  for  Tarentum,  where  he  saw  a  better  prospect  ^iprches  on 
of  a  treacherous  surrender. 

18.    The  Romans  conducted  their  affairs  at  home  with  quite   Severity  0/  the 

as  much  spirit  as  in  the  camp.     The  censors,  who  from  the        censors., 

ipoverty  of  the  exchequer  were  entirely  free  from  all  business 

jconnected  with  building  contracts,  turned   their   attention   to 

(controlling  morals  and  punishing  the  evil  ways  which  had  arisen 

!3ut  of  war,  just  as  various  ills  are  naturally  developed  in  the 

jody  by  long  disease.     First  they  summoned  all  who  were  said 

0  have  deserted  the  State  after  the  battle  of  Cannae,  and  to  have 

vished  to  leave  Italy.      Of  these  the  chief,  Lucius   Cascilius 

\Ietellus,  happened  then  to  be  quaestor.     He  and  the  others 

P  2 

212  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  charged  with  the  same  offence  were  ordered  to  take  their  trial, 
and  as  they  could  not  clear  themselves,  sentence  was  pro- 
nounced that  they  had  held  language  and  made  speeches  to  the 
injury  of  the  State,  with  the  object  of  organising  a  conspiracy 
for  the  abandonment  of  Italy.  Next  were  summoned  the 
ingenious  persons  who  sought  to  explain  away  an  oath,  all  the 
prisoners  who  thought  that  by  stealthily  stealing  back  into  Han- 
nibal's camp  they  had  redeemed  their  sworn  promise  to  return. 

Many  citizens  ]  As  many  of  these  and  of  those  before-mentioned  as  had  a  horse 

isjmnc  zse  .    ^^  ^^^  State's  expense  were  deprived  of  it.     They  were  also 

expelled  from  their  tribe  and  were  all  disfranchised. 

The  attention  of  the  censors  was  not,  however,  confined  to 
the  regulation  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  Knights.  They  erased 
from  the  list  of  the  "juniors"  the  names  of  all  who  had  not 
completed  four  years'  service,  unless  they  had  had  proper  dis-j 
charge  on  the  excuse  of  illness.  Moi-e  than  two  thousand  of 
such  names  were  included  among  the  disfranchised,  and  all 
were  expelled  from  their  tribes.  To  this  cruelly  severe  action] 
of  the  censor's  was  added  a  harsh  resolution  of  the  Senate.} 
All  whom  the  censors  had  degraded,  were  to  serve  on  foot  .and(| 
be  sent  to  Sicily  with  what  remained  of  the  army  at  Cannae  | 
This  class  of  soldiers  was  not  to  finish  its  term  of  service  till  thf^ 
enemy  had  been  driven  out  of  Italy. 

Although  the  censors  from  the  poverty  of  the  exchequd 
still  held  aloof  from  all  contracts  for  the  repair  of  sacr^ 
buildings,  for  the  furnishing  horses  for  the  state  carriages 
similar  things,  persons  used  to  the  taking  of  such  public  co^ 
tracts  flocked  to  them  in  numbers.  They  earnestly  implore 
the  censors  to  transact  business  and  to  give  out  contracts  just ; 
if  there  had  been  money  in  the  exchequer.  No  one,  they  sai^ 
would  make  a  claim  on  the  exchequer  till  the  war  was  ove^ 
Next  came  the  owners  of  the  slaves  whom  Tiberius  Sempronii 
had  manumitted  at  Beneventum.  They  said  that  they  had  ha 
notice  from  the  three  public  bank  directors  that  they  were  tj 
receive  the  value  of  their  slaves,  but  that  they  would  not  taki 

LiSiraiiiyof    the  money  till  the  war  was  at  an.  end.     There  being  this  zealoul 
privcite  citizens,  disposition  On  the  part  of  the  commons  to  relieve  the  necessitiel 
of  the  exchequer,  the  money  first  of  wards  and  then  of  widowj 
also  began  to  be  deposited,  and  those  who  paid  in  this  mor 


assured  that  they  could  not  trust  it  more  safely  or  more  piously  book  xxiv. 
than  to  the  good  faith  of  the  State.  Whatever  was  bought  or 
provided  out  of  it  for  the  wards  or  widows,  was  paid  for  by  a 
note  of  credit  from  the  quaestor.  This  generous  spirit  among 
private  citizens  spread  from  the  city  to  the  camp  ;  not  a  horse- 
soldier,  not  a  centurion  would  accept  pay,  and  any  man  who 
took  it,  they  tauntingly  called  a  mercenary. 

19.     The  consul  Quintus  Fabius  had  his  camp  at  Casilinum.  FaMus  besieges 

The  place  -was  held  by  a  garrison  of  two  thousand  Campanians 

and  seven  hundred  of  Hannibal' s  soldiers,  under  the  command 

of  Statius  Metius,  sent  thither  by  Cneius  Magius  Atellanus,  who 

that  year  was  supreme  magistrate,  and  who  had  been  arming 

the  slaves  and  populace  indiscriminately,  intending  to  attack  the 

Roman    camp    while    the    consul  was  intent  on  the  siege   of 

j  Casilinum.     Nothing  of  all  this  escaped  P'abius.     He  therefore 

I  sent  to  his  colleague  at  Nola,  saying  that,  while  he  was  be- 

1  sieging  Casilinum,  there  must  be  another  army  to  oppose  the 

I  Campanians  ;  either  he  should  come  himself,  leaving  a  moderate 

force  at   Nola,  or  if  he  were  detained  at  Nola  and  still  felt 

1  uneasy  about  Hannibal's  movements,  he  would  himself  summon 

to  his  aid  the  pro-consul  Tiberius  Gracchus  from  Beneventum. 

!       Marcellus,  on   receiving   this   message,   left  two   thousand      Marcelius 

jtroops  in  garrison  at  Nola,  and  marched  with  the  rest  of  his  *'"^'>'<^ ^^^^"J"^"- 

army  to  Casilinum.     The  Campanians,  who  were  beginning  to 

l»c stir  themselves,  became  quiet  on  his  arrival.     And  so  Casili- 

^num  now  began  to  be  besieged  by  the  two  consuls.     Fabius, 

nding  that  the  Roman  soldiers  suffered  continual   losses  in 

eedlessly  approaching  the  walls,  and  that  his  attempts  had  but 

ittle  success,  thought  it  best,  as  matters  of  more  importance 

vere  pressing  them,  to  retire  and   abandon  an  undertaking, 

limall  in  itself,  but  quite  as  difficult  as  some  great  enterprise. 

jvlarcellus,  however,  urged  that,  though  there  were  many  things 

vhich  a  great  general  ought  not  to  attempt,  yet  he  must  not 

( linquish  an  attempt  once  made,  as  the  world's  opinion  has 

it  weight,  for  good  or  ill.     He  thus  maintained  his  point — 

I  the  attempt  should  not  be  abandoned.    Mantlets,  with  every 

iriety  of  engineering  work  and  machinery,  were  now  applied 

'  the  place,  and  the  Campanians  implored  Fabius  to  let  them 

part  in  safety  to  Capua.     A  few  had  passed  out  when  Marcellus 




BOOK  XXIV.  seized  the  gate  by  which  they  were  leaving,  and  then  began 
an  indiscriminate  and  universal  slaughter,  first,  near  the  gate, 
and  soon  afterwards  in  the  town,  into  which  the  besiegers 
had  rushed.  About  fifty  Campanians,  who  were  the  first  to 
leave,  fled  to  Fabius  for  refuge,  and  under  his  protection  reached 
Capua.  While  these  conferences  and  protracted  appeals  for 
protection  were  going  on,  Casilinum,  at  a  favourable  moment, 
was  taken.  The  captives,  such  as  were  Campanians,  and  all 
who  were  Hannibal's  soldiers,  were  sent  to  Rome,  and  there 
imprisoned,  while  the  mass  of  the  townsfolk  were  scattered 
among  the  neighbouring  populations  to  be  under  surveillance. 

20.  At  the  very  time  that  the  Romans,  after  their  success, 
withdrew  from  Casilinum,  Gracchus  despatched  some  cohorts, 
which  he  had  levied  in  Lucania,  under  the  command  of  an 
officer  of  allies,  on'  a  marauding  expedition  into  the  enemy's 
territory.  They  had  dispersed  far  and  wide,  when  Hanno  fell 
on  them  and  repaid  his  foe  with  a  defeat  nearly  as  complete  as 
he  had  himself  sustained  at  Beneventum.  He  then  retired 
rapidly  into  Bruttium,  to  avoid  the  pursuit  of  Gracchus.  As  to 
the  consuls,  Marcellus  returned,  whence  he  came,  to  Nola, 
while  Fabius  marched  into  Samnium,  to  ravage  the  district, 
and  to  recover  by  arms  the  revolted  cities.  Caudium  in 
Samnium  was  cruelly  devastated  ;  far  and  wide  was  the  country 
fired,  and  the  cattle  and  inhabitants  carried  off  as  booty.  Many 
towns  were  taken  by  assault,  Compulteria,  Telesia,  Compsa, 
Fugifulae,  and  Orbitanium.  Blanda  in  Lucania,  and  /E.3t 
in  Apulia,  were  stormed.  In  these  cities  five-and-twenty  thou- 
sand of  the  enemy  were  captured  or  slain.  Three  hundrei 
deserters  were  recovered;  these  were  sent  to  Rome  by  t 
consul,  and  were,  without  exception,  scourged  in  the  Comitiui 
and  then  flung  from  the  rock.  All  this  was  done  by  Quintal 
Fabius  in  the  course  of  a  few  days. 

Marcellus  was  detained  from  further  action  by  illness 
Nola.  Meanwhile,  Quintus  Fabius,  the  praetor,  who  had  char 
of  the  country  round  Luceria,  took  by  storm  the  town  Acucai 
and  established  a  permanent  camp  at  Ardaneae.  During  thes< 
operations  of  the  Romans  in  other  parts,  Hannibal  had  pushed 
on  to  Tarentum,  utterly  destroying  everything  in  his  line  0' 
march.     Arrived,  at  last,  in  Tarentine  territory,  his  army  begar 

victory  in 

Fabius  lays 
xvaste  Samnium. 


to  advance  peacefully,  injuring  nothing,  and  nowhere  quitting  its  book  xxiv. 
proper  route.     This  was  clearly  done,  not  from  any  moderation 
in  soldiers  or  general,  but  only  to  win  the  goodwill  of  the  Taren- 
tines.     When  he  came  almost  close  to  the  walls,  there  was  no 
movement,  as  he  expected,  at  the  sight  of  his  vanguard,  and       Hannibal 
he  encamped  about  a  mile  from  the  city.     Three  days  before   ""ra'vuttnn.' 
Hannibal  approached  the  walls  of  Tarentum,  Marcus    Livius 
had  been  sent  by  the  pro-praetor  Marcus  Valerius,  commander 
of  the  fleet  at  Brundisium.     He  had  organised  a  band  of  the 
young  nobles,  and  posted  guards,  as  circumstances  required,  at 
all  the  gates  and  walls  of  the  city,  and  by  his  unflagging  vigi- 
lance night  and  day  gave  neither  enemies  nor  doubtful  friends 
an  opportunity  of  attempting  anything.     Hannibal,  therefore, 
after  uselessly  passing  some  days  at  the  place,  as  none  of  those 
who  had  paid  him  a  visit  at  the  lake  of  Avernus  either  came 
themselves  or  sent  him  any  message  or  letter,  saw  that  he  had 
I   been  led  thither  by  an  idle  promise,  and  moved  his  camp.    Even 
I  now  he  did  not  injure  the  Tarentine  territory,  still  clinging  to 
I  the  hope  of  shaking  their  loyalty,  though  his  pretended  mild- 
I  ness  had  as  yet  done  him  no  good.     On  reaching  Salapia,*  as        *  Salpi. 
I  midsummer  was  past,  and  he  liked  the  place  for  winter-quarters,  //^/^//^  /,^^ ^,f 
j  he  collected   stores   of   corn  from  the   country  round  Meta-       SaUpia. 
\  pontum  and  Heraclea.     His  Numidians  and  Moors  were   de- 
I  spatched  on  plundering  raids  through  the  Sallentine  territory, 
and  the  downs  bordering  on  Apulia.     Here  they  did  not  get 
^  much  booty ;  it  was  chiefly  herds  of  horses  which  they  drove 
j  off.     Of  these,  about  four  thousand  were  distributed  among  the 
I  cavalry  to  be  broken  in. 

21.  As  the  Romans  saw  that  a  war  which  could  not  pos- 
jsibly  be  neglected  was  about  to  break  out  in  Sicily,  and  that 
',the  tyrant's  death  had  given  the  Syracusans  enterprising  leaders 
'.rather  than  led  to  any  change  in  policy  or  in  public  feeling, 
they  assigned  the  province  to  one  of  the  consuls,  Marcus  Mar- 
cellus.  The  murder  of  Hieronymus  was  instantly  followed  by 
a  mutiny  among  the  soldiers  at  Leontini,  and  fierce  shoutings 
ihat  the  king's  death  must  be  expiated  by  the  blood  of  the 
.conspirators.  Very  soon  the  phrase  "  restored  freedom,"  wel- 
tome  to  the  ear,  and  continually  repeated,  the  hope  of 
largesse  out  of  the  royal  treasure,  and  of  military  service  under 

2i6  LIVV. 

BOOK  XXIV.  better  leaders,  the  story,  too,  of  the  foul  crimes  and  fouler 
passions  of  the  tyrant  so  wrought  on  their  minds  that  the  body 
of  the  king,  so  lately  the  object  of  their  regret,  was  suffered  by 
them  to  lie  unburied.  While  the  rest  of  the  conspirators  re- 
mained on  the  spot  to  secure  the  control  of  the  army,  two, 
Theodotus  and  Sosis,  hurried  with  all  possible  speed  on  the 
king's  horses  to  Syracuse,  bent  on  the  immediate  overthrow  of 
the  royal  minister,  who  as  yet  knew  nothing.  Not  only,  how- 
ever, were  they  forestalled  by  rumour,  and  in  such  matters 
nothing  flies  more  quickly,  but  also  by  a  messenger  from 
among  the  king's  slaves.  And  so  Andranodorus  had  secured 
with  garrisons  both  the  island,  the  citadel,  and  every  other 
convenient  position  he  could. 

Commotion  in        The  sun  had  set,  and  the  light  was  quite  dim,  when  Theodotus 
Syracuse.       ^^id    Sosis   rode   into   the  Hexapylon.      Displaying  the  king's 
blood-stained  robe  and  the  crown  that  had  adorned  his  head, 
they  rode  through  the  Tycha,  and  summoning  the  people  to 
liberty  and  to  arms,  bade  them  assemble   in   the  Achradina- 
Some  of  the  multitude  rushed  into  the  streets,  some  stood  in 
the  doorways,  others  looked  out   from  the   windows   of  their 
houses,  asking  incessantly   what   had  occurred.     Lights  were 
flaring    everywhere,  and   the   whole   city  was   in  an   uproar ; 
armed  men  were  gathering  in  the  open  spaces,  while  an  un- 
armed crowd  tore  down  from  the  temple  of  Olympian  Jupiter 
the  spoils  taken  from  Gauls  and  Illyrians,  which   Hiero  had 
received  as  a  present  from  the  Roman  people,  and  had  nailed  , 
to  the  walls.     All  the  time  they  prayed  Jupiter  that  of  his  good- 
will and  favour  he  would  grant  them  the  use  of  those  sacred 
arms,  with  which  to  arm  themselves  in  defence  of  their  country, 
their  temples,  and  their  freedom.     The  multitude  also  mingled 
with  the  guards  stationed  in  the  principal  districts  of  the  city. 
In  the  island,  among  other  places,  Andranodorus  had  posted 
garrisons   in   the  public  granaries.     The  place,  walled  in  witll 
square  stone-blocks,  and  fortified  like  a  castle,  was  now  seized 
by  a  band  of  youth,  assigned  for  its  defence,  and  a  message 
was  sent  to  the  Achradina  that  thie  granaries  and  the  corn  were 
in  the  possession  of  the  Senate. 

22.     At    daybreak    all    the    citizens,   armed   and   unarmed,! 
assembled  in  the  Achradina,  at  the  Senate-house.    There,  beforel 


the  altar  of  Concord,  situate  in  the  place,  one  of  the  leading  book  xxiv. 

men,  Polyccnus  by  name,  delivered  a  speech,  which  was  both       Advke  of 

frank  and  moderate.     "Men,"  he  said,  "who  have  experienced      t " y<«nus. 

"  servitude  and  its  humiliations  are  angry  with  an  evil  which 

"  they  know   well.      What   mischiefs    are  introduced  by  civil 

"  discord  you   Syracusans  have  heard   from  your  forefathers, 

"  rather  than  actually  witnessed.     I  praise  you  for  taking   up 

"  arms  so  promptly  ;  I  shall  praise  you  still  more  if  you  do  not 

"  use  them,  unless  driven  by  extreme  necessity.     At  this  crisis 

"  it  will  be  well  to  send  envoys  to  Andranodorus,  to  warn  him 

"  that  he  submit  himself  to  the  Senate  and  the  people,  open 

"  the  gates  of  the  island,  and  surrender  the  fort.     Should  he 

"  wish  to  make  a  regency  held  in  trust  for  another  into  a  tyranny 

"  of  his  own,  I,  for  my  part,  am  in  favour  of  our  claiming  back 

"  our  liberties  much   more   fiercely  from   Andranodorus  than 

"  from  Hieronymus." 

After  this  speech  the  envoys  were  despatched.     Then  began   Envoys  sent  to 

a  sitting  of  the  Senate.     This,  though  during  Hiero's  reign  it  ^''"^'■'^«^'^<"''"- 

had  continued  to  be  the  state-council,  had  never  been  convened 

or  consulted  after  his  death  until  that  day.     Andranodorus,  on 

the  arrival  of  the  deputies,  was  alarmed  by  the  unanimity  of 

the  citizens,  and  by  the  fact  that  not  only  were  other  parts  of 

the  city  in  military  occupation,  but  also  that  the  most  strongly 

fortified  part  of  the  island  had  been  surrendered  and  was  in 

»  hostile  hands.     But  his  wife,  Damarata,  Hiero's  daughter,  with 

Hthe  spirit  of  a  queen  and  the  arrogance  of  a  woman  still  swell- 

s  jing  within  her,  called  him  away  from  the  envoys,  and  reminded 

him  of  a  saying  often  in  the  mouth  of  the  tyrant  Dionysius. 

' '  One  ought  to  leave  a  tyrant's  throne,'  he  would  say,  "  dragged 

ly  the  heels,  and  not  mounted  on  a  horse.  It  was  easy,  at  any 

1  iioment  a  man  pleased,  to  retire  from  holding  a  great  posi- 

'  tion  ;  to  create  and  win  that  position  was  arduous  and  difficult. 

Make  the  envoys,"  said  Damarata  to  her  husband,  "give  you   Counsel 0/ his 

little  time  for  deliberation  ;  use  that  forgetting  soldiers  from 
t.eontini,  and  all  will  be  in  your  power,  if  you  promise  them 
the  royal  treasures." 

These  feminine  counsels  Andranodorus  neither  wholly  re- 
eled nor  immediately  accepted.  He  thought  there  was  a 
ifcr  way  of  securing  power  by  yielding  for  the  present  to  the 




Speech  of 

A  ndraiiodoriis 

to  the 


Election  q/ 
pr^tors  at 

exigencies  of  the  crisis.  So  he  bade  the  envoys  take  word  back 
that  he  would  submit  himself  to  the  Senate  and  people.  Next 
day,  at  dawn,  he  threw  open  the  gates  of  the  island,  and  entered 
the  forum  in  the  Achradina.  There  he  mounted  the  altar  of 
Concord,  from  which  the  day  before  Polyasnus  had  delivered 
his  harangue,  and  began  a  speech,  in  which  first  he  apologised 
for  his  indecision.  "  He  had  kept  the  gates  shut,  not  to  separate 
"  his  own  interests  from  those  of  the  state,  but  because  he  feared, 
"  when  swords  were  once  drawn,  as  to  where  bloodshed  might 
"  end,  and  doubted  whether  they  would  be  satisfied  with  the 
"  tyrant's  death,  sufficient  though  it  was  for  freedom,  or  whether 
"  all  who  were  connected  with  the  palace  by  kinship  or  marriage, 
"  or  in  some  official  capacity,  would  be  slaughtered,  as  being 
"  chargeable  with  another  man's  guilt.  As  soon  as  he  saw  that 
'•'  those  who  had  freed  their  country  were  resolved  to  keep  it  free, 
"  and  that  all  were  consulting  for  the  common  welfare,  he  no 
"  longer  hesitated  to  give  back  to  his  country  his  person  and  all 
"  things  intrusted  to  his  protection,  inasmuch  as  the  man  who 
"  had  intrusted  them  to  him  had  been  destroyed  by  his  own 
"  infatuation."  Then  turning  to  the  tyrant's  assassins,  and  ad- 
dressing Theodotus  and  Sosis  by  name,  he  said,  "  You  have 
"  done  a  memorable  deed.  But,  be  assured,  your  glory  is  only 
"  begun  ;  it  is  not  yet  complete.  The  greatest  peril  awaits  us, 
"  unless  you  study  peace  and  unity,  of  a  free  state  degenerating 
"  into  a  savage  community." 

23.     After  this  speech,  he  threw  down  at  their  feet  the  keys 
of  the  gates  and  of  the  royal  treasury.     That  day,  after  the 
assembly  had  broken  up,  the  people,  in  their  joy,  with  wives 
and  children,   gathered  round    all   the    shrines  of  the  gods. 
Next   day  was  held  a   meeting  for  the   election   of  praetors. 
Andranodorus  was  one  of  the  first  appointed.     The  majority  oif 
the  rest  had  been  among  the  assassins  of  the  tyrant,  and  tv 
Sopater  and  Dinomenes,  were  elected  in  their  absence.     Thes 
men,  on  hearing  what  Tiad  taken  place  at  Syracuse,  conveye 
to  that  city  the  royal  treasure  at   Leontini,  and  handed  it  eve 
to  financial  officials  appointed  for  the  purpose.     The  same  wa 
done  with  the  treasures  in  the  island  and  the  Achradina,  an 
that  portion  of  the  wall  which  fenced  off  the  island  by  a  neefl 
lessly  strong  barrier  from  the  rest  of  the  city,  was,  by  generjj 



consent,  demolished.  All  their  other  proceedings,  too,  were  in 
accordance  with  this  bias  of  the  popular  mind  towards  freedom. 

Hippocrates  and  Epicydes,  when  the  news  of  the  tyrant's 
death  was  known,  which  Hippocrates  had  sought  to  conceal, 
by  actually  killing  the  bearer  of  the  tidings,  found  themselves 
deserted  by  the  soldiers,  and  returned  to  Syracuse,  their  safest 
course,  as  they  thought,  under  existing  circumstances.  That 
they  might  show  themselves  there  without  exciting  suspicion, 
as  men  seeking  an  opportunity  for  revolution,  they  went  first  to 
the  prEetors,  and  then,  with  their  introduction,  to  the  senate. 
"  Hannibal,"  they  affirmed,  "  had  sent  them  to  Hieronymus  as 
"  a  friend  and  ally  ;  they  had  obeyed  the  rule  of  the  man  to 
"  whom  their  commander  wished  them  to  be  subject ;  now 
"  they  desired  to  return  to  Hannibal.  As  however  the  journey 
"  was  not  safe  while  Roman  troops  were  wandering  over  the 
"whole  of  Sicily,  they  begged  to  be  allowed  something  of  an 
"  escort  to  conduct  them  to  Locri  in  Italy.  The  Syracusans 
"  would  thus,  by  a  trifling  service,  lay  Hannibal  under  a  great 
"  obligation." 

Their  request  was  readily  granted.  The  departure  of  the 
king's  generals,  needy  and  daring  men,  as  well  as  adepts  in  war, 
was  what  was  desired.  But  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes  did  not 
carry  out  their  purpose  as  promptly  as  the  urgency  of  the  business 
suggested.  Meanwhile,  some  young  men,  themselves  of  soldierly 
tastes,  as  well  as  intimate  associates  of  the  soldiers,  went  now 
among  the  men,  now  among  the  deserters,  most  of  whom  were 
Roman  seamen,  and  then  again  even  among  the  lowest  class  of 
the  populace,  spreading  calumnies  against  the  senate  and  the 
aristocracy.  These,  they  said,  were  secretly  plotting  and  con- 
triving to  get  Syracuse  under  the  power  of  Rome  on  the  pretext 
of  a  restored  alliance,  and  then  the  faction  which  had  been  the 
authors  of  the  new  treaty  would  be  their  masters. 

24.  A  daily  increasing  multitude,  ready  to  hear  and  believe 
all  this,  flocked  to  Syracuse,  and  gave  not  only  Epicydes  but  also 
Andranodorus  hopes  of  a  revolution.  Andranodorus  was  at  last 
quite  wearied  out  by  his  wife's  speeches.  "  Now,''  she  would 
Irepeat,  "  now  was  the  time  to  seize  the  government,  while  all 
"  was  in  the  confusion  caused  by  a  new  and  ill-regulated  liberty, 
"  while  a  soldiery  that  had  fattened  on  the  royal  pay  was  showing 


Return  of 

Hippocrates  and 

Epicydes  to 


They  ask  leave 
to  go  back  to 

thinks  0/  seizing 
the  sovemment. 



He  is 

Excitement  at 

One  of  the 


addresses  the 


"  itself,  and  leaders  sent  by  Hannibal  and  well  known  to  the 
"  troops  were  able  to  help  his  enterprise."  He  communicated 
his  plans  to  Themistus,  the  husband  of  Gelon's  daughter,  and  a 
few  days  afterwards  incautiously  disclosed  them  to  one  Ariston, 
a  tragic  actor,  to  whom  he  had  been  wont  to  intrust  also  other 
secrets.  Ariston  was  a  man  of  respectable  family  and  position, 
which  were  not  disgraced  by  his  profession,  as  nothing  of  that 
kind  is  a  matter  of  shame  to  a  Greek.  So,  thinking  that  the 
loyalty  he  owed  his  country  ought  to  be  his  first  consideration, 
he  laid  an  information  before  the  praetors.  As  soon  as  they  had 
ascertained  by  decisive  evidence  that  it  was  no  mere  idle  tale, 
they  consulted  the  older  senators,  and  having,  with  their  sanc- 
tion, placed  a  guard  at  the  doors,  they  slew  Andranodorus  and 
Themistus  as  they  entered  the  senate-house.  Confusion  followed 
a  deed  to  all  appearance  unusually  atrocious,  and  of  which 
others  did  not  know  the  motive,  but  at  last  silence  was  obtained, 
and  the  informer  was  conducted  into  the  chamber. 

The  man  told  the  whole  story  in  its  proper  order,  how  the 
beginning  of  the  conspiracy  dated  from  the  marriage  of  Gelon's 
daughter,  Harmonia,  to   Themistus  ;   how  some   African  and 
Spanish  auxiliaries  had  been  put  in  readiness  for  the  massacre 
of  the  praetors  and  chief  citizens  ;    how  it  had  been   openly 
announced  that  the  property  of  these  men  would  be  given  to 
their  murderers ;  how  a  band   of  mercenaries   accustomed  to 
obey  the  biddings  of  Andranodorus  had  been  already  provided 
for  a  second  seizure  of  the  island.     Last,  he  put  before  their  j 
eyes  every  detail,  how  each  conspirator  was  engaged,  and  the 
whole  conspiracy   itself,   with  its    array  of  armed  men.     The 
senate  then  felt  that  the  victims  had  deserved  their  death  as  1 
much  as  had  Hieronymus.     The  cries  of  a  bewildered  mob,  all  j 
uncertain  as  to  the  facts,  were  heard  at  the  doors,  but  as  they  • 
shouted  their  savage  threats  at  the  entrance  of  the  chamber, 
they  were  so  awe-struck  by  the  sight  of  the  bodies  of  the  con- 
spirators that  they  silently  accompanied  the  calmer  portion  of 
the  populace  to  a  public  assembly.     Sopater  was  instructed  by^ 
the  senate  and  his  colleagues  to  address  them. 

25,  He  began  with  the  past  life  of  the  conspirators,  just  a^ 
if  he  was  formally  accusing  them,  and  contended  that  of  all 
the  wicked  and  impious  deeds  done  since  the  death  of  Hieroi 


Andranodorus  and  Themistus  had  been  the  authors.     "  What,"    book  xxiy. 

he  asked,  "  could  a  boy  like  Hieronymus,  barely  entering  upon 

"  youth,  have  done  of  his  own  accord  ?  Guardians  and  tutors  had, 

"  in  fact,  reigned  while  another  bore  the  odium,  and  therefore 

"  they  ought  to  have  perished  either  before  Hieronymus,  or  at  any 

"  rate  along  with  him.     Yet  these  men,  long  ago  destined  to 

"  the  fate  that  they  deserved,  had  plotted  other  new  crimes  after 

"  the  tyrant' s  death.     This  had  been  done  openly  at  first  when 

"Andranodorus  shut  the  gates  of  the  island,  and  entered  on  the 

"royal  inheritance,  claiming  as  a  master  what  he  had  held  as 

"  a  steward.     Afterwards,  finding  himself  deserted  by  the  occu- 

"  pants  of  the  island,  and  beleaguered  by  all  the  citizens  as  soon 

"as  they  had  possession  of   the  Achradina,   he  had  begun 

"  secretly  and  treacherously  to  grasp  at  the  sovereignty  which 

"  he  had  in  vain  sought  openly  and  publicly;  and,  when  he  who 

"  had  plotted  against  freedom  was  chosen  praetor  among  those 

"  who  had  given  this  freedom  to  their  country,  even  favour  and 

"promotion  could  net  turn  him  from  his  purpose.     The  truth 

"was  that  wives  of  royal  birth  had  inspired  them  with  royal 

"arrogance,  for  one  had  married  Hiero's,  the  other  Gelon's, 

"  daughter." 

At  these  words  there  was  a  shout  from  every  part  of  the 
assembly  that  neither  of  those  women  ought  to  live ;  that  no 
scion  of  a  family  of  tyrants  ought  to  survive.  Such  is  the  cha- 
I  racter  of  a  mob ;  either  they  are  abjectly  submissive  or  inso- 
jlently  domineering  ;  the  independence  which  lies  between  these 
two  extremes,  they  can  neither  throw  off  nor  enjoy  without 
plunging  into  excesses.  Generally,  too,  persons  are  found  who 
iminister  indulgence  to  their  angry  moods,  and  rouse  their  eager 
'and  intemperate  passion  to  bloodshed  and  slaughter.  So  it  was 
jon  this  occasion.  The  praetors  at  once  brought  forward  a  motion, 
iwhich  was  accepted  almost  before  it  had  been  made,  to  have  the 
jwhole  royal  family  put  to  death.  Damarata  and  Harmonia,  the 
(daughters  of  Hiero  and  Gelon,  and  the  wives  of  Andranodorus    The  family  of 

and  Themistus,  were  executed  by  men  sent  by  the  praetors  for       ^ death. 

liie  purpose. 
26.    There  was  a  daughter  of  Hiero,  Heraclea,  married  to 

'oippus,  who  had  been  sent  by  Hieronymus  as  an  envoy  to 

-ing  Ptolemy,  and  had  chosen  voluntary  exile.    Knowing  before- 


BOOK  XXIV.  hand  that  she  too  would  receive  a  visit  from  the  executioners, 
she  fled  to  the  shrine  where  stood  the  household  deities  with 
two  maiden  daughters,  her  hair  dishevelled,  and  her  appearance 
in  other  respects  most  pitiable.  To  this  appeal  she  added  also 
her  entreaties.  Invoking  the  memory  of  her  father,  Hiero,  and 
her  brother,  Gelon,.  she  implored  them  "not  to  suffer  an 
"  innocent  woman  to  be  destroyed  by  the  furious  hatred 
"  provoked  by  Hieronymus,  She  had  got  nothing  from 
"  his  reign  but  her  husband's  banishment ;  while  he  lived, 
"  her  position  had  not  been  that  of  her  sister's ;  neither,  after 
"  his  death,  had  her  interests  been  the  same.  Need  she  say 
"  that,  had  the  designs  of  Andranodorus  succeeded,  her  sister 
"  would  have  reigned  with  him,  while  she  must  have  been  a 
"  slave  with  the  rest.  Should  Zoippus  be  told  that  Hieronymus 
"  had  been  slain  and  Syracuse  set  free,  who  could  doubt  that  he 
"  would  instantly  take  ship  and  return  to  his  country  ?  How 
"  completely  are  men's  hopes  deceived !  His  country  was 
"  indeed  free,  but  in  it  his  wife  and  his  children  were  struggling 
"for  life,  and  yet  how  had  they  opposed  freedom  and  law? 
"  What  danger  was  there  -to  any  one  from  herself,  a  solitary 
"  woman,  all  but  a  widow,  or  from  girls  living  in  orphanhood  ? 
"  They  might  say  that  though  they  feared  no  danger  from  her, 
"yet  they  hated  the  royal  family.  Then  let  them  banish  hei 
"  from  Syracuse  and  Sicily,  and  have  her  conveyed  to  Alex 
"andria,  the  wife  to  the  husband,  the  daughters  to  the 

She  saw  that  their  ears  and  hearts  were  closed  to  her,  and 
that  a  sword  was  being  sharpened,  that  no  time  might  be  lo: 
Then  ceasing  to  entreat  for  herself,  she  was  urgent  in  supplic 
tion  that  they  would  at  least  spare  her  daughters,  "as  ev< 
"  an  enemy  in  his  fury  did  not  harm  youth  like  theirs,  and  th 
"  should  not  in  their  vengeance  on  tyrants  imitate  themselv* 
"  the  crimes  they  hated." 

While  she  was  speaking,  they  dragged  her  from  her  sanctua 
and  slew  her  ;  then  they  fell  on  the  maidens,  who  were  sprinkle( 
with  their  mother's  blood.  Grief  and  terror  combined  ha( 
robbed  them  of  reason,  and,  as  if  seized  with  frenzy,  thej 
bounded  from  the  shrine  with  such  a  rush  that,  had  escape  int( 
the  street  been  possible  for  them,  they  would  have  filled  thii 

Murder  of  his 

lea  ixii 


city  with  their  outcries.  Even  as  it  was,  within  the  confined  book  xxiv. 
space  of  the  house,  and  amid  a  number  of  armed  men,  they 
more  than  once  eluded  capture  without  injury  to  their  persons, 
and  though  the  hands  out  of  which  they  had  to  struggle  were 
many  and  strong,  they  tore  themselves  from  their  grasp.  At  last, 
exhausted  with  wounds,  while  the  whole  place  reeked  with  their 
blood,  they  fell  lifeless  to  the  ground.  This  pitiable  end  was 
made  yet  more  pitiable  by  the  circumstance  that  soon  afterwards 
there  came  a  message,  the  result  of  a  sudden  change  to  a  more 
merciful  mood,  forbidding  their  execution.  After  pity  came  anger 
that  they  had  been  so  hasty  in  punishment  as  to  leave  no  room 
for  repentance,  no  retreat  from  their  vindictive  mood.  And  so 
the  peopled  fumed,  and  insisted  on  an  election  to  fill  the  places 
of  Andranodorus  and  Themistus,  both  of  whom  had  been 
prastors,  an  election  which  was  by  no  means  likely  to  be  satis- 
factory to  the  prastors. 

27.     On  the  day  fixed  for  the  election,  to  the  surprise  of  all,    Epkydesand 

1  ,  '  .  -    -  ,'  .  r  „    .  '      Hippocrates 

I  one  man  at  the  extremity  of  the  crowd  nommated  Epicydes,  elected prceton. 
\  and  another  thereupon  nominated  Hippocrates.  The  voices 
then  became  more  frequent,  and  carried  with  them  the  unmis- 
takable assent  of  the  people.  There  was  disorder,  too,  in  the 
assembly,  in  which  were  throngs  of  soldiers,  as  well  as  of  citi- 
zens, and  with  these  were  largely  mingled  deserters,  who  were 
eager  for  a  wholesale  revolution.  At  first  the  praetors  pretended 
ignorance,  and  were  bent  on  delaying  matters,  but  at  last,  yield- 
iing  to  the  unanimous  feeling,  and  dreading  a  riot,  they  declared 
the  men  elected. 

;      On  being  appointed  they  did  not  at  once  disclose  their  inten- 

jtions.    Yet  they  took  it  ill  that  envoys  had  gone  to  Appius 

|Claudius  to  arrange  a  ten  days'  truce,  and  that,  this  having  been 

jgranted,  others  had  been  sent  to  negotiate  a  renewal  of  the 

jincient  treaty.      The    Romans   had   at  the  time  a  fleet  of  a 

'lundred  vessels  at  Murgantia,  and  were  awaiting  the  result  of 

he  disturbances  at  Syracuse  arising  out  of  the  murder  of  the 

y rants,  and  the  effect  on  the  people  of  their  new  and  unwonted 

jreedom.     Meanwhile  the  Syracusan  envoys  had  been  sent  by 

(Vppius  to  Marcellus,  who  was  on  his  way  to    Sicily,  and  Mar- 

iellus,  having  heard  the   terms   of  peace,  and  thinking  that    Envoysfrom 

1  r  7  o  MnrceUus  to 

patters  could  be  arranged,  himself  also  despatched  an  embassy      SyrcKuse. 

224  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  to  Syracuse,  to  discuss  publicly  with  the  praetors  the  renewal  of 
the  treaty.  And  now  there  was  by  no  means  the  same  quiet 
and  tranquillity  in  the  city.  As  soon  as  news  arrived  of  a  Car- 
thaginian fleet  being  near  Pachynus,  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes, 
throwing  off  all  fear,  pressed  the  accusation,  now  before   the 

Disturbances  in  mercenary  troops,  now  before  the  deserters,  that  Syracuse  was 
'  " y-  being  betrayed  to  the  Romans.  And  when  Appius  began  to 
have  his  fleet  stationed  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  thinking  to 
encourage  the  adherence  of  the  other  party,  this  gave  a  decisive 
assurance  to  what  were  apparently  idle  charges.  At  first,  too, 
there  was  a  tumultuous  rush  of  the  people  to  the  shore  to  repel 
any  attempt  at  landing. 
Advice  of  28.     Amid  all  this  confusion  it  was  decided  to  summon  the 

one  of  the  chief      .   .  1  1  r- 

cittzem.        Citizens  to  an  assembly.     Some  were  for  one  course,  others  for 
another,  and  they  were  on  the  verge  of  a  riot,  when  Apollonides, 
one   of  their  chief  men,  addressed  them  in  a  speech  which, 
considering  the   occasion,   was   salutary.      "  Never,"  he   said, 
"  had  any  state  been  nearer  to  ruin  or  to  a  prospect  of  safety. 
"  Were  all  unanimously  to  lean  either  to  Rome  or  to  Carthage, 
"  no  state  would  be  in  a  more  fortunate  or  happy  condition. 
"  But,  should  one  party  drag  them  one  way,  another  another, 
"  then  war  between  the  Carthaginians  and  Romans  would  not 
"  be   more  frightful  than  that  between  the  Syracusans  them- 
"  selves  ;   for  within   the  same  walls  each  faction  would  have 
"  its  troops,  its  arms,  and  its  officers.     There  ought,  therefore,  to  j 
"  be  a  supreme  effort  to  secure  unanimity  ;  the  question  which  1 
"  alliance  was  the  more  advantageous,  was  far  less  important, 
"  and  of  much  lighter  moment.     Still,  in  choosing  allies,  they 
"  should   rather   follow   the   authority  of  Hiero    than  that  ot 
!'  Hieronymus,  and  prefer  a  friendship  tried  for  fifty  years  will 
"  happy  results  to  one  which  was  now  strange  to  them,  and 
"  which  in  the  past  had  been  untrustworthy.  One  thing  too  had 
"  an  important'  bearing  on  their   deliberations.      They   couU 
"  refuse  peace  to  the  Carthaginians  without  having,  at  least  in 
"  the  immediate  present,  to  be  at  war  with  them.     With  th^ 
"  Romans  they  must  at  once  be  either  at  peace  or  war." 

The  speech  had  all  the  more  weight  for  seeming  to  shov 
little  personal  ambition  or  party  spirit.  To  the  praetors  anc 
certain  select  Senators  were  joined  also  some  military  advisersJ 


and  the  officers  and  commanders  of  the  auxiliaries  were  called  book  xxiv. 

into  council.     The  matter  was  repeatedly  discussed  in  fierce 

debates,  and  at  last,  as  there  appeared  to  be  no  possible  means 

of  waging  war  with  Rome,  it  was  decided  to  conclude  a  peace  „  p^'^"  Vf'^^ 

1  •  ,      ,  Rome  decided  on. 

and  to  send  an  embassy  along  with  the  Roman  envoys  to  secure 
its  ratification. 

29.  Not  very  many  days  had  elapsed  when  envoys  came 
from  Leontini,  imploring  protection  for  their  territory.  This 
embassy  seemed  to  the  Syracusans  a  particularly  opportune 
means  of  relieving  themselves  of  a  disorderly  and  tumultuous 
mob,  and  of -getting  rid  of  its  leaders.  Hippocrates  received 
orders  to  march  thither  with  the  deserters,  and  these  were 
followed  by  many  of  the  mercenaries,  who  made  up  the  number 
to.  four  thousand.  It  was  an  expedition  welcome  alike  to  the 
jsenders  and  to  the  sent.  The  one  hailed  it  as  an  opportunity 
lof  those  revolutionary  schemes  for  which  they  had  long  been 
paving;  the.  others  rejoiced  at  the  thought  that  they  had 
leared  their  city  of  its  dregs.  But  they  relieved  it  only  for  a 
■noment,  to  relapse,  like  a  diseased  body,  into  a  more  fatal 
nalady.  Hippocrates  began  ravaging  in  stealthy  raids  the 
)orders  of  the  Roman  province  ;  afterwards,  when  troops  were 
lespatched  by  Appius  to  defend  the  lands  of  the  allies,  he  made 
ii  most  murderous  onslaught  with  all  his  forces  on  a  picquet 
posted  to  oppose  him.  Marcellus,  on  receiving  the  news,  instantly      Marcellus 

-,  ,  ,       ,       demands  the 

ent  envoys  to  Syracuse  to  say  that  the  guarantees  of  peace  had     expulsion  of 
jieen  destroyed,  and  that  an  'occasioA  of  war  would  never  be  "'^Epi^ydls'!''^ 
I^anting,  unless  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes  were  banished,  not 
jnly  from  Syracuse,  but  from  the  whole  of  Sicily. 

I    Epicydes,  unwilling  either  to  be  present  where  he  might  be    Epicydes  goes 
jrraigned  for  the  misdeeds  of  an  absent  brother,  or  to  fail  to     ^o  leontini, 
jo  his  part  to  excite  a  war,  went  himself  to  Leontini,  and,  as  he 
jiw  that  the  citizens  were  sufficiently  exasperated  against  the 
•  j.oman  people,  began  to  try  to  alienate  them  likewise  from  the 
yracusans.     He  told  them  "  that  the  Syracusans  had  made 
ipeace  with  the  Romans  only  on  the  condition-  that  all  states 
'which  had  been  under  the  kings  were  also  to  be  under  Syracusan 
subjection.     They  were  now  not  satisfied  with  freedom,  unless  • 
they  could  rule  in  kingly  fashion  and  domineer.    They  ought  to 
pave  word  sent  back  to  them  that  the  Leontines  also  thought  it 





The  Leon  tines 

decline  to  make 

common  cause 

■with  the 



■marches  on 

Leontini,  and 

takes  the  city. 

"  right  to  be  free.  For  it  was  in  the  streets  of  their  city  of 
"  Syracuse  ihat  the  tyrant  had  fallen  ;  it  was  there  that  the  cry 
"  of  freedom  had  first  been  raised,  and  it  was  to  Syracuse  that 
"men  flocked  after  the  desertion  of  the  royal  leaders.  That 
"  part  of  the  treaty,  therefore,  ought  to  be  struck  out,  or  the 
"  treaty  ought  not  to  be  accepted  with  such  a  condition." 

The  mass  of  the  citizens  were  easily  convinced.  When  the 
Syracusan  envoys  complained  of  the  slaughter  of  the  Roman 
detachment,  and  insisted  on  the  departure  of  Hippocrates  and 
Epicydes  to  Locri,  or  wherever  else  they  pleased,  provided  only 
they  quitted  Sicily,  they  received  a  defiant  answer.  "They," 
the  Leontines,  "  had  not  authorised  the  Syracusans  to  make 
"  peace  with  the  Romans  on  their  behalf,  and  they  were  not 
"  bound  by  other  peoples'  treaties.''  The  Syracusans  reported 
this  answer  to  the  Romans,  and  denied  that  the  Leontines  were 
under  their  control.  "  Consequently,"  they  added,  "  the  Romans 
"might  go  to  war  with  them  witholit  breaking  the  treaty 
"  between  Rome  and  themselves,  nor  would  they  fail  to  do  their 
"  part  in  that  war,  on  condition,  however,  that,  when  subduei 
"  they  were  again  to  be  under  Syracusan  subjection,  as  h: 
"been  stipulated  in  the  peace  " 

30.  Marcellus  marched  for  Leontini  with  his  entire  arm 
and  summoned  Appius  also  to  attack  in  another  quarter, 
found  such  ardour  in  his  troops  from  their  rage  at  the  slaught 
of  a  detachment  during  negotiations  for  peace  that  at  the  vei 
first  assault  the  city  was  stormed.  Hippocrates  and  Epicydei 
as  soon  a?  they  saw  the  walls  taken  and  the  gates  broken  ope: 
betook  themselves  with  a  few  followers  to  the  citadel.  Theni 
they  fled  secretly  by  night  to  Herbessus.  The  Syracusans  h; 
started  from  home  with  eight  thousand  armed  men,  and  wei 
met  at  the  river  Myla  by  news  of  the  capture  of  the  city.  A 
for  the  details,  falsehood  was  mingled  with  truth.  There  ha( 
been,  the  messenger  said,  an  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  soldier! 
and  of  townsfolk,  and  he  did  not  believe  that  a  single  adul 
survived  ;  the  city  had  been  pillaged,  and  the  property  of  thi 
rich  given  away. 

At  these  dreadful  tidings  the  army  halted.  Amid  univers; 
excitement  the  officers  (these  were  Sosis  and  Dinomenes)  coi 
suited  what  they  were  to  do.    A  reasonable  ground  for  pan 



was  lent  to  the.  falsehood  by  the  fact  that  deserters  to  the  number  BOOK  xxiv. 
of  two  thousand  had  been  scourged  and  slain  by  the  axe  of  the 
executioner.  As  it  was,  not  a  Leontine  citizen,  not  a  soldier, 
had  been  harmed  after  the  city's  capture.  All  their  property  had 
been  restored  to  them,  except  what  had  perished  in  the  first 
confusion  of  the  storming.  The  Syracusans  could  not  be  induced 
to  go  to  Leontini,  complaining  that  their  fellow-soldiers  had 
been  betrayed  to  be  slaughtered,  or  even  to  await  on  the  spot 
more  certain  intelligence.  When  the  praetors  saw  an  inclination 
to  mutiny,  but  knew  that  the  stir  would  not  last  long  if  their 
leaders  in  folly  were  removed,  they  marched  the  army  to  Megara. 
They  themselves  with  a  few  cavalry  pushed  on  for  Herbessus  in 
the  hope  of  securing  the  place  by  surrender  amid  a  general 
panic.  Finding  their  attempt  frustrated,  and  thinking  they  must 
use  force,  they  moved  their  camp  next  day  from  Megara,  pur- 
posing to  attack  Herbessus  with  their  whole  army.  Hippocrates 
and  Epicydes  thought. that  their  only  resource,  though  it  was  not 
at  first  sight  a  safe  one,  was  to  give  themselves  up  to  the  soldiers,  Hippocrates  and 
I  who  for  the  most  part  knew  them  well  and  who  were  now  infu-  fu^ender 
riated  by  the  rumour  of  their  comrades'  slaughter.   And  so  they      themselves 

I  ,  -    ,  ,    ,         •        ,  ,       to  the  Syracusan 

i  went  out  to  meet  the  army.  It  happened  that  m  the  van  were  the  troops. 
I  standards  of  six  hundred  Cretans  who  had  served  under  them 
I  in  the  time  of  Hieronymus,  and  were  under  an  obligation  to 
j  Hannibal  by  whom  they  had  been  taken  prisoners  at  Trasu- 
mennus  among  the  Roman  auxiliaries  and  then  released, 
j  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes  recognising  them  by  their  standards 
jand  the  appearance  of  their  arms,  held  out  olive-branches  with 
(other  suppliant-emblems,  imploring  them  to  receive  and  protect 
Ithem,  and  not  deliver  them  to  the  Syracusans  by  whom  they 
jwould  themselves  be  soon  surrendered  to  the  Romans  to  be 

31.  They  shouted  in  reply,  "Be  of  good  heart;  we  will 
1' undergo  any  fate  with  you."  During  the  interview  the 
standards  were  halted,  and  the  march  of  the  army  arrested, 
put  yet  the  cause  of  the  delay  had  not  reached  the  commanding- 
bfficer.  When  the  report  spread  that  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes 
ivere  there,  and  a  cry  rose  from  the  whole  army  in  hearty 
pproval  of  their  presence,  the  praetors  instantly  rode  to  the 
in  at  full  gallop.     "What  is  this  behaviour?"  they  asked 



Artifice  of 

BOOK  XXIV,  vehemently;  "what  means  this  licence  of  the  Cretans  in 
"  holding  conferences  with  the  enemy,  and  letting  them  mingle 
"in  their  ranks  without  any  authority  from  the  praetors?" 
They  ordered  Hippocrates  to  be  arrested  and  put  in  irons.  The 
word  was  followed  instantly  by  clamour  from  the  Cretans, 
which  was  soon  taken  up  by  other  soldiers,  so  that  it  was 
evident  that  the  prsetors,  if  they  persisted,  had  cause  for  alarm. 
Perplexed  and  doubtful  as  to  their  position,  they  ordered  a 
retreat  to  Megara,  whence  they  had  come,  and  sent  intelligence 
to  Syracuse  about  their  present  situation.  Hippocrates  seeing 
that  men's  minds  were  ready  for  any  suspicion,  employed  a  new 
artifice.  He  sent  out  some  Cretans  to  lurk  in  ambush  about  the 
roads,  and  then  read  out  a  letter  which  he  pretended  to  be  an 
intercepted  communication,  but  which  he  had  composed  him- 
self. It  was  addressed,  "  The  praetors  to  the  consul  Marcellus." 
After  the  usual  greeting,  it  went  on  to  say,  "  you  have  acted 
"  rightly  and  properly  in  not  sparing  any  one  at  Leontini.  But 
"  all  the  mercenary  soldiers  are  in  the  same  case,  and  Syracuse 
"  will  never  be  at  peace  as  long  as  there  are  any  foreign 
"  auxiliaries  either  in  the  city  or  in  their  army.  Do  your  best, 
"then,  to  get  into  your  power  those,  who,  with  their  prsetors, 
"  are  in  camp  at  Megara,  and  give  final  freedom  to  Syracusi 
"by  their  execution." 

When  this  letter  had  been  read  out,  there  was  everywhere 
rush  to  arms,  with  such  shouting  that  the  praetors  rode  off  pani 
stricken  amid  the  disorder  to  Syracuse.  Even  their  flight  di 
not  stop  the  mutiny,  and  violent  attacks  Were  made  on  thi 
Syracusan  soldiers.  None  of  them  would  have  been  sparei 
had  not  Epicydes  and  Hippocrates  resisted  the  fury  of  the  mob 
This  they  did,  not  out  of  compassion,  or  with  any  human( 
purpose,  but  that  they  might  not  cut  off  from  themselves  al 
hope  of  return.  In  the  soldiers  themselves  they  would  thu^ 
have  loyal  adherents  and  hostages  as  well,  while  they  would 
secure  the  attachment  of  their  kinsfolk  and  friends  in  the  first 
instance  by  this  service,  and  afterwards  by  keeping  them  as  a 
pledge.  Knowing,  as  they  did,  by  experience,  how  susceptible 
are  the  common  people  to  any  foolish  and  groundless  excitement 
they  pitched  on  one  of  the  soldiers  who  had  been  besie] 
Leontini,  and  engaged  him  to  carry  intelligence  to  Syracus( 

sged  ir  J 



corresponding  with  what  had  been  falsely  reported  at  Myla.    By  book  xxiv. 
declaring  that  he  vouched  for  its  truth,  and  by  relating  things 
thought  doubtful,  as  if  he  had  witnessed  them,  he  was  to  rouse 
the  fury  of  the  citizens. 

32.     The  man  not  only  won  the  belief  of  the  populace,  but  Angry  feeling  of 
he  also  profoundly  impressed  the  Senate,  into  whose  chamber  he  ^^'^  Syracusans 

'^  '  against  the 

was  introduced.     Men  by  no  means  wanting  in  sense  openly       Romans. 

avowed  that  it  was  very  fortunate  that  the  rapacity  and  cruelty 

of  the  Romans  had  been  unmasked  at  Leontini,  and  that,  had 

they  entered  Syracuse,  they  would  have  done  the  same  or  even 

more  hideous  acts,  inasmuch  as  their  rapacity  would  have  found 

there  a  richer  prize.     All  therefore  agreed  that  they  ought  to 

close  the  gates  and  guard  the  city,  but  all  were  not  unanimous 

in  their  fears  and  hates.     To  the  military  class  and  the  majority 

:of  the  population   the   name   of   Rome  was  odious,  while  the 

iprsetors  and  a  few  of  the  aristocracy,  though  the  false  intelligence 

jhad  excited  them,  were  for  providing   against  a  nearer  and  a 

pore  pressing  danger.    Already  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes  were 

kt  the   Hexapylon,   and    there    were   incessant   conversations 

'imong  the  relatives  of  the  native  Syracusan  soldiers  in  favour 

l)f  opening  the  gates   and   letting   their   common   country  be 

defended  against   a  Roman  attack. 

j     One  of  the  gates  of  the  Hexapylon  had  now  been  opened, 

Ind  the  soldiers  were  beginning  to  be  admitted  when  the  praetors 

jame  up.     First  they  tried  to  check  them  by  commands  and 

jhreats,  then  by  their  influence,  and  at  last,  finding  it  all  in  vain, 

jegardless  of  their  dignity  they  had  recourse  to  entreaties,  and 

legged  them  not  to  betray  their  country  to  men  who  but  lately 

pre  the  ministers  of  a  tyrant  and  were  now  the  corrupters  of 

lie  army.      But  the  ears  of  the  infuriated  mob  were  deaf  to 

yerything,  and  the  efforts  from  within  to  break  open  the  gates 

!ere  as  violent  as  those  from  without,  till  all  had  been  forced 

id  the  army  was  admitted  into  every  part  of  the  Hexapylon. 

j   The  praetors  fled   with   the   youth  of  the   citizens  to  the 

[chradina.     Meanwhile  the  enemy's  army  was  swollen  by  the 

'ercenary  soldiers,  the  deserters,  and  all  the  late  king's  troops 

hich  were  at  Syracuse.     And  consequently  the  Achradina  was 

ken  at  the  first  assault,  and  all  the  praetors  but  those  who 

jcaped  in  the  confusion  were  put  to  death.     Night  terminated 


230  LIVY, 

BOOK  XXIV.   the  massacres.      Next  day  the  slaves  were  called  together  to 
Hippocrates  and  T^ceive  the  Cap  of  freedom,  and  all  prisoners  were  discharged. 
Epicycles  again  Then  this  motlcy  assemblage   unanimously  made  Hippocrates 
prcetors.        and   Epicydes   prastors,  and   Syracuse   after  a  brief  gleam   of 
liberty  fell  back  into  its  old  servitude. 
The  Romans  33.     The  Romans  on  receiving  this   news   at  once  moved 

^"posMonat      their  camp   from  Leontini   to   Syracuse.     Some   envoys,  as   it 
Syracuse.       happened,  sent  by  Appius,  had  passed  through  the  harbour  in 
a  five-banked  vessel.      A  four-banked  vessel  which  had   been 
previously  despatched  was   seized  as   soon  as   it  entered  the 
harbour's  mouth,  and  the  envoys  themselves  escaped  with  diffi- 
culty.-   And  now  even  the  laws  of  war  as  well  as  of  peace  were 
abandoned,  when  the  Roman  army  encamped  at  Olympium,  a 
temple,  that  is,  of  Jupiter,  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  city.     From 
Roman  embassy  this  place  again  it  was  decided  to  send  an  embassy,  but  the 
Syr'acu^ans.     embassy  was  prevented  from  entering  the  city  by  Hippocrates 
and  Epicydes,  who  came  out  to  meet  it  with  their  partisans. 

The  Roman  spokesman  said  that  they  wished  to  bring  relief 
and  aid,  not  war,  to  the  people  of  Syracuse,  alike  to  those  who 
,    had  fled  to  them  for  refuge  out  of  the  midst  of  massacre,  and  to 
those   who   under  an    overwhelming    terror  were   enduring  a 
slavery  more  horrible  than  exile  and  even  than  death  itself 
Nor  would  they  allow  the  atrocious  slaughter  of  their  allies  to 
go  unavenged.     If,  therefore,  a  safe  return  to  their  own  country  i 
was  open  for  the  refugees,  if  the  authors  of  the  massacre  were 
surrendered,  and  freedom  and   law    restored  to  Syracuse,  war 
was  wholly  unnecessary.      If,  however,   all   this   was   refused, 
whoever  might  be   the   obstacle,  on   him   the   Romans   would 
make  war  to  the  uttermost. 
Epicydes  replies        Epicydes  replied  :  "  If  you  had  had  any  message  for  us,  wi 
to  it  unfavour-   «  would  have  given  you  an  answer.     The  refugees  can  retu: 
"  as  soon  as  the  government  of  Syracuse  shall  be  in  the  handi 
'*  of  those  to  whom  you  have  come.    Should  the  Romans  be  tb 
"  aggressors,  you  will  soon  learn  by  actual  facts  that  it  is  b; 
"  no  means  the  same  thing  to  besiege  Syracuse  as  to  besieg( 
"  Leontini."     He  then  left  the  envoys  and  closed  the  gates. 
From  that  moment  the  siege  of  Syracuse    began  both  by 
hesiegedby  the   land  and  sea,  landwards  on  the  side  of  the  Hexapylon,  seawards 
Romans.       ^^  ^.j^^^.  ^^  ^^  Axhradina,  the  walls  of  which  are  washed  by  the 

SECOND  PUNIC  WAR.  231     ' 

waves.     The  Romans  having  taken  Leontini  in  the  panic  of  a  book  xxiv.  . 

first  assault,  felt  confident  that  at  some  point  they  would  force 

an  entrance  into  a  wide  and  scattered  city,  and  so  they  brought 

up   all  the    machinery  employed    in    the    attack  of   fortified 


34.     An  attempt  made  with  such  impetuous  energy  must  Arc/n'me/fes :  his 
have  secured  success  but  for  the  presence  at  this  crisis  of  one  '^"^the'de/erut" 
man  at  Syracuse.    This  was  Archimedes,  an  unrivalled  observer- 
of  the  heavens  and  the  stars,  and  yet  more  wonderful  as  an 
inventor  and  contriver  of  military  works  and  engines  by  which 
he  could  with  the  utmost  ease  baffle  the  enemy's  most  laborious 
efforts.    The  wall  which  was  drawn  along  hills  of  various  heights, 
lofty  for  the  most  part  and  difficult  of  approach,  though  there 
was  also  some  lower  ground  accessible  from  the  level  of  the 
valleys,  he  furnished  with  engines  of  every  description,  suited 
to  the  different  localities.     Marcellus  assailed  the  fortifications 
of  the  Achradina,  which,  as  has  been  before  said,  are  washed 
by  the  sea,  with  sixty  five-banked  ships,  while  from  his  other 
j  ships  archers,  slingers,  and  light  infantry  also,  whose  peculiar 
I  missile  is  hard  to  be  poised  by  an  inexperienced  hand,  suffered 
I  scarcely  a  man  to  stand  unwounded  on  the  ramparts.     As  they 
{ wanted  room  to  discharge  their  missiles,  they  kept  the  vessels 
sat  a  distance   from   the   walls.     The  five-banked   ships  were 
j  lashed  together,  two  and  two,  with  their  sides  in  close  contact, 
oars  on  the  inner  side  having  been  removed,  and  then  they 
were  propelled  by  the  outer  bank  of  oars,  like  one  vessel, 
carrying  on  board  towers  of  several  stories  with   other   con- 
trivances for  breaking  down  the  fortifications. 

To  oppose  this  naval  attacking  force  Archimedes  set  engines 
|of  all  sizes  on  the  ramparts.  Against  the  more  distant  vessels 
jhe  discharged  stones  of  prodigious  weight ;  the  nearer,  he 
lassailed  with  missiles,  lighter  indeed,  but  all  the  more  incessant ; 
last,  he  opened  numerous  apertures,  a  cubit  in  diameter,  in  the 
jwall  from  the  top  to  the  bottom,  that  his  men  might  shower  their 
4arts  on  the  enemy,  themselves  unwounded.  From  a  concealed 
position,  through  these  apertures  they  galled  the  enemy,  some 
with  arrows,  others  with  small  so-called  "scorpions."  Some 
/essels  came  close  in,  so  as  to  be  too  near  for  the  range  of  the 
ngines  ;  on  the  bows  of  these  vessels  was  dropped  from  a  crane 




The  Roman 
attack  baffied. 

The  city 

.  Marcellus 
recovers  some  of 

the  revolted 
towns  of  Sicily. 

*  Capo  Passaro- 

Himilco  arrives 

with  a 



projecting  over  the  ramparts  an  iron  grappling-hook  fastened 
to  a  strong  chain,  which  being  swiftly  lowered  to  the  ground  by 
a  ponderous  leaden  weight,  raised  the  prow  high  in  air,  and  set 
the  vessel  on  its  stern.  The  hook  was  then  suddenly  let  go, 
and  the  vessel,  to  the  great  consternation  of  the  sailors,  was 
dashed,  as  if  it  had  fallen  from  the  walls,  with  suCh  violence  on 
the  waves,  that  even  if  it  fell  straight,  it  took  in  a  quantity  of 
water.  Thus  the  naval  attack  was  foiled,  and  the  besiegers 
turned  all  their  efforts  to  an  assault  in  full  force  by  land. 

Here  too,  however,  every  point  had  been  furnished  with  the 
same  complete  apparatus  of  engines,  to  which  Hiero  had  devoted 
for  many  years  time  and  money,  and  Archimedes  his  singular 
skill.  The  nature  of  the  ground  too  helped  the  defence.  The 
rock  on  which  the  foundations  of  the  wall  were  laid  is  for  the 
most  part  so  steep  that  not  only  the  missiles  discharged  from 
the  engines,  but  everything  that  rolled  down  by  its  own  weight, 
fell  with  fatal  effect  on  the  enemy.  The  same  circumstance 
rendered  the  ascent  hard  to  climb  and  the  footing  precarious. 
Finding  therefore  that  every  attempt  covered  them  with  ridicule, 
the  besiegers  held  a  council,  in  which  it  was  decided  to  abandon 
all  further  assaults,  and  to  cut  off  by  a  simple  blockade  the 
enemy's  supplies  by  sea  and  land. 

35.     Marcellus  meanwhile  marched  with  about  a  third  of  his 
army  to  recover  the  cities  which  had  revolted  to  Carthage  during 
the  late  commotions.     Helorus  and  Herbessus  he  recovered  by 
voluntary  surrender.    Megara,  which  he  stormed,  he  sacked  and 
destroyed  as  a  terror  to  all  other  Sicilians,  especially  the  Syra- 
cusans.    About  the  same  time  Himilco,  who  had  long  been  with  j 
his  fleet  off  the  promontory  of  Pachynus,*  landed  at  Heraclea  \ 
(also  called  Minoa),  with  twenty-five  thousand  infantry,  three 
thousand  cavalry,  and  twelve  elephants ;  a  much  larger  force 
than  he  had  previously  had  with  his  fleet  off  Pachynus.    The 
fact  was  that  as   soon  as  Hippocrates  had  seized  SyracusCji 
Himilco  went  to  Carthage,  and  there,  backed  up  by  envoys  fror 
Hippocrates  and  by  a  letter  from  Hannibal,  in  which  it  was  said 
that  the  time  had  arrived  for  the  recovery  of  Sicily  in  the  mos^ 
glorious  way,  thanks  also  to  the  weight  of  his  personal  presence 
and  counsel,  he  had  easily  prevailed  on  the  people  to  send  across 
to  Sicily  as  large  a  force  as  they  could  of  infantry  and  cavalryij 

SECOND  PUNIC  WAR.  233    . 

On  arriving  he  recovered  Heraclea  and  a  few  days  afterwards  BOOK  xxiv. 
Agrigentum,*  thus  kindling  in  other  states  which   sided  with      *  Girgenti. 
Carthage  such  hopes  of  expelling  the  Romans  from  Sicily  that 
at  last  even  the  besieged  Syracusans  raised  their  spirits.      Be- 
lieving that  a  portion  of  their  forces  sufficed  for  their  city's 
safety,  they  divided  among  them  the  operations  of  war,  Epicydes     Hippocrates 
being  intrusted  with  the  direction  of  the  defence,  while  Hippo-   ^"syracuse  to 
crates  was  to  join  Himilco  and  carry  on  the  contest  with  the      ■'""*  ^""'■ 
Roman  consul. 

With  ten  thousand  infantry  and  five  hundred  cavalry  Hippo- 
crates marched  out  of  the  city  by  night  at  a  point  left  unguarded, 
and  began  to  form  a  camp  near  the  town  of  Acrillse.  While 
they  were  intrenching  it,  Marcellus  came  up  on  his  way  back 
from  Agrigentum,  which  he  had  found  occupied,  though  he  had 
vainly  put  forth  his  utmost  speed  to  get  there  before  the  enemy. 
There  was  nothing  which  he  less  expected  than  to  be  met  at 
that  time  and  place  by  a  Syracusan  army.  Still,  being  afraid  of 
Himilco  and  the  Carthaginians,  for  whom,  with  the  force  he 
I  then  had,  he  was  by  no  means  a  match,  he  continued  to  advance 
with  all  possible  vigilance,  and  with  his  troops  prepared  for  any 

36.    The  precautions  which  he  had  so  carefully  taken  against   ffg  /,  defeated. 

1  the  Carthaginians   served  him,  as   it  happened,   against   the 

\  Sicilians.     He  came  on  them,  as  they  were  intrenching  their 

I  camp,  scattered,  and  in  disorder,  and  mostly  unarmed,  and  cut 

off  their  entire  infantry ;  their  cavalry,  after  a  slight  skirmish, 

tied  with  Hippocrates  to  Acrae.f  \  Paiazzolo. 

Having  by  this  battle  checked  the  disposition  of  the  Sicilians  Marcellus  again 
to  revolt  from  Rome,  Marcellus  marched  back  to  Syracuse.      A  ^^-^'"'^  Syracuse. 
I  few  days  afterwards  Himilco,  who  had  now  been  joined  by 
i  Hippocrates,  encamped  on  the  river  Anapus  |  at  about  eight       %  Anapo. 
miles  distance. 

About  the  same  time  fifty-five  Carthaginian  war-ships,  under    Arrival 0/ a 
l>omilcar  as  admiral,  sailed  into  the  great  harbour  of  Syracuse,  anTo/a^Roman 
^and  a  Roman  fleet  too  of  thirty  five-banked  vessels  disembarked         J^'-'^^- 
Ithe  first  legion  at  Panormus.§      It  might  have  seemed  that  the      §  Palermo. 
Iwar  had  been  altogether  diverted  from  Italy,  so  intent  was  each 
nation  on  Sicily.     The  Roman  legion  which  had  been  landed  at 
Panormus  and  was  on  its  way  to  Syracuse,  Himilco  counted  on 




Revolt  of 
Sicilian  towns 
Jroni  Rome  to 


*  Castro 

Proceedings  at 

as  his  certain  prey,  but  he  was  deceived  as  to  its  route.  The 
Carthaginian  took  his  march  inland,  while  the  legion,  accom- 
panied by  the  fleet,  proceeded  along  the  coast  and  joined  Appius 
Claudius,  who  had  advanced  to  meet  it  at  Pachynus  with  a  part 
of  his  army. 

Not  a  moment  longer  did  the  Carthaginians  remain  at 
Syracuse.  Bomilcar  had  but  little  confidence  in  his  fleet,  as 
the  Romans  had  fully  twice  as  many  ships,  and  he  saw,  too, 
that  useless  delay  would  do  nothing  else  than  aggravate  the 
scarcity  that  distressed  his  allies.  He  therefore  sailed  out  to 
sea  and  crossed  to  Africa.  Himilco  too  pursued  Marcellus  to 
Syracuse  without  result,  hoping  for  an  opportunity  of  engaging 
him  before  he  was  joined  by  a  larger  army.  But  finding  none, 
and  seeing  his  enemy  safe  at  Syracuse  within  fortified  lines  and 
in  great  strength,  he  moved  away  his  camp,  not  wishing  to 
waste  his  time  in  idly  watching  him  and  looking  on  at  the 
blockade  of  his 'allies.  Wherever  he  might  be  invited  by  a 
prospect  of  revolt  from  Rome,  there  he  meant  to  bring  up  his 
army  and  give  courage  by  his  presence  to  those  who  favoured 
his  cause.  First  he  recovered  Murgantia,  the  citizens  of  whifch 
betrayed  the  Roman  garrison.  Vast  stores  of  grain  and 
supplies  of  all  kinds  had  there  been  collected  for  the  Romans. 

37.  This  revolt  at  once  encouraged  the  hopes  of  other 
states.  Roman  garrisons  were  either  driven  from  their  strong- 
holds or  were  treacherously  overpowered.  Enna,*  which  stood 
on  a  height,  of  which  every  side  was  a  precipice,  was  not  only 
impregnable  from  its  position,  but  it  had  also  in  its  citadel  a 
strong  garrison  commanded  by  a  man  not  likely  to  fall  a  victim 
to  any  plot.  Lucius  Pinarius  was  a  fearless  soldier,  and  one 
who  depended  more  on  guarding  himself  against  the  possibility 
of  being  deceived  than  on  the  good  faith  of  the  Sicilians. 
And  now  his  vigilance  in  taking  every  imaginable  precaution 
had  been  quickened  by  hearing  so  continually  of  the  betrayals 
and  revolts  of  cities  and  of  slaughtered  garrisons.  So  night  ani 
day  alike  every  point  was  watched  and  defended  by  guardl 
and  sentries,  and  not  a  soldier  laid  aside  his  arms  or  quitte^ 
his  post. 

Of  all  this  the  chief  citizens  of  Enna,  who  had  already  bee^ 
treating  with  Himilco  for  the  surrender  of  the  garrison,  wer<j 



well  aware,  and  seeing  that  the  Romans  were  not  open  to  any   book  xxiv 

treacherous  surprise,  they  decided  that  they  must  go  to  work 

openly.    "  The  city  and  citadel,"  they  said,  "  ought  to  be  in  their 

"  own  control,  if  they  had  given  themselves  up  to  the  Romans  to 

"  enjoy  freedom  as  allies,  and  not  to  be  in  their  keeping  as 

"  slaves.     We  think  it  fair,"  said  they,  "  that  the  keys  of  the 

"  city  gates  should  be  returned  to  us.     With  good  allies,  their 

"  own  loyalty  is  the  strongest  bond.    It  is  only  if  of  our  own  free 

"  will  and  without  compulsion  we  continue  in  their  friendship, 

"  that  the  people  and  Senate  of  Rome  can  be  grateful  to  us." 

To  this  the  Roman  officer  replied  that,  "  he  had  been 
"  charged  with  the  city's  defence  by  his  commander-in-chief ; 
''  that  by  him  he  had  been  intrusted  with  the  keys  of  the  city 
"  gates  and  with  the  custody  of  the  citadel,  and  that  he  did  not 
"  hold  his  trust  by  his  own  will  or  that  of  the  citizens  of  Enna, 
"  but  from  him  who  had  committed  it  to  him.  To  quit  one's 
"  post  was  with  the  Romans  a  capital  offence,  a  law  to  which 
"  fathers  had  given  a  sanction  by  the  execution  even  of  their 
"  own  children.  The  consul  Marcellus  was  not  far  off;  they 
"  should  send  envoys  to  him,  as  the  matter  was  for  his  jurisdic- 
I  "  tion  and  decision." 

j  Their  answer  was  a  refusal  to  send  envoys,  and  they  solemnly 
!  declared  that  if  they  could  do  nothing  by  words,  they  would 
j  seek  some  means  of  vindicating  their  freedom.  Thereupon 
Pinarius  replied  that  "  if  they  felt  reluctance  to  send  to  the 
I  "  consuls,  they  might  at  least  allow  him  to  meet  the  people  in 
1 "  assembly,  so  that  it  might  be  known  whether  those  threats 
j  "  expressed  the  mind  of  all  the  citizens,  or  of  only  a  few."  By 
general  consent  an  assembly  was  proclaimed  for  the  follow- 

I  38.  Pinarius,  after  this  conference,  retired  to  the  citadel, 
jand  called  together  his  soldiers.  "  You  have  heard,  I  presume, 
'"soldiers,"  he  said,  "how  the  Roman  garrisons  have  been 
"  lately  surprised  and  overpowered  by  the  Sicilians.  This 
"  treachery  you  have  escaped,  first  through  the  good  favour  of 
"  the  gods,  next  through  your  own  valour,  and  your  persistent 
"  vigilance,  day  and  night,  under  arms.  I  wish  it  may  be  pos- 
'  sible  to  get  through  the  future  also  without  either  enduring  or 
'  perpetrating  unutterable  horrors.   This  caution  which  we  have 


commander  of 

the  Roman 

addresses  his 

soldiers.    , 

236  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  "  hitherto  used  has  been  directed  against  secret  treachery  ;  but 
"  as  that  is  unsuccessful,  they  openly  and  publicly  demand  the 
"  keys  of  the  city  gates.  As  soon  as  we  have  surrendered  them, 
"  Enna  will  at  once  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Carthaginians,  and 
"  we  shall  be  nlassacred  here  more  foully  than  the  garrison  at 
"  Murgantia  was  massacred.  With  difficulty  I  have  obtained  a 
"  single  night  for  deliberation,  in  which  I  might  inform  you  of 
*'  our  imminent  peril.  At  daybreak  they  are  to  hold  an  assem- 
"  bly,  with  the  object  of  accusing  me  and  rousing  the  populace 
"  against  you.  So  on  the  morrow  Enna  will  be  deluged  either 
"  with  your  blood  or  with  the  blood  of  its  citizens.  If  yoii  are 
"  forestalled,  there  is  no  hope  for  you  ;  if  you  forestall  them, 
"  there  is  no  danger.  The  victory  will  be  his  who  first  draws 
"  the  sword.  You  must  therefore  await  the  signal  ready  armed 
"  and  with  the  keenest  attention.  I  shall  be  at  the  assembly, 
"  and  I  will  spin  out  the  time  in  talking  and  discussing,  till 
"  all  is  ready.  When  I  give  the  signal  by  raising  my  gown, 
"  let  me  hear  you  raise  a  general  shout  ;  rush  on  the  crowd 
"  and  strike  down  everything  with  the  sword.  See  that  no 
"  one  survives  from  whom  we  can  fear  either  force  or  fraud. 
"  I  pray  you.  Mother  Ceres  and  Proserpina,  and  all  you  other 
"  gods  of  the  upper  and  under  worlds  who  haunt  this  city,  and 
"  these  sacred  lakes  and  groves,  to  stand  by  us,  willing  and 
"  propitious  helpers,  if  and  if  only  we  are  forming  this  our  plan  ] 
"  to  escape,  not  to  inflict,  injury.  I  would  say  inore  to  exhort  j 
"  you,  soldiers,  if  you  were  going  to  fight  with  armed  men. 
"  But  it  will  be  unarmed  and  unprepared  men  whom  you  will 
"  slaughter  till  you  are  weary.  And  the  consul's  camp  is  in 
"  the  neighbourhood,  so  that  we  need  fear  nothing  from  Himilco  ' 
"  and  the  Carthaginians.'' 

39.  After  thus  exhorting  them  he  dismissed  them  to  seek 
refreshment  and  rest.  Next  day  some  posted  themselves  at 
various  points  to  block  the  streets  and  close  all  egress  against 
the  citizens,  while  most  of  them  gathered  round  the  theatre  or  on 
the  ground  above  it,  as  they  had  been  accustomed  to  be  spectators 
of  the  assemblies.  The  Roman  commander  was  then  introduced 
to  the  people  by  the  magistrates.  He  stated  that  to  the  consulj 
and  not  to  himself  belonged  the  rightful  decision  of  the  matter, 
and  repeated  for  the  most  part  what  he  had  said  the  day  before, 




and  they,  first  with  some  hesitation,  then  in  increasing  numbers,   bookxxiv. 
and  at  last  with  one  voice,  bade  him  surrender  the  keys.     As 
he  hesitated  and  delayed,  they  assailed  him  with  savage  threats, 
and  it  seemed  that  fatal  violence  would  not  be  deferred  another 
instant.      Then  the   officer  gave   the   signal    that    had    been 
arranged,  with  his   gown.     His   soldiers,  long  eager  and  pre-     Massacre  at 
pared,  raised  a   shout  and  rushed  down,   some   from  above- 
taking  the   assembly  in  its  rear,  while  others   in   close  array 
barred  every  outlet  of  the  theatre.     The  people  of  Enna,  pent 
up  in  the  hollow,  were  cut  down,  perishing  in  masses,  not  only 
by  the  sword,  but  by  their   own  efforts  to  flee,  as  they  flung 
themselves   over  each   other's   heads,   and  fell   in  heaps,  the 
unhurt  on  the  wounded,  and  the  living  on  the  dead.     Then 
followed  a  wild  rush  in  all  directions  ;  it  was  as  if  the  city  had 
I  been  stormed ;  panic  and  slaughter   were  everywhere,  for  the 
I  soldiers'  fury,  though  they  were  cutting  down  an  unarmed  crowd, 
{  was  no  less  fierce  than  if  they  had  been  infuriated  by  the  peril 
!  of  an  equal  foe  and  the  excitement  of  battle.     Enna  was  thus 
j  retained  for  Rome  by  an  evil,  but  a  necessary,  deed. 

j\        Marcellus,  far  from  disproving  all  this,  gave  up  the  spoil  of  Sicilian  feeling. 

j  the  city  to  his  troops,  in  the  belief  that  the  Sicilians  would  be 

\  frightened  into  refraining  from  treacherous  betrayals  of  the  Ro- 

1  man  garrisons.  And,  indeed,  this  blow  falling  on  a  city  that  lies  in 

I  the  centre  of  Sicily,  and  is  famous  alike  for  the  natural  defences 

which  make  its  position  conspicuous,  and  for  the  associations 

j  which  connect  every  spot  with  the  legendary  Rape  of  Proserpine, 

jwas  noised  throughout  the  whole  island  almost  in  a  single  day. 

[By    this    infamous    massacre    had   been   dishonoured,   so    all 

jmen  felt,  the  dwelling,  not  of  mortals  only,  but  of  gods,  and 

therefore   those   who   had   hitherto   wavered,   now  revolted  to 

the  Carthaginians.  Hippocrates  and  Himilco  betook  themselves 

respectively  to   Murgantia  and  Agrigentum,  on  finding  that  it 

was  to  no  purpose  that  they  had  advanced  their  forces  at  the 

invitation  of  the  traitors  to  Enna.     Marcellus  returned  to  Leon- 

r.ini ;  there  he  left  a  small  garrison,  after  having  conveyed  to  his 

|:amp  grain   and  other   supplies.     He   then    marched   to    the 

blockade  of  Syracuse,  whence  he  had  sent  Appius  Claudius  to 

'^ome    to    stand  for  the   consulate,   appointing   in   his    place 

2uintiu3  Crispinus  to  have  the  charge  of  the  fleet  and  of  the  old 

tnarches  back 
to  Syracuse. 




War  with 
FhiliJ>  nf 

Oricum  taken  by 

retaken  by 

besieged  by 
Philip,  and 
rescued  by  a 
Roman  force. 

camp.  He  himself  meanwhile  fortified  and  established  a  winter 
camp,  five  miles  from  Hexapylon,  in  a  place  called  Leon.  Such 
were  the  events  which  took  place  in  Sicily  up  to  the  beginning 
of  the  winter. 

40.  The  same  summer,  too,  a  war  which  had  been  appre- 
hended for  some  time  broke  out  with  king  Philip.  Envoys 
came  from  Oricum  to  Marcus  Valerius,  the  praetor  who  had 
charge  of  the  fleet  off  Brundisium  and  the  neighbouring  shores 
of  Calabria.  They  brought  news,  first,  of  an  attempt  made  by 
Philip  on  Apollonia,  to  which  he  had  sailed  up  the  river  with  a 
hundred  and  twenty  light  two-oared  vessels  ;  next,  that,  finding 
success  tardier  than  he  had  hoped,  he  had  secretly  by  night 
marched  his  army  to,  Oricum,  which  city,  standing  as  it  did  in  a 
plain,  without  the  defence  of  walls  or  of  an  armed  garrison,  had 
been  overpowered  at  the  first  assault.  With  these  tidings  they 
coupled  a  prayer  for  aid,  begging  Valerius  to  defend  by  land 
and  sea,  against  one  who  was  an  undoubted  enemy  of  Rome, 
the  cities  on  the  coast,  which  were  being  threatened  merely 
because  they  commanded  the  shores  of  Italy.  ■ 

Marcus  Valerius,  leaving  a  force  on  the  spot  with  Publius 
Valerius,  his  lieutenant,  arrived  the  next  day  at  Oricum  with  his 
fleet  fully  equipped  and  prepared,  such  of  his  troops  as  his  war- 
ships could  not  receive  having  been  put  on  board  transport 
vessels.  After  a  single  engagement  he  retook  the  town,  which 
was  held  by  a  small  garrison  left  there  by  Philip  on  his  depar- 
ture. Envoys  now  came  to  him  from  Apollonia,  to  say  that 
they  were  being  besieged  because  they  would  not  revolt  from 
Rome,  and  that,  unless  a  Roman  force  were  sent,  they  could  no 
longer  resist  the  Macedonian  attack.  Valerius  promised  that 
he  would  do  as  they  wished,  and  despatched  ten  thousand 
picked  troops  in  his  war-ships  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  underi 
an  officer  of  allies,  Quintus  Naevius  Crista,  an  energetic  and 
experienced  soldier.  Having  landed  his  men,  and  sent  the 
ships  back  to  the  fleet  at  Oricum,  his  starting-point,  Crista  led 
his  detachment  along  a  road  at  a  distance  from  the  river,  and 
mostly  free  from  the  king's  troops,  and  entered  the  city  by 
night,  unperceived  by  any  of  the  enemy.  Next  day  the 
remained  quiet,  while  he  was  reviewing  the  youth  of  ApolloniJ 
and  the  strength  and  resources  of  the  city.     These,  when  see 


and  examined,  inspired  him  with  sufficient  courage,  and  having    BOOK  xxiv. 

also  ascertained  from  his  scouts  the  extreme  carelessness  and 

negligence  of  the  enemy,  he  marched  out  of  the  town  without 

the  slightest  noise  in  the  stillness  of  night,  and  entered  the 

enemy's  camp,  which  was  so  unguarded  and  open  that  it  was    PhUifi'snrmy 

generally  understood   that   a   thousand  men  had  passed   the 

line  before  any  one  was  aware  of  it.     Had  they  refrained  from 

slaughter,  they  might,  it  was  certain,  have  reached  the  royal 

tent.     The  enemy  was  aroused  by  the  slaughter  of  those  who 

were  nearest  to  the  camp  gate ;  then  followed  such  universal 

terror  and  panic  that,  so  far  from  a  single  man  seizing  his  arms 

and  endeavouring  to  drive  the  foe  out  of  the  camp,  the  king 

himself  fled  half  naked,  just  as  he  was  on  awakening  from  sleep, 

and,  in  a  plight  hardly  fit  for  a  soldier,  much  less  for  a  king.  Flight  of  Philip. 

hurried  to  the  river  and  his  ships.     Thither  too  rushed  wildly 

the  rest  of  the  crowd.      Somewhat  less  than  three   thousand 

men  were  either  made  prisoners  or  slain  in  the  camp,  but  more 

were  captured  than  killed. 

When  the  camp  had  been  plundered,  the  citizens  of  Apollonia 

brought  back  to  their  city  the    catapults,  ballistas,  and   other 

I  engines  which  had  been  provided  for  the  siege  of  their  town,  to 

I  defend  its  walls  in  the  event  of  any  like  subsequent  emergency. 

i  All  the  rest  of  the  booty  was  given  up  to  the  Romans.     When 

j  the  news  reached  Oricum,  Marcus  Valerius  at  once  moved  his 

fleet  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  that  it  might  not  be  possible  for 

'the  king  to  make  his  escape  on  shipboard.     Philip  accordingly 

ihaving  no  confidence  that  he  would  be  a  match  for  his  foe  in 

[battle  by  land  or  sea,  hauled  his  vessels  ashore  or  burnt  them, 

land  hurried  back  overland  to  Macedonia  with  an  army  for  the 

most  part  without  arms  or  property.     The  Roman  fleet  wintered 

with  Marcus  Valerius  at  Oricum. 

41.  The  military  operations  of  this  year  in  Spain  had  no  Operations  in 
Iccided  result.  Before  the  Romans  could  cross  the  Ebro,  Mago 
ind  Hasdrubal  routed  an  immense  host  of  Spaniards.  Spain 
t  of  the  Ebro  would  have  revolted  from  Rome  had  not  Scipio 
[lidly  pushed  his  army  across  the  river,  and  arrived  at  the 
ight  moment,  to  confirm  the  wavering  attachment  of  the  allies. 
Mrst,the  Romans  established  themselves  at  White  Camp,  a  spot 
nade  memorable  by  the  fall  of  the  great   Hamilcar.     It   was 



*  Cazlona 

BOOK  xxiy.  a  fortified  position,  and  stores  of  grain  had  there  been  pre- 
viously collected.  But,  as  the  whole  neighbourhood  swarmed 
with  the  enemy,  whose  cavalry  had  with  impunity  harassed  the 
Romans  on  their  march,  slaughtering  as  many  as  two  thousand 
loiterers  or  stragglers  in  the  fields,  the  Romans  retired  towards 
a  quiet  district,  and  fortified  a  camp  at  Mount  Victory,  Thither 
came  Cneius  Scipio  in  full  force,  and  Hasdrubal,  too,  the  son 
of  Gisgo,  making  in  all  three  Carthaginian  generals,  with  an 
army  in  all  respects  complete.  All  three  now  confronted  the 
Roman  camp  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  Publius 
Scipio  went  out  unobserved  with  some  light  troops  to  reconnoitre 
the  surrounding  country,  but  he  did  not  elude  the  enemy.  He 
would  have  been  overpowered  on  open  ground,  had  he  not 
seized  a  neighbouring  eminence.  There  he  was  hemmed  in,i 
and  released  from  blockade  by  his  brother's  arrival. 

Castulo,*  a  powerful  and  famous  Spanish  town,  and  so 
closely  allied  to  the  Carthaginians  that  Hannibal  married 
his  wife  from  it,  revolted  to  Rome.  The  Carthaginians  at- 
tempted to  storm  Illiturgis,  as  there  was  a  Roman  garrison  in 
the  place,  and  it  seemed  that  they  would  reduce  it  without  fail 
by  famine.  Cneius  Scipio  set  out  with  a  legion  lightly  equipped 
to  bring  succour  to  his  allies  and  to  the  garrison,  and  passing 
between  the  enemy's  two  camps  entered  the  city,  inflicting  on 
them  great  loss.  Next  day  he;  fought  thern  in  a  sortie  that  was . 
equally  successful.  In  the  two  engagements  more  than  twelve  1 
thousand  of  the  enemy  were  slain  ;  more  than  a  thousand  taken! 
prisoners,  with  thirty-six  standards.  And  so  they  retired  from!' 
Illiturgis.  Then  they  began  to  besiege  Bigerra,  a  city  also  in 
alliance  with  Rome.  Cneius  Scipio  came  up  and  raised  the^ 
blockade  without  fighting. 

42.  The  Carthaginian  camp  was  next  moved  to  Munda,ani 
thither  the  Romans  instantly  followed  them.  There  was 
pitched  battle  of  four  hours,  and  the  Romans  were  winning 
decisive  victory  when  the  signal  for  retreat  was  given,  becaus( 
Cneius  Scipio  had  his  thigh  completely  pierced  by  a  javelin, 
panic  seized  the  soldiers  round  him  who  feared  that  the  wound 
might  be  mortal.  But  for  this  hindrance  there  was  no  question 
that  the  Carthaginian  camp  would  have  been  taken  that  day; 
Their  soldiers  and  their  elephants  too  had  already  been  driver 

Battle  at 



into  their  intrenchments,  close  to  which  thirty-nine  of  the 
elephants  had  been  transfixed  by  the  Roman  darts.  It  is  said 
that  in  this  battle  too  there  fell  upwards  of  twelve  thousand 
men,  and  that  nearly  three  thousand  were  made  prisoners,  with 
fifty-seven  standards. 

The  Carthaginians  then  retired  to  the  town  of  Aurinx,  whither 

the  Romans  pursued  them,  taking  advantage  of  their  terror. 

There  again  Scipio  engaged  them,  being  borne  into  the  battle  on 

a  litter.     It  was  an  undoubted  victory,  though  less  by  half  fell  of 

the  enemy  than  in  the  previous  battle  ;  far  fewer  indeed  surviving 

to  fight.     But  it  is  the  nature  of  this  people  to  renew  and  repair 

the  losses  of  war,  and  when  Mago,  the  commander's  brother, 

had  been  despatched  to  raise  recruits,  they  soon  filled  up  the  gaps 

in  their  army,  and  recovering  their  courage  ventured  on  a  fresh 

contest.     They  had  for  the  most  part  new  soldiers,  but  feeling 

themselves   on  a  side  which  within  a  few  days  had  been  so 

repeatedly  vanquished,  they  fought  with  the  same  spirit  and 

same  result  as  before.      More  than  eight  thousand  men  were 

I  slain  ;  not  less  than  a  thousand  made  prisoners  with  fifty-eight 

standards.     The  spoil  taken  was  chiefly  Gallic,  a  profusion  of 

|golden  chains  and  bracelets.     In  this  battle  there  also  fell  two 

Irenowned  Gallic  chiefs,  by  name  Moeniacoepto  and  Vismaro. 

I'.i^^ht  elephants  were  taken  and  three  killed.    Now  that  they  had 

Aon  these  successes  in  Spain,  the  Romans  at  last  felt  shame  at 

Ik    town  of  Saguntum,  which  had  occasioned  the  war,  having 

lecn  for  nearly  eight  years  in  the  enemy's  power.    So  they  retook 

Ik  place,  after  forcibly  expelling  the  Carthaginian  garrison,  and 

ored  it  to  such  of  the  old  inhabitants  as  the  violence  of 

had  spared.     The  Turdetani,  who  had  involved  them  in 

Dstilities  with  the  Carthaginians,  they  reduced  to  subjection, 

)ld  them  by  public  auction,  and  razed  their  city. 

43.  Such  were  the  Roman  operations  in  Spain  during  the 
)nsulate  of  Quintus  Fabius  and  Marcus  Claudius.  As  soon 
.  new  tribunes  entered  on  their  office  at  Rome,  the  censors, 
iblius  Furius  and  Marcus  Atilius,  were  at  once  summoned  by 
icius  Metellus,  one  of  the  tribunes,  to  appear  before  the 
ular  assembly.  Metellus  had  been  quaestor  in  the  previous 
.1",  and  had  then  been  deprived  by  the  censors  of  his  horse, 
1  noved  from  his  tribe,  and  disfranchised,  as  having  engaged  at 



Carthagin  ians 

are  worsieJ,  and 

Jail  back. 

They  are 
f>7trsued,  and 
again  defeated. 

Defeated  a 
third  time. 

The  Romans 


The  censors 

threatened  with 


before  the       ' 




Election  of 

BOOK  XXIV.  Cannae  into  a  conspirapy  to  abandon  Italy.  By  the  intervention 
however,  of  the  other  nine  tribunes,  the  trial  of  the  defendants 
while  they  were  in  office,  was  forbidden,  and  their  case  wa; 
dismissed.  They  did  not  complete  the  census,  Furius  being 
prevented  by  death,  and  Atilius  retiring  from  office. 

The  consular  elections  were  held  by  the  consul  Quintus 
Fabius  Maximus.  Both  consuls  were  elected  in  their  absence 
Quintus  Fabius,  the  consul's  son,  and  Tiberius  Sempronius 
Gracchus  for  the  second  time.  The  new  praetors  were  Marcuj 
Atilius,  Publius  Sempronius  Tuditanus,  Cneius  Fulvius  Cen- 
tumalus,  and  Marcus  ^milius  Lepidus,  of  whom  the  three 
last  were  at  the  time  curule  aediles.  It  is  on  record  that  that 
year,  for  the  first  time,  dramatic  games  lasting  four  days  were 
conducted  by  these  officials.  The  aedile  Tuditanus  was  the 
man  who  escaped  at  Cannae  through  the  midst  of  the  enemy, 
when  others  were  stupefied  at  the  magnitude  of  the  disaster. 
The  elections  over,  the  consuls  elect  were,  at  the  advice  of 
the  consul  Quintus  Fabius,  summoned  to  Rome,  and  then 
entered  on  office.  The  Senate  was  consulted  by  them  as  to 
the  war  and  the  assignment  of  provinces  to  themselves  and  to; 
the  praetors,  and  as  to  the  command  of  the  armies. 

44.     A  distribution  was  accordingly  made  of  the  province; 
and  armies.      The  war  with    Hannibal   was   intrusted  to  thui 
consuls,  with  two  armies,  one  of  which  Sempronius  himself 
already  commanded,  Fabius  having  the  other.     Each  army  cc 
sisted  of  two  legions.     The  praetor  Marcus  -^milius,  who  h^ 
the  jurisdiction  over  aliens,  was  to  assign  it  to  his  colleag 
the   city   praetor,    Marcus   Atilius,   and   have   the   province 
Luceria  and  the  two  legions  which  had  been  under  the  comman 
of  Quintus  Fabius,  the  present  consul,  when  praetor.    To  Publili 
Sempronius  and  Cneius  Fulvius  fell,  respectively,  as  their  pr 
vinces,  Ariminum  and  Suessula,  each  having  also  two  legion 
Fabius  was  to  command  the  city  legions,  and  Tuditanus  to  havi 
those  of  Manius  Pomponius.     Some  commands  and  provinci;] 
governorships  were  extended,  Claudius  retaining  Sicily  withi 
the  boundaries  which  limited  Hiero's  kingdom,  while  the  old  pr 
vince  was  to  be  under  Lentulus  as  pro-praetor.     Titus  Otacilii 
had  the  fleet,  to  which  no  fresh  troops  were  added.     Marc 
Valerius  had  Greece  and  Macedonia  with  the  legion  and  fle^ 

B.C.  213. 

Distribution  of 
tlie  arinies. 


he  commanded  ;  Ouintus  Mucius  with  his  old  army,  consisting  BOOK  xxiv. 

of  two  legions,  kept  Sardinia.      Caius  Terentius  retained  the 

legion  already  under  his  command,  with  Picenum.     A  vote  was 

carried  to  raise  two  additional  city  legions  and  twenty  thousand 

allies.     Such  were  the  generals,  such  the  armies  with   which 

Rome's  empire  was  to  be  simultaneously  defended  against   a 

number  of  attacks,  begun  or  threatened. 

Having  raised  the  two  city  legions  and  recruited  others,  the 

consuls,  before  moving  from  Rome,  expiated  certain  portents  of      Portents. 

which  they  had  received  information.     The  city  walls  and  gates, 

and  also  a  temple  of  Jupiter  at  Aricia   had  been  struck  by 

lightning.      Moreover  some  illusions  of  the  eye  and  ear  had 

been  taken  for  realities.     The  semblance  of  war  ships,  which 

had  no  existence,  had  been  seen  on  the  river  at  Tarracina,  and 

I  at  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Vicilinus  in  the  district  of  Compsa  the 

I  clash  of  arms  had  been  heard.     The  river  at  Amiternum  too  had 

iflowed  with   blood.     These  portents  having  been  expiated  in 

pbedience  to  a  resolution  of  the  pontiffs,  the  consuls  took  their 

departure,  Sempronius  for  Lucania,  Fabius   for   Apulia.     The 

father  entered  the  camp  at  Suessula  as  his  son's  lieutenant  ;  the 

[ion  went  out  to  meet  him  preceded  by  the  lictors  who  were 

I  Went  out  of  respect  for  his  high  rank.     The  old  man  rode  past 

i  fleven  of  these  officers,  upon  which  tlje  consul  bade  the  liclor  at 

;.  lis  side  to  mind  his  duty.     The  man  shouted  to  the  rider  that  he 

y  las  to  dismount,  and  then  at  last  the  father  springing  from  his 

,  brse,  exclaimed,     "  I    wished  to   try   you,  my   son,   and    see 

I  whether  you  really  knew  that  you  are  a  consul." 

I    45.     A  native  of  Arpi,  Dasius  Altinius,  entered  the  camp 

ecretly  by  night  with  three  slaves,  and  promised  that  for  a 

tward  he  would  betray  the  town.     Fabius  having  referred  the  Aitimus  of  Arpi 

latter  to  a  council,  some  were  of  opinion  "  that  he  ought  to  be      tZpincIu^ 

Iscourged  and  executed  as  a  deserter,  a  double-minded  man,       fabiits. 

;ind  consequently  a   common  enemy.     After  the   disaster  of 

(  annas  he  had  gone  over  to  Hannibal  and  drawn  Arpi  into 

olt,  as  if  good  faith  ought  to  stand  or  fall  with  success. 

w  that  Rome's  power  was,  so  to  say,  reviving,  contrary  to 

1  hopes  and  wishes,  it  would  seem  still  baser  to  pay  back 

th  treachery  the  victims  of  treachery  in  times  past.     The 

an  who  is  perpetually  changing  his  side  and  his  sympathies, 

^  R  2 

244  IJVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  "  is  an  unfaithful  ally  and  a  contemptible  foe.  Let  him  b( 
"  added  to  the  betrayers  of  Falerii  and  of  Pyrrhus,  a  thir( 
"  warning  to  all  deserters." 

To  these  arguments  the  consul's  father,  Fabius,  replied 
"  Men  under  the  excitement  of  war  forget  the  necessities  of  th( 
"  time,  and  pronounce  freely  their  judgment  on  each  cas( 
"  exactly  as  if  they  were  at  peace.  Although  we  ought  abov( 
"  all  things  to  strive  and  consider  how,  if  possible,  not  a  singl( 
"  ally  may  revolt  from  the  Roman  people,  they  do  not  in  fac 
"  consider  this,  but  contend  for  the  duty  of  holding  up  as  ; 
"  warning  any  one  who  may  repent  and  look  back  with  regre 
"  on  the  old  alliance.  If  people  are  to  be  allowed  to  forsak 
"  Rome,  but  not  to  return  to  her,  who  can  doubt  that  Rome' 
"  empire  will  soon  be  deserted  by  its  allies,  and  will  see  ever 
"  part  of  Italy  united  by  treaty  to  Carthage  ?  Still  I  am  not  th( 
"  man  to  think  that  we  ought  to  put  any  faith  in  Altinius. 
"  would  follow  a  middle  course,  and  for  the  present  take  hin 
"  neither  for  a  foe  nor  for  an  ally.  I  should  like  to  see  hin 
"  while  the  war  lasts,  kept  in  honourable  custody  near  thi 
"  camp  in  some  state  which  we  can  trust.  The  war  over,  wi 
"  must  then  consider  whether  punishment  was  the  just  due  o 
"  his  previous  defection,  or  pardon  that  of  his  subsequen 
"  return." 
„  .        ,  Fabius  won  their  assent.     The  man  was  put  in  chains,  an 

He  ts  made  _  '■  ' 

prisoner  on  the  both  he  and  his  Companions  became  prisoners.     He  had  brou|^ 
"^Fabius.        with  him  a  very  considerable  weight  of  gold,  and  this  by  © 
press  order  was  to  be  kept  in  reserve  for  him.     At  CalesJb 
had  his  liberty  during  the  day  under  the  surveillance  of  ] 
tendants  ;  by  night  he  was  in  confinement  under  their  wat 
People  began  at  first  to  miss  him  at  his  home  at  Arpi  and 
inquire  after  him  ;  soon  rumours  spread  through  the  whole  tc 
and  caused  an  uproar,  men  believing  that  they  had  lost  their  < 
citizen.     In  the  dread  of  a  revolution   envoys   were   insta 
despatched  to  Hannibal.     At  this  the  Carthaginian  was  by  1 
means  displeased,  for  he  had  long  held  the  man  in  suspicion^ 
one  whose  loyalty  was  doubtful,  and  now  he  had  got  a  pret^ 
for  seizing  and  selling  the  property  of  a  particularly  rich  citiz| 
But  as  he  wished  to  seem  to  yield  to  anger  rather  than 
avarice,  he  added  cruelty  to  rapacity.     He  summoned  to  )l 


camp  the  wife  and  children  of  Altinius,  and  having  held  an  book  xxiv. 
inquiry,  first  into  the  circumstances  of  his  flight,  then  into  the  His  wife  and 
amount  of  gold  and  silver  left  in  his  house,  and  ascertained  all  '^^"^^ffj^  ^""^'^ 
these  particulars,  he  burnt  them  alive.  Hannibal. 

46.     Fabius    quitted    Suessula  and    first    applied    himself  Pabius  besieges 

vigorously  to  the  siege  of  Arpi.     He  encamped  about  half  a  '""  '"  "    ^^'" 

mile  from  the  city,  and  having  taken  a  near  view  of  the  situation 

of  the  city  and  its  walls,  he  resolved  to  attack  it  by  preference 

where  it   was   most   strongly  fortified,   as   being    there    most 

carelessly    guarded.      Having    provided    everything    used    in 

attacking  towns,  he  picked  out  the  flower  of  the   centurions 

from  his  entire   army,   putting  them  under  the   command    of 

tribunes,  gallant  officers  all  of  them,  and  assigning  them  six 

hundred  soldiers,  a  sufficiently  large  force,  as  he  judged.     They 

had  orders  from  him  to  bring  up   scaling-ladders  to  the  place 

selected,  as  soon  as  the  signal  of  the  fourth  night  watch  had 

sounded.     The  gate  there  was  low  and  narrow,  leading  to  an 

unfrequented  street  through  a  deserted  part  of  the  town.     When 

they  had  scaled  the  gate  with  their  ladders,  they  were  to  hasten 

'to  the  wall  and  forcibly  break  open  the  bars  from  the  inside, 

ind  as  soon  as  they  were  in  possession  of  a  portion  of  the  town, 

hey  were  to  give  a  signal  by  trumpet  for  the  rest  of  the  army 

o  advance.     Fabius  assured  them  that  he  would  have  every- 

hing  prepared  and  ready. 

All  this  was  promptly  done.     What  seemed  likely  to  prove  a 

lindrance  to  the  attempt  mainly  contributed  to  conceal  it.     A 

torm  which  began  at  midnight  drove  the  guards  and  sentries 

)  slip  away  from  their  post  and  seek  shelter  in  the  houses.     At 

1  St  the  loud  sound  of  an  unusually  heavy  rain  drowned  the 

oibe  of  the  men  who  were  working  at  the  gate  ;  afterwards, 

hen  it  fell  more  softly  and  regularly  on  the  ear,  it  lulled  many 

at  heard  it  to  slumber.     As  soon  as  the  Romans  had  pos- 

ssion  of  the  gate,  trumpeters  were  stationed  at  equal  intervals 

^•g  the  street  and  directed  to  sound  a  blast  to  give  notice  to 

consul.     This  having  been  done,  as  already  arranged,  he 

iered  a  general  advance,  and  shortly  before  dawn  entered  the 

'  y  through  the  gate  that  was  broken  down. 

(.7.     This  at  last  awoke  the  enemy  ;  the  storm  too  was  now 
ling,  and  day  was  breaking.     Hannibal  had  a  garrison  in 

246  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  the  town  of  about  five  thousand  men,  and  the  citizens  them- 
selves  had   equipped   three   thousand   soldiers.      These    were 
the  first  set  to  oppose  the  enemy  by  the  Carthaginians,  who 
feared  treachery  in  their  rear.     The  fight  began  in   darkness 
and  in  narrow  streets,  the  Romans  having  occupied  not  only  the 
thoroughfares,  but  also  the  buildings  which  adjoined  the  gate, 
to  save  themselves  from  being  assailed  and  wounded  from  the 
housetops.     Some  of  the  inhabitants  and  some  of  the  Romans 
recognised  each  other,  and  this  gave  rise  to  conversations  in 
which  the  Romans  asked  what  the  citizens  wanted.     "  What 
"  offence  had  the  Romans  given  them,  or  what  had  the  Car- 
"  thaginians  done  for  them  that  they,  an  Italian  people,  should  be 
"  waging  war  for  aliens  and  barbarians  against  their  old  allies,  and 
"  endeavouring  to  make  Italy  pay  taxes  and  tribute  to  Africa  ?  " 
The  people  of  Arpi  excused  themselves  by  saying  that  they  had 
been  sold  in  utter  ignorance  by  their  chief  citizens  to  the  Car 
thaginian  ;  that  they  had  been,  in  fact,  the  prey  and  the  victim^ 
of  a  few  men.     A  beginning  once  made,  many  more  took  pari 
in  these  conversations,  till  at  last  the  governor  of  Arpi  was  con- 
ducted by  his  fellow  citizens  to  the  consul  ;  pledges  were  giver, 
amid  the    standards    and  the   ranks,    and    the    towns-peo 
suddenly  turned  their  arms  against  the  Carthaginians  in  favc 
of  Rome.     Some  Spaniards  too,  to  the  number  of  little  I 
than  a  thousand,  carried  over  their  standards  to  the   consi 
simply  bargaining  with  him  for  the  dismissal   of  the  Carth; 
ginian  garrison  without  injury.      The  city-gates  were  thro' 
open  for  the  Carthaginian  soldiers,  who  were  let  go  with 
assurance  of  protection  and  reached  Hannibal  at  Salapia  ii 
safety.     Arpi  was  restored  to  the  Romans  without  the  destruc 
tion  of  a  single  life  but  that  of  one  man,  a  traitor  long  befort 
and  recently  a  deserter.     Orders  were  given  that  the  SpanisI 
troops  should  be  served  with   double  rations,  and  the   Stat 
often  availed  itself  of  their  brave  and  faithful  service. 

While  one  consul  was  in  Apulia  and  the  other  in  Lu( 
a  hundred   and   twelve   noble ,  Campanian   knights,  wh^ 
started  from  Capua  by  permission  of  the  '  magistrates 
pretext  of  plundering  the  enemy' s  territory,  came  to  the 
camp  overlooking  Suessula.     They  told  a  sentry  who  they 
and  said  that  they  wished  to  have  an  interview  with  the  praeto, 


Cneius  Fulvius  was  in  command  of  the   camp,  and  on  his  book  xxiv. 

receiving  the  message  he  ordered  twelve  out  of  their  number  to 

be  conducted  thither,  unarmed.     When  he  heard  their  request 

(they  asked  merely  that  on  the  recovery  of  Capua  their  property 

might  be  restored  to  them),  he  received  them  all  under  his  pro-      Capture  of 

tection.     The  other  praetor,  Sempronius  Tuditanus,  stormed  the         temum. 

town  of  Aternum,*  in  which  more  than  seven  thousand  men      *  Pescara. 

were  made  prisoners,  and  a  considerable  amount  of  copper  and 

silver  coin- taken. 

At  Rome  a  dreadful  fire  lasted  two  nights  and  one  entire  ^i^e  at  Rome. 
day.  All  between  the  Salinas  and  the  Carmental  gate,  including 
the  ^quimaelian  and  Jugarian  quarters,  was  levelled  to  the 
ground.  Within  the  temples  of  Fortune,  of  Mother  Matula, 
and  of  Hope,  which  are  outside  the  gate,  the  fire  spread  widely, 
and  destroyed  many  objects,  both  sacred  and  profane. 

48,     The  same  year  the  two  Cornelii,  Publius  and  Cneius,      Affairs  in 

being  successful  in  Spain,  where  they  recovered  many  old  and 

won  some  new  allies,  extended  their  designs  to  Africa.     Syphax, 

king  of  the  Numidians,  had  suddenly  become  a  foe  to  Carthage, 

land   to  him  they  despatched   three  centurions  as  envoys,  to  Roman  embassy 

I  negotiate  a  friendship  and  alliance.     He  was  to  be  assured  that,     0/  Num'idia. 

I  if  he  would  persist  inconstant  hostility  to  Carthage,  he  would 

I  have  the  thanks  of  the  Senate  and  people  of  Rome,  who  would 

jmake  an  effort  to  repay  his  services  at  a  seasonable  moment 

and  with  good  interest.     The  barbarian  prince  welcomed  the 

tembassy.    He  had  a  conversation  with  the  envoys  on  the  science 

bf  war,  and  on  hearing  the  talk  of  the  veterans  he  perceived, 

py  comparing  such  a  well-organised  system  with  his  own,  how 

many  things  there  were    of  which    he   knew  nothing.     Then, 

llesirous  of  having  their  aid  as  good  and  faithful  allies,  he  first 

)egged  that  "  two  of  the  envoys  might  report  their  negotiations 

to  their  commanding  officers,  one  remaining  with  him  to  be 

his  instructor  in  military  matters.     For  his  Numidian  people 

did  not  understand  infantry  fighting,  and  were  skilful   only 

with  their  horses.     It  was  with  these  that  their  forefathers 

from  the  earliest  beginnings  of  their  nation  had  waged  their 

wars,  and  it  was   to  these  that   Numidians  were  habituated 

from  boyhood.     But  he  had   an  enemy  who  trusted  to  the 

might  of  his  infantry,  and  if  he  wished  to  be  his  match  in 

248  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXIV.  "  solid  strength,  he  must  provide  himself  with  men  on  foot, 
"  and  for  this  his  kingdom  had  an  abundant  population.  But 
"  of  the  science  of  arming,  equipping,  and  drilling  them  he 
"  was  utterly  ignorant ;  just  as  in  a  casually  collected  crowd, 
"all  was  disorder  and  left  to  chance." 

The  envoys  replied  that  they  would  do  as  he  wished  at  the 
present  moment,  and  received  a  promise  that,  should  their  com- 
mander not  approve  the  result,  the  man  was  to  be  at  once  sent 
back.  Quintus  Statorius  was  the  name  of  the  envoy  who 
stayed  with  the  king.  With  the  two  Romans  the  Numidian 
himself  despatched  envoys  to  put  himself  under  the  protection 
of  the  Roman  generals.  He  further  gave  these  envoys  instruc- 
tions forthwith  to  encourage  desertion  among  all  Numidians 
serving  as  auxiliaries  in  Carthaginian  garrisons.  Statorius,  out 
of  the  numerous  youth  of  the  country,  raised  a  force  of  infantry 
for  the  king.  This  he  disciplined  as  nearly  as  possible  in 
Raman  fashion,  teaching  the  men  by  drill  and  by  marching 
them  under  arms  to  follow  the  standards  and  keep  their  ranks. 
So  thoroughly  did  he  habituate  them  to  camp-work  and  proper 
military  duties,  that  the  king  soon  had  as  much  confidence  in 
his  infantry  as  in  his  cavalry,  and  he  defeated  his  Carthagini 
enemy  in  a  regular  action  in  which  the  armies  met  on  levi 
ground.  To  the  Romans  also  in  Spain  the  visit  of  the  kin 
envoys  was  of  great  service,  as  on  the  rumour  of  their  arrivi 
there  began  to  be  numerous  desertions  on  the  part  of 
Numidians.  It  was  thus  that  a  friendship  was  formed  betwee; 
Syphax  becomes  Syphax  and  the  Romans.     The  Carthaginians,  on  hearing  thi 

" '^'^Romam!'"  ^^  once  despatched  an  embassy  to  Gala,  a  king  who  reigned  i: 
another  part  of  Numidia,  the  inhabitants  of  which  are  calle^ 

Masinissa.  49-     Gala  had  a  son  Masinissa,  seventeen  years  of  age,  ye 

a  youth  of  such  character  that  it  was  already  evident  that  h« 
would  make  his  kingdom  larger  and  more  powerful  thar 
what  he  might  have  inherited.  It  was  argued  by  the  envoyi 
"  that,  as  Syphax  had  allied  himself  with  Rome,  to  mak( 
"  himself  more  formidable  to  the  kings  and  nations  ol 
"Africa,  it  would  be  better  for  Gala  too  to  join  the  Cartha 
"giniansas  soon  as  possible,  before  Syphax  could  cross  int 
"  Spain  or  the  Romans  into  Africa.     Syphax  could  be  crushec 


249  \ 

"  while  as  yet  he  had  nothing  ftom  his  treaty  with  Rome  except 
"  the  name  of  it."  Gala,  as  his  son  insisted  on  the  war,  was 
easily  persuaded  to  send  an  army,  which,  united  to  the  legions 
of  Carthage,  defeated  Syphax  in  a  great  battle.  Thirty 
thousand  men,  it  is  said,  fell  in  the  action.  Syphax  fled  from 
the  field  with  a  few  horsemen  to  the  Maurusii,  a  remote  tribe 
dwelling  near  the  ocean,  opposite  to  Gades.  His  renown 
gathered  the  barbarians  round  him  from  all  parts,  and  he  soon 
equipped  an  immense  host.  But  before  he  could  cross  with  it 
the  narrow  strait  which  parted  him  from  Spain,  Masinissa 
arrived  with  his  victorious  army.  There,  without  any  aid  from 
Carthage,  he  carried  on  the  war  by  himself  with  Syphax  and 
won  great  glory. 

Nothing  memorable  took  place  in  Spain  except  that  the 
Roman  generals  secured  for  themselves  the  services  of  the 
Celtiberian  youth  on  the  same  terms  for  which  an  arrangement 
had  been  made  with  the  Carthaginians.  They  also  sent  more 
than  three  hundred  Spaniards  of  the  highest  rank  into  Italy  to 
excite  disaffection  among  such  of  their  countrymen  as  were 
serving  among  Hannibal's  auxiliaries.  The  only  event  of  the 
year  in  Spain  remarkable  enough  to  be  recorded  is  that  the 
Romans  never  had  a  single  mercenary  soldier  in  their  camp  till 
they  now  had  the  Celtiberi. 

BOOK  xxi 

His  victory 
over  SyphaA 

'  Flight  nf 

Syphax  from 


The  Romans 


mercenaries  /or 

the  first  time. 


B.C.    213,   212. 

BOOK  XXV.  I.  During  these  operations  in  Africa  and  Spain,  Hannibal 
Hannibal  in  the  wasted  the  Summer  in  the  country  round  Tarentum  in  the  hope 
"/^rarentum.  of  having  the  city  betrayed  into  his  hands.  Meanwhile  some 
obscure  towns  of  the  Tarentines  and  Sallentines  revolted  to 
him.  At  the  same  time  in  Bruttium  out  of  twelve  communities 
which  in  the  previous  year  had  gone  over  to  the  Carthaginians, 
two,  Consentia  and  Thurii,  returned  to  their  loyalty  to  Rome. 
And  more  would  have  returned,  had  not  Pomponius  Veientanus, 
an  officer  of  allies,  who  by  some  successful  marauding  ex- 
peditions in  Bruttian  territory  had  come  to  be  looked  upon  as 
a  regular  commander,  engaged  Hanno  with  an  army  of  hastily 
levied  recruits.  A  great  multitude  of  men,  no  better  however 
than  a  disorderly  rabble  of  rustics  and  slaves,  were  slain  or 
captured  in  the  battle.  The  least  part  of  our  loss  was  that  the 
officer  in  command  was  captured  along  with  the  other  prisoners, 
a  man  who  on  this  occasion  provoked  a  rash  fight,  and  wh( 
previously,  as  a  tax-farmer,  had  by  all  manner  of  evil  practice 
been  unfaithful  and  injurious  to  the  State  and  to  the  tax-farmin| 

The  consul  Sempronius  fought  several  small  actions  iJ 
Lucania,  but  not  one  worth  recording.  He  also  took  by  stom 
some  obscure  towns  of  the  Lucanians.  The  longer  the  was 
was  protracted,  while  victory  and  defeat  produced  their  varying 
effect  on  the  minds  as  well  as  on  the  fortunes  of  men,  an  in- 
Supcstiiion  tense  superstition,  for  the  most  part  of  foreign  origin,  fastenec 
at  Rome.  itself  on  the  country,  and  it  seemed  that  a  sudden  change  hacj 
passed  over  either  mankind  or  the  gods.     It  was  not  only  irl 



Its  strange 

The  Senate 

the  secrecy  of  the  private  house  that  Roman  ritual  was  dis-  BOOK  xxv. 
used  ;  it  was  even  in  the  public  streets,  in  the  forum  and  the 
Capitol  that  there  were  crowds  of  women  who  in  their  sacrifices 
and  prayers  to  the  gods  departed  from  the  customs  of  their 
country.  Sacrificers  and  soothsayers  had  enslaved  men's  un- 
derstandings, and  the  number  of  their  victims  was  swelled 
by  the  rural  population  whom  distress  and  terror  drove  into  the 
capital  out  of  fields  wasted  by  a  long  war  and  in  hostile  occupa- 
tion. Profit  was  easily  made  out  of  the  delusions  of  others, 
and  they  sought  it  as  if  they  were  practising  a  recognised  art. 
First,  whispers  of  indignation  among  honest  men  began  to 
be  heard,  and  soon  the  matter  came  under  the  notice  of  the 
Senators  and  attracted  public  remonstrance.  The  aediles  and 
commissioners  of  police  were  severely  censured  by  the  Senate 
for  not  stopping  the  proceedings,  but  when  they  attempted  to 
expel  the  crowd  from  the  forum  and  sweep  away  the  sacrificial 
preparations,  they  barely  escaped  outrage.  When  it  was 
evident  that  the  evil  was  too  mighty  to  be  checked  by  the 
inferior  magistrates,  Marcus  Atilius,  the  city-praetor,  was  in- 
trusted by  the  Senate  with  the  duty  of  delivering  the  people 
from  these  superstitions.  He  read  the  Senate's  decree  before  a 
popular  assembly,  and  also  issued  a  proclamation  that "  whoever 
"  possessed  any  prophetical  books  or  prayers  or  a  written  form 
"  of  sacrifice,  was  to  bring  to  him  all  such  books  and  writings 
"  before  the  first  of  April ;  and  that  no  one  was  to  sacrifice  in 
"  a  public  or  sacred  place  according  to  any  new  or  foreign 
"  ritual." 

2.     Several  state-priests  also  died  that  year,  among  them, 

Lucius  Cornelius  Lentulus,  chief  pontiff,  Caius  Papirius  Maso, 

I  son  of  Caius  Maso,  pontiff,   Furius  Philus,  augur,  and  Caius 

Papirius  Maso,  son  of  Lucius  Maso,  one  of  the  ten  commis- 

j  sioners  of  sacred  rites.     The  places  of  Lentulus  and  Papirius 

jwere  filled,  respectively,  by  Marcus  Cornelius   Cethegus  and 

iCneius  Servilius  Caspio  ;  Lucius  Quinctius  Flaminius  was  ap- 

nted  augur,  and  Lucius  Cornelius  Lentulus  to  the  commis- 

n  of  ten.     The  time  was  now  at  hand  for  the  election  of 

consuls  ;  but,  as  it  did  not  seem  well  to  withdraw  the  consuls 

from  the  war  with  which  they  were  occupied,  the  consul  Tiberius 

jSempronius  nominated,  for  the  holding  of  the  elections,  Caius 

Neiu  consuls. 

252  LIVY. 

ROOK  XXV.  Claudius  Cento,  dictator,  who  made  Quintus  Fulvius  Flaccus 
master  of  the  horse.  On  the  first  lawful  day  the  dictator 
appointed  as  consuls  Flaccus,  master  of  the  horse,  and  Appius 
Claudius  Pulcher,  who  as  prsetor  had  had  the  province  of  Sicily. 
Cneius  Fulvius  Flaccus,  Caius  Claudius  Nero,  Marcus  Junius 
Silanus  and  Publius  Cornelius  Sulla  were  then  elected  prsetors. 
The  election  over,  the  dictator  quitted  office. 

Cornelius  Scij>io        That  year  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,  afterwards   surnamed 

election  ofiiZed  Africanus,  was  curule  aedile  with  Marcus  Cornelius  Cethegus. 

by  the  tribunes.  When  he  was  Standing  for  the  asdileship,  he  was  opposed  by 
the  tribunes  of  the  people,  who  said  that  no  account  ought  to 
be  taken  of  him,  as  he  was  not  yet  of  the  legal  age  required  in 
a  candidate.  Scipio's  rejoinder  was,  "  If  all  the  citizens  of 
"  Rome  wish  to  elect  me  aedile,  my  years  are  sufficient."  Upon 
this  the  people  hurried  with  such  enthusiasm  to  vote  in  their 
different  tribes  that  the  tribunes  at  once  relinquished  their 
attempt.     The  munificence  of  the  aediles  consisted  in  a  mag- 

Ceiehration  of  i^ificent  Celebration,  considering  the  resources  of  the  period,  of 
tiie  Roman     ^^  Roman  games,  which  were  repeated  for  one  day,  and  in  a 

games  with  .... 

great  splendour,  distribution  of  olivc  oil  in  each  street,  to  the  amount  of  a 
*  Three  quarts,  congius.*  The  plebeian  asdiles,  Lucius  Villius  Tappulus  and 
Marcus  Fundanius  Fundulus,  prosecuted  some  married  women 
before  the  commons  for  unchastity.  Several  of  them  were 
condemned  and  exiled.  There  \yas  a  celebration  of  the  plebeian 
games,  and  these  were  repeated  for  two  days,  and  a  festival  in 
honour  of  Jupiter,  on  occasion  of  the  games. 
B.C.  212.  3-     Quintus  Fulvius  Flaccus  and  Appius  Claudius  entered  on 

the  consulate,  the  former  for  his  third  time.  The  praetors,  too, 
had  their  provinces  allotted  to  them  ;  Publius  Cornelius  Sulla 
having  the  home  and  foreign  jurisdiction,  which  previously  had 
been  shared  between  two,  while  Fulvius  Flaccus,  Caius  Claudius ; 
Nero,  and  Marcus  Junius  Silanus  had,  respectively,  Apulia, 
Distribution  of  Suessula  and  Etruria.  To  the  consuls  was  assigned  the  war 
^^il^^ZT"'  with  Hannibal,  each  having  two  legions,  which  one  was  to 
receive  from  Quintus  Fulvius,  the  consul  of  the  preceding  year, 
the  other  from  Fulvius  Centumalus.  Of  the  prsetors,  Flaccus^ 
was  to  have  the  legion  in  Luceria  under  ./Cmilius,  and  Ner 
those  in  Picenum  under  Terentius,  and  each  praetor  was  hir 
self  to  raise  recruits  for  them.     Marcus  Junius  had  for  a  checl 




on  Etruria  the  city-legions  levied  the  year  before.  Tiberius 
Sempronius  Gracchus  and  Publius  Sempronius  Tuditanus  had 
their  commands  in  the  provinces  of  Lucania  and  Gaul  with 
their  armies  continued  to  them,  and  the  same  with  Lentulus 
in  that  part  of  Sicily  which  was  the  old  province  ;  Marcus 
Marcellus  had  Syracuse  and  what  had  been  the  kingdom  of 
Hiero;  Otacilius  had  the  fleet ;  Marcus  Valerius,  Mucins  Scaevola 
and  the  two  Cornelii,  Publius  and  Cneius,  had,  respectively, 
Greece,  Sardinia,  and  Spain.  In  addition  to  the  old  armies, 
two  city-legions  were  raised  by  the  consuls,  making  up  a  total 
of  twenty- three  legions  for  that  year. 

The  act  of  one  Marcus  Postumius  Pyrgensis,  all  but  re- 
sulting in  a  serious  shock  to  the  State,  retarded  the  recruiting 
work  of  the   consuls.      Postumius   was  a  tax-farmer,  who  for 
many  years  had  had  no  rival  at  Rome  in  fraud  and  rapacity 
with  the   sole  exception  of  Pomponius  Veientanus,  the  man 
who,  when  heedlessly  plundering  Lucanian  territory,  was  cap- 
tured the  preceding  year  by  the  Carthaginians  under  Hanno. 
Speculating  on  the  public  risk  from  storms  in  respect  of  the 
supplies  sent  to  the  armies,  these  two  men  had  invented  stories 
j  of  shipwrecks.     Even  the  losses  which  they  had  truly  reported 
had  been    occasioned   by  their  own   dishonesty,  not  by  mis- 
1  hap.     They   had   put   a  few  things   of  small  value   on  board 
old  and  broken  vessels,  which  they  sank  at   sea,  the   sailors 
being  rescued  in  boats  ready  provided,  and  then  falsely  declared 
:  that  the  cargo  was  many  times  greater.      Information  of  the 
1  fraud  had  been  given  in  the  previous  year  to  the  praetor  Marcus 
I  Atilius,  who  had  reported  it  to  the  Senate.     It  had  not  however 
been  formally  censured  by  any  resolution  of  the  Senate,  as  the 
I  Senators  did  not  wish  at  such  a  crisis  to  have  the  tax-farming 
1  class  irritated.      The  commons  were  more  sternly  resolved  to 
I  punish  the  fraud.     Two  of  their  tribunes,  Spurius  and  Lucius 
Carvilius,  perceiving  what  an  odious  and  shameful  business  it 
v\  IS,  were  at  last  roused  to  propose  a  fine  of  two  hundred 
thousand  pounds  of  copper  on  Postumius.     When  the  day  came 
tor  debating  it,  and  there  was  an  assembly  of  the  commons  so 
crowded  that  its  numbers  could  hardly  be  contained  within  the 
iopen  space  of  the  Capitol,  it  seemed  after  the  case  had  been 
heard  that  the  only  hope  for  the  man  was  the  possibility  that 


legions  in  all- 

Fraud  of  a 

Debate  in  an 
assembly  of  the 
commons  about 




Ka^e  of  the 

BOOK  XXV.  Caius  Servilius  Casca,  one  of  the  tribunes  of  the  people,  who 
was  a  near  relative  of  Postumius,  might  interpose  his  veto, 
before  the  tribes  were  summoned  to  vote.  When  the  evidence 
had  been  given,  the  tribunes  cleared  the  assembly,  and  the 
voting-urn  was  brought  in,  to  determine  the  order  in  which  the 
enfranchised  Latins  were  to  vote.  Meanwhile  the  tax-farmers 
kept  urging  Casca  to  stop  public  business  for  that  day.  The 
commons  protested.  Casca,  with  both  fear  and  shame  working 
on  his  mind,  happened  to  be  sitting  in  the  front  at  one  of  the 
angles  of  the  hustings.  Finding  that  there  was  little  help  to  be 
got  from  him,  the  tax-farmers,  to  disturb  the  proceedings,  rushed 
in  a  compact  body  through  the  empty  space  from  which  the 
people  had  been  cleared,  angrily  upbraiding  both  commons 
and  tribunes.  Matters  seemed  likely  to  end  in  violence, 
when  Fulvius,  the  consul,  said  to  the  tribunes,  "  Do  you  not 
"  see  that  you  are  reduced  to  the  level  of  ordinary  citizens^ 
"  and  that  things  have  come  to  the  verge  of  insurrec-, 
"  tion,  unless  you  promptly  dismiss  the  assembly  of  th 
"  commons  ?  " 

4.     The  commons  were  dismissed,  the  Senate  summonb 
and  a  motion  brought  forward  by  the  consuls  on  this  violen! 
disturbance  of  the  popular  assembly  and  the  audacious  conduci 
of  the  tax-farmers.     "  Marcus  Furius  Camillus,"  it  was  urge 
"  a  man  whose  exile  was  followed  by  the  downfall  of  Rome, 
"  had  allowed  himself  to  be  condemned  by  his  angry  fellow- 
"  countrymen.      The  decemvirs  before  him,  under  whose  laws, 
"  they  lived  to  that  day,  and  many  leading  men  of  the  State  afterj 
"  their  time  had  submitted  to  a  judgment  of  the   commons. 
"  Postumius  Pyrgensis   had  wrested    from  the  Roman  people 
"their  voting-rights,  had  abruptly  terminated  their  assembly, 
"  had  reduced  tribunes  to  ordinary  citizens,    had    arrayed  an 
"  army  against  the  Roman  people,  had  seized  a  position  with 
"  the  object  of  cutting  off  the  tribunes  from  the  commons  and 
"of  hindering  the  tribes  from  being  summoned  to  the  poll.. 
"  Nothing  had  kept  men  from  a  bloody  conflict  but  the  for- 
"  bearance  of  the  magistrates  in  having  yielded  at  the  moment 
"to  the  fury  and  audacity  of  a  few,  in  having  allowed  them- 
"  selves  and  the  Roman  people  to  be  conquered,  last,  in  havim 
"terminated   of  their   own   free  will   the   elections  which  thf 

Debate  in  tlie 
Senate . 


"  accused  man  was  about  to  stop  by  force  of  arms,  so  that  not    book  xxv. 
"  a  pretext  was  given  to  those  who  sought  a  conflict." 

Every  man  of  high  character  urged  these  arguments  as 
forcibly  as  so  monstrous  an  affair  required,  and  the  Senate 
decided  that  the  proceeding  was  a  pubhc  offence,  and  of  most 
injurious  precedent.  Upon  this  the  two  Carvilii,  the  tribunes, 
at  once  dropped  all  debate  about  a  fine  and  indicted  Postumius 
on  a  capital  charge.  Unless  he  could  find  bail,  he  was  by  their 
order  to  be  arrested  by  the  officer  and  thrown  into  prison,  punishment  0/ 
Postumius  found  bail  and  did  not  appear.     The  tribunes  put  ^^e "'■'■P'^^t f.^^^ 

'^^  '^        his  accomplices. 

the  matter  to  the  commons,  and  the  commons  thus  decided  : 
"  If  Postumius  does  not  appear  before  the  first  of  May,  and 
■'when  summoned  does  not  answer  to  his  name  on  that  day, 
"  and  has  no  excuse  to  plead,  we  regard  him  as  being  in  exile, 
"and  we  will  that  his  property  be  sold  and  he  himself  be 
"  outlawed."  The  tribunes  next  proceeded  to  indict  on  a 
capital  charge  various  persons  who  had  been  promoters  of  the 
riot  and  disturbance,  and  to  require  bail.  At  first  those  who 
did  not  find  it,  and  then  those  who  could  find  it,  were  thrown 
into  prison.  Many  went  away  into  exile  to  avoid  the  danger  of 
this  penalty. 

5.     Such  was  the  result  of  the  frauds  of  the  tax-farmers  and 
I  of  the  audacity  which  strove  to  screen  them.     An  election  was     Election  of  a 
then  held  to  appoint  a  supreme  pontiff.     It  was  conducted  by  a  supreme  pontiff. 
newly  elected  pontiff,  Marcus  Cornelius  Cethegus.     There  was 
a  very  sharp  contest  between  three  candidates  ;  Quintus  Fulvius 
Flaccus,  the  consul,  who  previously  had  been  twice  consul  and 
Icensor ;    Titus  Manlius  Torquatus,  also   distinguished  by  two 
consulates  and  the  censorship;  lastly,  Publius  Licinius  Crassus, 
iwho  was  likewise  about  to  stand  for  the  aedileship.     Young  as 
',he  was,  Crassus  prevailed  over  his  rivals,  notwithstanding  their 
lage  and  distinctions.     For  a  hundred  and  twenty  years  before 
his  time  no    one   but   Publius   Cornelius    Calussa   had    been 
plected  supreme  pontiff  without  having  sat  in  a  curule  chair. 
The  consuls  finding   it   difficult  to  complete    the   levy,   as 

1  ,  ^     ,  ,      ,  ,  r^        ,    ,       ,  r  Difficulty  in 

ne  scanty  number  of  the  youth  barely  sufficed  both   to  form     raisingfresh 
|he  new  city-legions    and  to  recruit  the  old,  the  Senate  for-         tioops 
'>ade  them  to  relinquish  the  attempt,  and    directed    the  ap- 
pointment  of  two  boards  of  three    commissioners.     One   of 

256  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.  these  boards  was  to  pass  under  review  the  total  number  of 
freeborn  men  in  all  districts  and  in  all  market  and  assize-towns 
within  fifty  miles  of  Rome  ;  the  other,  in  all  such  places  beyond 
that  distance.  They  were  to  make  a  soldier  of  everybody  who 
seemed  to  have  strength  sufficient  to  bear  arms,  even  if  he  were 
not  of  military  age.  The  tribunes  of  the  commons,  if  they 
thought  fit,  were  to  be  free  to  propose  that  pay  should  be  given  on 
the  same  scale  to  those  who  had  taken  the  oath  at  a  less  age 
than  seventeen,  as  if  they  had  become  soldiers  when  upwards  of 
seventeen  or  even  older.  In  accordance  with  this  resolution  of 
the  Senate  two  boards  of  commissioners  were  elected,  and 
raised  recruits  from  all  freeborn  men  throughout  the  country 

At  the  same  time  a  despatch  from  Marcellus  in  Sicily, 
about  certain  demands  of  the  soldiers  who  were  serving  with 
Publius  Lentulus,  was  read  in  the  Senate.  These  troops  were 
the  relics  of  the  defeat  at  Cannae,  and  had  been  sent  away  to 
Sicily,  as  before  related,  on  the  understanding  that  they 
were  not  to  be  brought  back  to  Italy  till  the  end  of  the 
Punic  war. 

6.     By  the   permission  of    Lentulus  the    principal   cavalr 

officers  and  centurions   of   this   army,   with   the   best   of   tl 

Envoys  to       legionary   infantry,   sent    envoys    to   Marcellus   in    his   winte 

IJutrvopsof"  quarters.     One  of  these  envoys,  being  permitted  to  speak,  saidj 

Lentulus.  T/ieir  «  ^^^  should  have  come  to  you  in  Italy,  Marcus  Marcellus,  whe; 

request.  j  j  i  j 

"  you  were  made  consul,  the  moment  that  a  harsh,  not  to  say 
"  unjust,  resolution  of  the  Senate  was  passed  respecting  us,  bu 
"  we  hoped  that  we  were  being  sent  to  a  province  which  th« 
"  extinction  of  its  royal    family  had   disorganised,  to  fight  ir 
"  earnest  against  both  Sicilians  and  Carthaginians.     We  hopedi 
"  too,  by  our  blood  and  wounds  to  atone  to  the  Senate  for  the  pastJ 
"just  as  within  the  memory  of  our  fathers  the  captives  taken  byl 
"  Pyrrhus  atoned  by  fighting  against  Pyrrhus  himself.     And  yetj 
"  Senators,  what  have  we  done  to  have  deserved  your  anger] 
"  then,  or  to  deserve  it  now  ?     I  feel  that  I  am  looking  on  botl? 
"the  consuls  and  on  the  whole  Senate  when  I  look  on  you 
*'  Marcus  Marcellus,  for  had  we  had  you  as  our  consul  at  Canns 
"  far  better  had  been  the   plight  both  of   the  State    and  o 
"  ourselves. 



"  Let  me,  I  pray  you,  clear  our  army  of  the  guilt  with  which    BOOK  xxv. 

"  we  are  charged,  before  I  complain  of  our  present  condition. 

"  If  we  were  undone  at  Cannae,  not  by  the  wrath  of  heaven, 

"  not  by  that  destiny  whose  law  binds  all  things  human  in  a 

"  fixed  order,  but  through  some  misconduct,  whose  misconduct, 

"  I  ask,  was  it .''     That  of  the  soldiers  or  of  the  generals  ?    As  a 

"  soldier  I  will  myself  never  say  a  word  about  my  commander, 

"  knowing  as  I  do  that  he  was  specially  thanked  by  the  Senate 

"  for  not  having  despaired  of  the  State,  and  received  an  exten- 

"  sion  of  his  command  for  all  his  future  years  after  his  flight 

"  from  Cannae.     And  the  other  survivors  of  that  disaster,  whom 

"  we  had  as  officers,  are,  we  have  heard,  seeking  or  holding  posts 

'■  of  honour  and  governing  provinces.      Do  you  thus  readily 

"  make  allowance  for  yourselves.  Senators,  and  for  your  children, 

"  while  for  poor  wretches  like  us  you  have  no  pity  ?     Was  it  no 

"  disgrace  for  a  consul  and  other  men  of  rank  to  fly,  when  flight 

"  was  their  only  hope  ;  was  it  only  common  soldiers  that  you 

"  sent  to  a  certain  doom  in  the  battle-field  ?    At  Allia  almost  a 

"  whole  army  fled.     At  the  Caudine  Forks,  without  so  much  as 

"  an  attempt  at  fighting,  our  troops  surrendered  their  arms  to 

"  the  enemy.     I  say  nothing  of  other  shameful  defeats  of  our 

"  armies.     Still,  so   far  were   those   armies   from   having  any 

1"  disgrace  fixed  on  them,  that  Rome  was  recovered  by  the  very 

'  army  which  had  fled  from  Allia  to  Veii,  and  those  legions  of 

the  Caudine  Forks  which  had  returned  to  Rome  without  their 

arms  were   sent   back  into  Samnium  and  passed  under  the 

I'  yoke  that  same  enemy  who  had  exulted  in  inflicting  on  them 

that  same  dishonour.    And  can  indeed  the  army  of  Cannae 

charged  by  any  man  with  flight  and  panic,  when  there  fell 

I  lore  than  fifty  thousand  men,  an  army  from  which  the  consul 

escaped  with  seventy  troopers,  an  army  of  which  none  survive 

Init  such  as  were  left  by  an    enemy  weary  with    slaughter  ? 

When  ransom  was  refused  to  the  captives,  we  were  universally 

l^raised  for  having  reserved  ourselves   for  our  country,  for 

having  returned  to  the   consul  at  Venusia,  and  created  the 

appearance  of  a  regular  army. 

"  As  it  is,  we  are  in  a  worse  plight  than  prisoners  were  with 
I'ur  forefathers.  They  suffered  a  change  only  of  arms,  of 
military  rank,  of  the  place  where  they  were  quartered  in  camp, 


258  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.    ■'  and  all  was  recovered  by  them  when  once  they  had  rendered 
"  a  service  to  the  State  and  fought  one  successful  battle.     Not 
"  one  of  them  was  sent  into  exile  ;  not  one  lost  the  prospect  of 
"  obtaining  in  due  time  his  discharge  ;  sooner  or  later  they  could 
"  face  an  enemy,  and  end  life  or  disgrace  for  ever  in  fighting 
"  him.     We,  against  whom  nothing  can  be  said  but  that  it  was 
"  our  fault  that  a  single  Roman  soldier  survived  from  the  field  of 
"  Cannse,  we  have  been  banished  far  away  from  our  homes  in 
"  Italy,  and,  what  is  more,  from  the  very  sight  of  an  enemy. 
"  We  are  to  grow  old  in  exile,  that  we  may  have  no  hope,  no 
"  opportunity   of  wiping   out   our   disgrace,   of  appeasing  the 
"  wrath  of  the  citizens,  or,  finally,  of  dying  with  honour.     We 
"  are  not  asking  an  end  of  our  ignominy  or  a  reward  of  our 
"  valour ;  merely,  that  we  may  be  allowed  to  test  our  spirit  and 
"  put  our  valour  into  action.     Hardship  and  danger  are  what 
"  we  seek,  that  we  may  do  the  work  of  men  and  of  soldiers. 
"  It  is  now  the  second  year  of  the  war  in  Sicily,  which  is  being 
"  waged  with  a  tremendous  struggle.     Some  cities  the  Cartha- 
■ "  ginians,  some  the  Romans,  are  storming  ;  infantry  and  cavalry 
"  are  meeting  in  the  shock  of  battle  ;  at  Syracuse  the  conflict 
"  rages  on  sea  and  land.    We  hear  the  shouts  of  the  combatants 
"  and  the  din  of  arms,  while  we  ourselves  sit  in  idleness,  as  if 
"  we  had  neither  hands  nor  weapons.  Legions  made  up  of  slaves 
"  under  the  consul  Tiberius  Sempronius  have  repeatedly  fought 
"  pitched  battles  with  the  enemy.     They  have  the  reward  of 
"  their  service,  freedom  and  citizenship.     Count  us  at  least  as 
"  slaves  who  have  been  purchased  for  this  war.     Suffer  us  to 
"  encounter  the  foe,  and  to  earn  freedom  by  fighting.     Do  you 
"  wish  to  test  our  valour  on  sea,  on  land,  on  the  battle-field,  or 
"  in  the  siege  of  cities  ?    All  that  is  worst  in  toil  and  peril  we 
"  earnestly  beg  for  ourselves,  that  what  should  have  been  done 
"  at  Cannae  may  be  done  as  soon  as  may  be  now.     For  all  our 
"  life  since  that  day  has  been  doomed  to  disgrace." 

7.     Having-  thus  spoken  they  fell  at  the  knees  of  Marcellus.] 

Marcellus  refers  '  °  .,.,...,..  k 

them  to  the  He  replied  that  the  matter  was, not  withm  his  jurisdiction  or| 
power  ;  he  would  write  to  the  Senate  and  act  wholly  according! 
to  their  decision.  His  letter  was  received  by  the  new  consuls} 
and  read  out  by  them  before  the  Senate.  After  deliberation  on] 
the  subject  of  the  despatch  the  Senate  thus  decided  : 




Storms  and 

"  They  could  not  at  all  see  why  the  State  should  be  intrusted  book  xxv. 
"  to  the  soldiers  who  had  deserted  their  comrades  when  fighting  Decision  0/  the 
"  at  Cannae.  If  Marcellus,  the  pro-consul,  thought  otherwise, 
"  let  him  act  as  the  public  good  and  his  own  loyalty  might 
"  seem  to  demand.  Only,  not  one  of  those  soldiers  must  be 
"  exempt  from  any  military  duty,  or  receive  a  military  reward 
"  for  his  valour,  or  be  brought  back  to  Italy,  as  long  as  the 
"  enemy  was  in  the  country." 

Elections  were  then  held  by  the  city-prsetor  in  obedience  to 
a  resolution  of  the  Senate  and  a  vote  of  the  Commons,  and  in 
these  were  appointed  five  commissioners  for  the  repair  of  the 
walls  and  towers,  and  two  boards  of  three  commissioners  each, 
one  of  which  was  to  collect  carefully  all  things  sacred,  and 
register  all  votive  offerings,  the  other  to  rebuild  the  temples  of 
Fortune  and  of  Mother  Matuta  within  the  Carmental  Gate,  and 
the  temple  of  Hope  without,  which  in  the  previous  year  had 
been  destroyed  by  fire. 

Hideous  storms  occurred.     On  the  Alban  Mount  there  was 

a  continuous  rain  of  stones  for  two  days.     Several  places  were 

struck  by  lightning,  two  temples  on  the  Capitol,  the  intrench- 

ments  of  the  camp  at  several  points  overlooking  Suessula,  and 

two  sentries  were  killed.     The  walls  at  Cumae  and  some  towns 

',  were  not  merely  struck  by  lightning,  but  were  thrown  down. 

lAt  Reate  a  huge  stone  appeared  to  fly;  the  sun  was  unusually 

Ired  and  like  blood.     In  consideration  of  these  portents  there 

Iwas  one  day  of  public  prayer,  and  for  several  days  the  consuls 

Igave  their  attention  to  matters  of  religion,  during  which  same 

.  lime  there  was  a  nine  days'  religious  service. 

'  I     That  Tarentum  might  revolt  had  long  been  a  matter  of  hope 

!o  Hannibal,  and  of  apprehension  to  the  Romans,  and  now  an 

opportunity  of  hastening  it  from  without  chanced  to  present 

tself     One  Phileas,  a  Tarentine,  who  had  been  a  long  time  at 

liome  under  the  pretext  of  being  an  envoy,  a  man  of  a  restless 

'imper  which  ill  brooked  the  tedious  idleness  in  which  he  saw 

imself  growing  old,  found  means  of  access  to  the  hostages 

om  Tarentum.     They  were  detained  in  custody  in  the  Hall  of 

iberty  under  a  somewhat  careless  watch,  as  it  was  neither  for 

icir  own  interest  nor  for  that  of  their  community  to  play  the 

omans  false.     Having  tempted  them  in  a  series  of  interviews 

s  1 

25o  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.    and  bribed  the  warders  of  the  Hall,  Phileas  got  them  out  oi 
The  Tarentinc   their  Confinement  in  the  first  darkness  of  night,  and  becoming 

hostages  at  ,^,  .  r     t       ■  ■  rt      ■>     r  X-. 

Kotne  attempt  to  himsclf  the  Companion  of  their  secret  journey  fled  from  Rome. 

arrested  and '/lit  ^^  daybreak  their  escape  was  known  over  the  whole  city.     Men 

to  death.       vvere  sent  in  pursuit,  who  arrested  them  at  Tarracina  and  brought 

them  back.     They  were  taken  to  the  place  of  public  assembly, 

scourged,  and  then  thrown  from  the  Rock,  with  the  full  assent 

of  the  people. 

^     ^.         ,         8.     The  cruelty  of  this  punishment  stirred  the  anger  of  the 

Conspiracy  at  j  r  o 

Tarentum  to    two  noblest  Greek  communities  in  Italy.     It  was  felt  not  only 
Rome.        publicly,  but  privately,  in  fact  by  all  who  were  connected  by 
kindred  or  friendship  with  those  who  had  been  so  foully  destroyed. 
Among  these  were  about  thirteen  young  nobles  of  Tarentum, 
who  now,  led  by  two  men,  Nico  and  Philemenus,  conspired 
together.     Before  attempting  anything,  they  thought  it  well  to 
communicate  with  Hannibal,  and  having  left  the  city  by  night 
on  the  pretext  of  a  hunting  expedition  they  started  to  go  to  him. 
When   they  were  not   far  from  his   camp,  all  but  Nico  and 
Philemenus  hid  themselves  in  a  wood  near  the  road  ;  these  two 
went  on  to  the  sentries,  by  whom  they  were  arrested,  the  very 
thing    they    themselves    desired,    and    were    conducted    into 
Hannibal's  presence.      They  explained  the  reasons   of   their 
action  and  what  they  proposed  to  do  ;  Hannibal  praised  them 
warmly,  loaded  them  with  promises,  suggested  that,  to  convince 
their  fellow-townsmen  that  they  had  really  come  out  for  plunder, 
they  should  drive  to  the  city  the  Carthaginian  herds  sent  out  to 
pasture.     They  might   do   this,  they  were  assured,  in  safety, 
without  any  fighting.     People  saw  the  plunder  carried  off  by 
the  young  men,  and  wondered  less  and  less  at  the  repetition  ol^ 
their  daring  act.   In  a  second  interview  with  Hannibal  they  bound| 
him  by  a  promise  that  the  Tarentines,  remaining  free,  shoulM 
retain  their  own  laws  and  all  which  belonged  to  them,  that  thew 
should  pay  no  tax  to  the  Carthaginian,  or  admit  a  garrison  againsJ 
their  will;  that  all  supplies  furnished  to  the  garrison  shouljj 
be  at  Carthaginian  disposal.     Snch  was  the  understanding,  ancf 
then  Philemenus  made  his  practice  of  leaving  the  city  at  nighl 
and  returning  to  it  still  more  frequent.     He  was  also  noted  fol 
his   devotion  to  hunting,  and  had  his  dogs  with  him  with  everl 
preparation  for  the   chase.      He  mostly  took  something^J 



advances  on 

carried  it  off  from  the  enemy  according  to  the  arrangement,  and    book  xxv. 

this  he  would  give  to  the  officer  of  the  garrison  or  to  the  sentries 

at  the  gates.     They  thought  that  he  went  to  and  fro  chiefly  by 

night  from  fear  of  the  foe.    When  the  affair  became  so  habitual 

that  at  whatever  time  of  the  night  he  gave  a  signal  by  whistling, 

the  gate  was  opened,  Hannibal  decided  that  it  was  time  to  act. 

He  was  three  days'  march  distant,  and  pretended  that  he  was 

ill,  to  lessen  the  surprise  at  his  having  his  camp  so  long  in  one 

and  the  same  place.    The  Romans  in  garrison  at  Tarentum  had 

by  this  time  ceased  to  regard  with  suspicion  his  inaction  and 


9.     Having  decided  to  march  on  Tarentum,  he  picked  out 

ten  thousand  infantry  and  cavalry,  whose  nimbleness  of  frame 

and  lightness   of  accoutrements   specially  fitted  them,  as   he 

thought,  for  the  expedition,  and  then  moved  his  camp.     About 

eight  hundred  Numidian  troopers  were  sent  on  in  advance,  with 

orders  to  scour  the  neighbouring  roads,  and  examine  every 

point,  that  none  of  the  rustic  population  might  observe  unseen 

the  march  of  his  army.     All  who  were  in  front  of  them  were 

to  be  forcibly  brought  back  ;  all  whom  they  met  were  to  be  cut 

down,  that  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  district  they  might  have  the 

appearance  of  a  marauding  band  rather  than   of  a  military 

j  force.     Hannibal  himself,  making  a  forced  march,  encamped 

I  about  fifteen  miles  from  Tarentum.    Without  so  much  as  telling 

jhis  men  where  they  were  going,  he  called  them  together  and 

iraerely  bade  them  march  straight  forward,  allowing  no  one  to 

Iturn  aside  or  to  break  his  rank  ;  above  all  things,  they  were  to 

await  orders  with  the  keenest  attention.     Nothing  was  to  be 

jdone  but  by  the  direction  of  their  officers,  and  at  the  right 

imoment  he  would  plainly  state  what  he  wished  to  accomplish. 

I      At  nearly  the  same  hour  a  rumour  had  reached  Tarentum 

hat  a  few  Numidian  horsemen  were  ravaging  the  country  and 

lad  spread  panic  far  and  wide  among  the  country  folk.     These 

i dings  simply  moved  the  Roman  commander  to  order  a  detach- 

lent  of  his  cavalry  to  sally  forth  next  day  at  dawn  and  stop  the 

nemy's  ravages.      For    anything  beyond,   so   slack  was   his 

igilance  in  the  matter  that  this  rapid  advance  of  the  Numidians 

■as  actually  taken  as  a  proof  that  Hannibal  and  his  army  had 

)t  stirred  out  of  their  camp.     At  dead  of  night  he  moved. 



BOOK  XXV.  with  Philemenus  for  his  guide,  who  had  his  usual  load  of  what 
he  had  taken  in  the  chase.  The  rest  of  the  traitors  meanwhile 
awaited  the  moment  on  which  they  had  agreed.  The  under- 
standing had  been  that  Philemenus,  as  he  brought  in  his  spoils 
from  the  hunting-field  at  the  usual  little  gate,  was  to  admit  some 
armed  meft,  while  Hannibal  was  to  advance  from  another  quarter 
on  the  Temenid  gate.  This,  from  the  interior,  looked  eastwards, 
by  the  tombs  which  stand  inside  the  walls.  As  Hannibal 
approached  the  gate,  he  lit  up,  by  previous  arrangement,  a  fire 
which  blazed  brightly.  The  same  signal  was  returned  by  Nico, 
and  then  the  flame  on  both  sides  was  extinguished.  In  silence 
he  marched  his  men  to  the  gate.  Nico  suddenly  fell  on  the 
sleeping  sentries,  slew  them  in  their  beds,  and  threw  open  the 
gate,  upon  which  Hannibal  entered  with  his  infantry,  his  cavalry 
having  been  ordered  to  halt,  ready  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the  open 
plain,  where  circumstances  might  require. 

Philemenus  meantime  on  the  other  side  was  drawing  near 
the  little  gate  by  which  he  had  been  wont  to  pass  to  and  fro. 
His  well-known  voice  and  the  now  familiar  signal  roused  the 
sentry;  and  the  postern  was  opened  to  him  as  he  exclaimed 
that  he  was  struggling  under  the  weight  of  an  enormous  beast. 
Two  youths  were  bearing  in  a  wild  boar,  and  he  himself  followed 
with  a  lightly-equipped  huntsman  ;  as  the  sentry  in  astonishment 
at  its  size  turned,  without  a  thought,  towards  the  bearers,  he  ran 
the  man  through  with  a  hunting-spear.   Thereupon  about  thirty 
armed  men  entered,  cut  down  the  rest  of  the  sentries,  and  burst 
open  the  nearest  gate.     Instantly  the  army  in  regular  array 
rushed  in  ;  the  soldiers  were  quietly  marched  to  the  forum  and 
joined  Hannibal,  who,  taking  two  thousand  Gauls  in  three  divi- 
sions, bade  his   Tarentine  confederates  disperse    themselves  i 
through  the  city,   and  secure  the  most  frequented   thorough- 
fares.     As   soon   as   disturbances    began,   the    Romans  were  j 
to  be  indiscriminately  slaughtered,  and  the  townsfolk  spared. ' 
To  render  this   last    possible,   Hannibal   directed  the  young 
Tarentines  to  bid  any  of  their  fellow-citizens  whom  they  might , 
see  at  a  distance  remain  quiet  and  silent,  and  fear  nothing.        I 

lo.  All  was  now  tumult  and  uproar,  such  as  is  usual  at  the 
storm  of  a  city,  but  what  the  occasion  was,  no  one  knew  for 
certain.    The  Tarentines  thought  that  the  Romans  had  suddenly 

He  sets 

possession  of 

the  city. 



rushed  out  to  pillage  the  town.  The  Romans  imagined  that  the 
townspeople  had  excited  a  riot  with  some  treacherous  design. 
The  officer  of  the  garrison  who  had  been  roused  from  sleep  at 
the  first  beginning  of  the  tumult  fled  to  the  harbour  ;  there 
getting  into  a  light  boat,  he  was  carried  round  to  the  citadel. 
Alarm  too  was  caused  by  the  notes  of  a  trumpet  heard  from  the 
theatre ;  for  it  was  a  Roman  trumpet  which  the  traitors  had 
provided  for  this  purpose,  and  being  blown  unskilfully  by  a 
Greek  it  rendered  it  uncertain  who  was  giving  the  signal  or  for 
whom  it  was  meant.  At  daybreak  the  Romans  recognised  the 
Carthaginian  and  Gallic  arms,  and  felt  no  more  doubt,  while  the 
Greeks,  seeing  the  Romans  lie  slaughtered  everywhere,  knew 
that  Hannibal  had  taken  the  city. 

As  the  light  grew'clearer,  such  Romans  as  had  survived  the 
massacre  having  sought  refuge  in  the  citadel,  and  the  tumult 
gradually  subsiding,  Hannibal  ordered  the  Tarentines  to  as- 
semble unarmed.  All  came  but  those  who  had  retired  into  the 
citadel,  following  the  Romans  to  share  with  them  their  fate, 
whatever  it  might  be.  Hannibal  then  spoke  graciously  to  the 
Tarentines,  and  appealed  to  his  treatment  of  those  of  their 
fellow-citizens  whom  he  had  taken  prisoners  at  Trasumennus 
or  at  Cannas.  He  inveighed  at  the  same  time  against  the 
arrogant  rule  of  the  Romans,  and  bade  every  man  go  back  to 
his  home  and  inscribe  his  name  on  his  door.  Any  house  not  so 
inscribed,  he  declared,  he  would  at  a  given  signal  instantly  order 
to  be  plundered.  He  would  hold  as  an  enemy  any  person  who, 
j lodging  with  a  Roman  citizen  (the  Romans  occupied  separate 
I  houses),  should  thus  inscribe  his  name.  The  assembly  was  then 
Idismissed,  and  the  doors  having  been  marked  with  notices 
.distinguishing  between  friendly  and  hostile  houses,  there  was  a 
wild  rush  to  plunder  the  quarters  in  which  the  Romans  lodged, 
md  the  spoil  was  considerable. 

II.  Next  day  Hannibal  marched  his  men  to  an  attack  on 
he  citadel.  But  the  sea,  as  he  perceived,  which  washed  the 
;reater  part  of  it  like  a  peninsula,  and  exceedingly  high  cliffs, 
vith  a  wall  and  fosse  fencing  it  off  from  the  town,  were  defences 
endering  it  impregnable  alike  to  assault  or  to  siege  works.  He 
esolved,  therefore,  to  cut  off  communication  between  the  town 
nd  the  citadel  by  intrenchments.     Thus  the  charge  of  pro- 


Tliose  0/  the 

Romans  who 

escape  take 

refuse  in  the 



prepares  to 

assault  the , 


264  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.  tecting  the  Tarentines  would  not  detain  him  from  matters  of 
more  importance,  and,  as  he  left  them  with  a  strong  garrison, 
the  Romans  would  not  be  able  to  attack  them  from  the  citadel 
whenever  they  chose.  Nor  was  he  without  the  hope  of  a  chance 
of  fighting  the  Romans,  should  they  attempt  to  stop  the  work, 
or,  should  they  venture  on  a  desperate  sortie,  of  inflicting  on 
them  such  loss  as  should  so  weaken  the  garrison  that  the 
Tarentines  would  be  easily  able  to  defend  their  city  by 

As  soon  as  the  work  was  begun,  one  of  the  gates  was  sud- 
denly thrown  open,  and  the  Romans  made  an  attack  on  the 
intrenching  parties.  A  picquet  on  guard  in  front  of  the  lines 
allowed  itself  to  be  driven  in,  that  the  enemy,  growing  bolder 
with  success,  might  pursue  them  as  they  fell  back  in  greater  force 
and  to  a  greater  distance.  Then  at  a  given  signal  there  was  a 
rush  on  all  sides  of  the  Carthaginian  soldiers  whom  Hannibal 
had  held  back  in  full  readiness  for  the  purpose.  The  Romans 
could  not  sustain  the  charge,  but  the  narrow  space,  entangled 
as  it  was,  partly  by  the  works  already  begun,  partly  by  prepara- 
tions for  works,  obstructed  them  in  their  hasty  flight.  Very 
many  flung  themselves  into  the  fosse,  and  more  were  slain  in 
the  flight  than  in  the  engagement.  The  work  was  then  begun 
afresh  without  any  opposition.  A  vast  fosse  was  drawn  and 
intrenchments  thrown  up  on  its  inner  side ;  at  a  moderate 
distance  from  this  and  in  the  same  direction,  Hannibal  pre- 
pared to  add  a  wall,  so  that  the  citizens  might  be  able  to  defend 
themselves  against  the  Romans  even  without  his  aid.  Still,  he 
left  a  small  force  to  help  them  also  in  building  the  wall,  while  he 
marched  himself  with  the  rest  of  his  army  to  the  river  Galaesus, 
five  miles  from  the  city,  and  there  encamped. 

On  his  return  from  this  position  to  inspect  the  work,  which 
had  made  considerably  more  rapid  progress  than  he  had  ex' 
pected,  he  conceived  a  hope  that  the  citadel  might  be  stormed 
It  was  not,  like  all  other  citadels,  protected  by  its  height,  but  it 
stood  on  level  ground,  and  was  merely  separated  from  the  town 
by  a  wall  and  a  fosse.  While  the  attack  was  being  pressed 
with  every  variety  of  engines  and  siege-works,  reinforcements 
despatched  from  Metapontum  gave  the  Romans  encourage 
ment  to  sally  out  suddenly  by  night  on  the  enemy's  lines.     Part 


they  shattered  down,  part  they  destroyed  by  fire,  and  this  ended   BOOK  xxv. 

ilure  of 

Hannibal's  assault  on  that  side      His  remaining  hope  lay  in    Failure  0/  hi. 

a  blockade,  but  this  could  not  be  thoroughly  effectual,  as  the 
occupants  of  the  citadel,  which  stood  on  a  peninsula  and  com- 
manded the  entrance  of  the  harbour,  had  the  freedom  of  the 
sea,  while  the  town,  on  the  other  hand,  was  cut  off  from  all 
maritime  communication,  and  so  the  besiegers  were  more  in 
danger  of  famine  than  the  besieged. 

Hannibal  summoned  a  meeting  of  the  principal  Tarentine  He  consuHswitit. 
citizens,  and  explained  to  them  all  the  difficulties  that  beset  him.  '''  '*''''"  ""^^' 
He  saw  no  way  of  storming  such  a  strongly  fortified  citadel,  and 
he  had  no  hojje  from  a  blockade  as  long  as  the  enemy  had 
possession  of  the  sea.  If  he  had  ships,  with  which  to  stop  the 
import  of  supplies,  the  enemy  would  at  once  either  retire  or  sur- 
render. The  Tarentines  concurred,  but  they  maintained  that  he 
who  gave  the  advice  must  help  towards  carrying  it  into  effect. 
"  Carthaginian  ships,"  they  said,  "  brought  up  from  Sicily  could 
"do  this.  As  for  their  own,  shut  in  as  they  were  within  a 
"  confined  bay,  while  the  enemy  held  the  entrance  to  the 
"  harbour,  in  what  possible  manner  could  they  escape  into  the 
"open  sea?"  To  this  Hannibal  replied  :  "Escape  they  shall. 
"  Many  things  which  nature  surrounds  with  impediments  are 
"  quite  easy  to  accomplish  by  forethought.  You  have  a  city 
,  "  situated  in  a  plain ;  you  have  level  and  sufficiently  broad 
"  streets  opening  in  all  directions.  Along  the  street  which  leads 
1  "  through  the  middle  of  the  city  to  the  harbour  down  to  the  sea 
I "  I  will  convey  vessels  of  comparatively  small  size  on  waggons, 
I "  and  the  sea,  which  is  now  in  the  enemy's  power,  shall  be  ours. 
I"  We  will  then  blockade  the  citadel  on  that  side  by  sea,  on  this 
■  "  by  land,  and  without  a  doubt  we  shall  take  it,  either  abandoned 
'"  by  the  enemy,  or  with  the  enemy  within  it." 

This  speech  excited  not  only  hopes  of  success,  but  also  the 

jhighest  admiration  of  the  'general.     Forthwith  waggons  were 

ibrought  from  all   parts  and  joined  together  ;  machines  were 

applied  to  the  hauling  ashore  of  vessels,  and  a  road  prepared 

ilong  which   the   waggons  might  roll  more  easily,  that  there 

night  be  the  less  difficulty  in  the  passage.     And  then  beasts  of 

nuden  and  men  were  procured,  and  the  work  promptly  begun. 

n  a  few  days  a  fleet  was  equipped  and  prepared,  which  sailed 

266  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.   round  to  the  citadel  and  cast  anchor  at  the  very  mouth  of  the 

harbour.      Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  which  Hannibal  left 

behind  him  at  Tarentum,  when  he  returned  himself  into  his 

winter  quarters.    Authors,  however,  contradict  each  other  on  the 

The  citadel  is    point  whether  it  was  in  this  or  in  the  previous  year  that  the  revolt 

^^andfatd^ and  °^  ^^  TaVentines  occurred.     Most,  and  those  who  lived  nearest 

Hannibal      the  Hving  tradition  of  the  events,  relate  that  it  took  place  in 

returns  into  . 

winter  quarters.  thlS  year. 

12.  Up  to  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  April  the  consuls  and 
praetors  were  detained  at  Rome  by  the  Latin  festival.  That  day 
the  sacred  rites  were  completed  on  the  Alban  Mount  and  they 
started  for  their  respective  provinces.  Afresh  religious  obstacle 
Prophecies  of  then  stood  in  their  way,  based  on  the  prophecies  of  a  certain 
one  Marnus.  Marcius.  This  Marcius  had  been  a  famous  prophetic  bard, 
and  when  search  had  been  made  in  the  previous  year  for  all 
such  books  by  direction  of  a  decree  of  the  Senate,  they  had 
passed  into  the  hands  of  Marcus  Atilius,  the  city  praetor,  who 
had  the  management  of  the  business.  He  at  once  handed  them 
over  to  Sulla,  the  new  praetor.  Of  two  prophecies  of  this 
Marcius,  one  which  was  published  after  the  event  gained  with 
the  fulfilment  an  authority  which  lent  credit  to  the  other,  the 
time  for  which  had  not  yet  arrived.  He  first  predicted  the 
defeat  of  Cannae  almost  in  these  words  :  "  Troy-descended  | 
"  Roman,  avoid  the  Canna.  Let  not  aliens  force  thee  to  joinj 
"  battle  in  the  plain  of  Diomed.  But  thou  wilt  not  believe  mei 
"  till  thou  hast  filled  the  plain  with  thy  blood,  till  the  river  carryi 
"  many  slaughtered  thousands  of  thine  into  the  great  sea  from^ 
"  the  fruit-bearing  land,  till  to  the  fishes  and  to  the  birds  and' 
"wild  beasts  that  dwell  in  the  earth  thy  flesh  has  become  food.i 
"  For  thus  has  Jupiter  declared  to  me."  The  plain  of  the  Argivej 
Diomed  and  the  river  Canna,  alike  with  the  disaster  itself,  were 
recognised  by  all  who  had  served  as  soldiers  in  those  parts. 

The  second  prophecy  was  then  read  out,  not  only  more  obscure 
than  the  preceding,  because  the  future  is  more  uncertain  than 
the  past,  but  likewise  more  perplexing  from  its  style  :  "  Romans. 
"  if  ye  are  minded  to  drive  out  the  foe  and  the  plague  which 
"  comes  from  nations  afar,  I  hold  that  ye  must  vow  games  t 
"  Apollo,  which  every  year  in  a  willing  spirit  may  be  celebrate 
"  to  Apollo,  the  people  giving  part  of  the  cost  out  of  the  publi 



"  purse,  and  private  citizens  contributing  for  themselves  and 
"  their  famihes.  Over  the  celebration  of  these  games  shall 
"  preside  the  prEetor,  who  shall  have  to  administer  supreme 
"  justice  to  the  people  and  the  commons.  Let  ten  men  offer 
"  sacrifice  with  victims  after  Greek  ritual.  If  ye  shall  do  this, 
"  ye  shall  rejoice  evermore,  and  your  state  shall  become  more 
"  prosperous  ;  for  the  god  (Apollo)  shall  destroy  your  foes,  who 
''  eat  up  your  fields  in  peace." 

For  the  interpretation  of  this  prophecy  they  took  one  day. 
On  the  following  the  Senate  passed  a  resolution  appointing  ten 
commissioners  to  examine  the  sacred  books  with  reference  to  the 
celebration  of  games  and  sacrifices  to  Apollo.  The  matter 
having  been  investigated  and  a  report  made  to  the  Senate,  it  was 
decreed  that "  games  were  to  be  vowed  and  celebrated  to  Apollo  ; 
"  that  after  their  celebration  twelve  thousand  pounds  of  brass 
"  were  to  be  given  to  the  praetor  for  offering  sacrifice,  with  two 
"  greater  victims."  Another  resolution  was  also  passed.  "  Ten 
"  men  were  to  sacrifice  according  to  Greek  ritual  and  with  the 
"  same  victims  ;  to  Apollo,  a  bull  with  gilded  horns  and  two 
"  white  goats  with  gilded  horns  ;  to  Latona,  a  cow  with  gilded 
"  horns."  The  praetor,  as  he  was  about  to  celebrate  the  games  in 
the  Circus  Maximus,  issued  a  proclamation  that  the  people, 
during  the  games,  were  to  contribute  gffts  to  Apollo,  as  much  as 
'  might  be  convenient.  Such  is  the  origin  of  the  Apollinarian 
games,  which  were  vowed  and  celebrated  with  a  view  to  victory, 
jand  not,  as  many  think,  to  the  public  health.  The  people  wore 
jgarlands  while  witnessing  them ;  the  matrons  offered  prayers  ; 
•everywhere  there  was  feasting  in  public,  with  open  doors, 
land  the  day  was  honoured  with  every  variety  of  religious 

13.    While  Hannibal  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tarentum 

and  the  two   consuls  in  Samnium,  purposing  however,  as  it 

ueemed,  to  besiege   Capua,  the  Campanian  population,  having 

peen  prevented    by  the    Roman    armies    from    sowing   their 

jrops,  began  to  feel  the  famine  which  is  the  usual  misery  of  a  long 

blockade.     So  they  sent  envoys  to  Hannibal  begging  him  to 

ive  orders  for  the  conveyance  of  corn  from  the  neighbouring 

ountry  to  Capua,  before  the  Roman  consuls  led  the  legions  into 

leir  territories  and  all  the  roads  were  blockaded  by  the  enemy's 


Origin  of  the 



Distress  of  the 

They  beg 

Hannibal  to 

provision  Capua. 




Hanno  enters 

Campania  with 

his  troops. 

Slackness  of  t).e 

Fabius  enters 

lie  makes  a 
sxtdden  attack 

OH  the 



forces.  Hannibal  directed  Hanno  to  march  with  his  troops 
from  Bruttium  into  Campania  and  take  care  that  the  Cam- 
panians were  furnished  with  an  ample  supply  of  corn.  Leaving 
Bruttium  with  his  army  and  anxiously  avoiding  the  enemy's 
camp  and  the  consuls  who  were  in  Samnium,  Hanno, "  on 
arriving  near  Beneventum,  encamped  on  high  ground  three 
miles  from  the  city.  He  then  ordered  corn  to  be  brought 
into  his  camp  from  the  allied  peoples  in  the  neighbourhood, 
where  during  the  summer  it  had  been  stored,  and  assigned 
a  guard  to  accompany  the  convoys.  Next,  he  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  Capua,  stating  the  day  on  which  they  were  to  be  at 
his  camp  ready  to  receive  the  corn,  after  first  collecting  from 
the  whole  country  all  kinds  of  carts  and  beasts  of  burden. 
The  Campanians  acted  in  the  matter  with  their  characteristic 
slowness  and  carelessness.  They  sent  rather  more  than  four 
hundred  carts  with  a  few  beasts  of  burden  besides.  For  this 
Hanno  reprimanded  them,  telling  them  that  even  the  hunger 
which  rouses  dumb  animals  could  not  stir  them  to  energy. 
And  he  fixed  another  and  more  distant  day  for  the  procuring  of 
corn  on  a  greater  scale. 

All  this,  just  as  it  occurred,  was  reported  to  the  citizens  of 
Beneventum,  who  at  once  sent  ten  envoys  to  the  consuls,  the 
Roman  camp  being  near  Bovianum.  On  hearing  what  was 
taking  place  at  Capua,  the  consuls  arranged  between  them^ 
selves  that  one  of  them  should  march  his  army  into  Campanij 
Fabius,  to  whom  this  charge  was  assigned,  set  out  and  enterei 
the  walls  of  Beneventum  by  night.  He  learnt  in  the  neighbour 
hood  that  Hanno  had  gone  foraging  with  a  part  of  his  army 
that  a  quaestor  had  the  business  of  delivering  the  corn  to  th< 
Campanians  ;  that  two  thousand  waggons  and  a  disorderly,  un 
armed  throng  had  arrived  ;  that  all  was  tumult  and  excitement 
and  that  the  proper  character  of  a  camp  and  military  disciplim 
were  destoyed  by  an  influx  of  rustics  from  the  country  round 
All  this  having  been  well  authenticated,  the  consul  issued  orderi 
to  his  soldiers  to  have  their  standards  and  arms,  with  nothing 
else,  in  readiness  for  the  next  night,  as  the  Carthaginian  cami 
must  be  attacked.  They  began  their  march  at  the  fourth  watch 
all  baggage  and  incumbrances  having  been  left  at  Beneventum 
Arriving  at  the  camp  a  little  before  daybreak,  they  inspired  sucl 


a  panic  that,  had  the  camp  been  on  level  ground,  it  could  un-    BOOK  XXV. 

doubtedly  have  been  taken  at  the  first  assault.     It  was  guarded 

by  the  height  of  the  position  and  by  fortifications,  which  could 

be  approached  only  by  a  steep  and  difficult  ascent.     At  early 

dawn  a  fierce  action  was  raging,  and  the  Carthaginians  not  only 

defended  their  lines,  but,  having  the  advantage  of  more  even 

ground,  they  hurled  back  their  foes  as  they  struggled  up  the 


14.  Srubborn  courage,  however,  overcame  everything,  and 
at  several  points  simultaneously  the  assailants  reached  the  in- 
trenchments  and  the  fosse,  but  with  many  wounds  and  much 
loss  of  men.  Accordingly  the  consul  called  together  the  officers 
and  told  them  "  that  their  rash  attempt  must  be  abandoned  ; 
"  that  it  was  safer,  in  his  opinion,  to  withdraw  the  army  that 
"  very  day  to  Beneventum,  and  then  on  the  following  to  encamp 
"  close  to  the  enemy,  so  that  it  might  be  impossible  for  the  Cam- 
"  panians  to  quit  their  position,  or  for  Hanno  to  return.  To 
"  insure  this  the  more  easily,  he  would  call  for  the  aid  of  his 
"  colleague  with  his  army,  and  they  would  together  concentrate 
"  the  whole  war  on  this  point." 

i       Such  was  the  general's  purpose,  but,  as  soon  as  he  sounded 

I  a  retreat,  the  clamour  of  his  soldiers,  who  spurned  such  tame 

I  leadership,  scattered  it  to  the  winds.     Close  to  one  of  the  gates 

jof  the  hostile  camp  was  a  Pelignian  cohort,  the  officer  of  which, 

'Vibius  Accuseus,  seized  the  standard  and  flung  it  across  the 

lenemy's   lines.     Then,    invoking  a   curse   on   himself  and  his 

jcohort  should  the  enemy  possess  himself  of  the  standard,  he 

I  Irushed  foremost  through  the  fosse  and  the  intrenchments  into 

'  jthe  camp.     And  now  the  Peligni  were  fighting  within  the  lines, 

[  while  on  the  other  side,  where  Valerius  Flaccus,  an  officer  of 

I  ,;he  third  legion,  was  taunting  the  Romans  with  cowardice  for 

'giving  up  to  their  allies  the  glory  of  storming  the  camp,  Titus 

Pedanius,  a  first-rank  centurion,  wrested  a  standard  from  its 

nearer  with  the  exclamation,  "  This  standard  and  this  centurion 

'  shall  in  a  moment  be  within  the  enemy's  lines.   Follow  me,  all 

•  you  who  mean  to  save  the  standard  from  being  taken  by  the 

enemy."    As  he  sprang  across  the  fosse  he  was  followed  first 

ly  the  men  of  his  company,  and  then  by  the  whole  legion.   And 

ow  the  consul,  too,  as  he  saw  them  entering  the  intrenchments, 






camp  is 



Hanno  retires  to 


Cmnpanians  heg 
Hannibcl  to 
come  to  the 

rescue  of  Capua. 

changed  his  purpose ;  setting  himself  to  incite  and  encourage 
his  men  instead  of  recalling  them,  he  pointed  out  to  them  in 
what  jeopardy  and  peril  stood  one  of  the  bravest  cohorts  of 
their  allies,  as  well  as  a  legion  of  their  own  fellow-citizens.  So 
all  the  soldiers,  while  missiles  were  showered  upon  them  from  all 
sides  and  the  enemy  thrust  their  persons  and  their  swords  in  the 
way,  pushed  on,  every  man  for  himself,  alike  over  rough  and 
smooth  ground,  and  forced  an  entrance.  Many  a  wounded 
man,  some  even  whose  strength  and  blood  were  failing  them, 
struggled  hard  that  they  might  fall  within  the  enemy's  lines.  So 
the  camp  was  stormed  in  a  moment,  as  if  it  had  been  situated 
on  level  ground  and  not  strongly  fortified.  Then  followed  a 
massacre  (for  it  was  no  longer  a  fight)  of  the  confused 
crowd  within  the  intrenchments ;  more  than  six  thousand 
of  the  enemy  were  slain,  and  above  seven  thousand  made 
prisoners,  along  with  the  Campanian  foragers  and  the  whole 
array  of  waggons  and  beasts  of  burden.  There  was,  besides, 
an  immense  booty,  which  Hanno,  when  he  went  plundering! 
about  the  country,  had  carried  off  from  the  lands  of  the  allies  - 
of  the  Roman  people.  After  demolishing  the  enemy's  camp 
they  returned  to  Beneventum,  and  then  the  two  consuls  (foi 
Appius  Claudius  arrived  within  a  few  days)  sold  and  dividec 
the  spoil.  Rewards  were  given  to  the  men  by  whose  exertion; 
the  enemy's  camp  had  been  taken  ;  above  all,  to  Accuasus,  thf 
Pelignian,  and  to  Titus  Pedanius,  chief  officer  of  the  third  legion 
From  Cominium-Ocritum,*  where  tidings  had  been  received  o 
the  destruction  of  the  camp,  Hanno,  with  a  few  foragers  whon 
he  happened  to  have  with  him,  returned  to  Bruttium  by  wha 
more  resembled  a  flight  than  a  march. 

15.  The  Campanians,  on  hearing  of  the  disaster  which  hat 
befallen  themselves  and  their  allies,  sent  envoys  to  Hannibal  ti 
tell  him  "  that  the  two  consuls  were  at  Beneventum,  a  day' 
"  march  from  Capua  ;  that  the  war  was  all  but  at  their  wall 
"  and  gates,  and  that  unless  he  came  promptly  to  the  rescue 
"  Capua  would  fall  into  the  enemy's  power  sooner  than  Arp: 
"  Even  Tarentum,  much  less  its  mere  citadel,  ought  not  to  b^ 
"  so  valued  as  to  make  them  surrender  Capua,  which  he  use 
"  to  compare  to  Carthage,  deserted  and  without  defence  to  tl 
"  Roman  people."     Hannibal  promised  that  he  would  have 




and  Th^nii 

re7)olt  to 


care  for  the  interests  of  the  Campanians,  and  at  once  despatched    book  xxv. 
two  thousand  cavalry  with  the  envoys,  a  force  with  which  they 
could  protect  their  lands  from  being  ravaged. 

The  Romans,  meanwhile,  turned  their  thoughts,  among  other 
matters,  to  the  citadel  of  Tarentum,  and  the  garrison  there 
blockaded.  The  Senate  had  authorised  Publius  Cornelius  to 
send  his  lieutenant,  Caius  Servilius,  into  Etruria  to  buy  up  com, 
and  this  officer  now  made  his  way,  with  some  vessels  laden  with 
corn,  into  the  harbour  of  Tarentum,  through  the  enemy's  guard-    ,   Supplies 

:>  o  JO  furnished  by  the 

ships.     On  his  arrival,  those  very  men  who  before,  when  their   Romans  to  the 
hopes  were  low,  had  been  solicited  by  the  enemy  in  frequent      Tarentian. 
interviews  to  transfer  their  allegiance,  now  themselves  actually 
pressed  and  solicited  the  enemy  to  change  sides.     There  was, 
indeed,  a  tolerably  strong  garrison,  the  troops  at  Metapontum 
having  been  transferred  to  the  defence  of  the  citadel  of  Taren- 
tum.    The  result  was  that  the  citizens  of  Metapontum,  finding 
themselves  at  once  relieved  from  the  terror  which  controlled 
them,  revolted  to   Hannibal.      So    also    did    the    people    of 
Thurii,  prompted  not  more  by  the  revolt  of  the  Tarentines  and 
Metapontines,  with  whom,  coming  as  they  originally  did  from 
the  same  country,  Achaia,  they  were    connected  by  kinship, 
[than  by  resentment  against  the  Romans  because  of  the  recent 
murder  of  the  hostages.     Their  friends   and  relatives  sent  a 
Jetter  with  a  message  to  Hanno  and  Mago,  who  were  in  the 
peighbourhood  in  Bruttium,  offering  to  surrender  the  city  into 
jheir  hands  if  they  would  march  their  army  up  to  its  walls. 
j     Marcus  Atinius  was  in  command  at  Thurii  with  rather  a 
Imall  garrison.     He  could,  they  thought,  be  easily  lured  into 
,  lashly  engaging  in  action,  not  that  he  trusted  so  much  in  the 
ery  few  soldiers  he  had,  as  in  the  young  men  of  Thurii,  whom  he 
ad  with  a  special  purpose  organised  in  companies  and  armed 
)r  such  an  emergency.      The  Carthaginian  generals  divided 
leir  forces   between  them  as   soon  as   they  entered  Thurian 
^irritory,  and  Hanno,  with  his  infantry  in  hostile   array,  pro- 
ieded  to  march  on  the  city.     Mago  halted  with  his  cavalry 
a  place  where  he  was  screened  by  some  hills  which  com- 
etely  concealed  his  manoeuvre.     Atinius,  who  had  ascertained 
^m  his  scouts  only  the  line  of  march  of  the  infantry,  led  his 
my  into  action  without  a  suspicion  of  the  treachery  within 



DesU  uction  of 

ike  Roman 

garrison  at 


BOOK  XXV.  the  town  or  of  the  enemy's  ambush.  The  contest  of  the  in- 
fantry was  very  tame,  a  few  Romans  only  fighting  in  the  first 
rank,  and  the  men  of  Thurii  rather  awaiting  the  issue  than 
helping  to  decide  it.  And  the  Carthaginian  line  too  fell  back 
intentionally,  in  order  to  draw  the  unwary  foe  to  the  back  of 
the  hill  which  their  cavalry  occupied.  When  they  reached  this 
point,  the  troopers  rushed  out  on  them  with  a  shout,  and  in 
a  moment  put  to  flight  the  ill-disciplined  crowd  of  Thurian 
citizens,  who  did  not  stand  loyally  by  the  side  on  which  they 
were  fighting.  The  Romans  for  some  time  prolonged  the  battle, 
though  they  were  hemmed  in  and  hard  pressed  by  infantry 
on  one  side  and  cavalry  on  the  other.  At  last  they  too  turned 
their  backs  and  fled  to  the  city. 

There  the  traitors  in  a  dense  body  received  their  fellow- 
citizens'  army  within  the  open  gates ;  but  when  they  saw  the 
Romans  hurrying  to  the  town  in  rout,  they  all  shouted  that  th' 
Carthaginian  was  upon  them,  and  that  the  enemy  would  rub 
into  the  city  in  a  promiscuous  throng  unless  the  gates  were 
promptly  closed.     Thus  the  Romans  were  shut  out,  and  giver 
up  to  the  foe  to  be  slaughtered.     For  a  brief  space  civil  discon 
prevailed,  one  party  maintaining  that  they  ought  to  defend  thi 
city,  the  other  that  they  ought  to  yield  to  fate  and  surrender 
But,  as  often  happens,  fate  and  evil  counsels  triumphed.  Atiniu 
with  his  men  was  conducted  to  the  sea  and  to  the  fleet,  as  the 
wished  to  treat  the  man  with  consideration,  more  for  his  kindl 
and  just  rule  over  them  than  out  of  respect  for  the  Roman; 
while  the  Carthaginians  were  admitted  into  the  city.     The  coi 
enter  Campania.  ^^^  xh^Xi.  led  the  legions  into  Campanian  territory,  not  men 
to  destroy  the  corn  already  stored  in  winter  quarters,  but  also 
attack  Capua.    They  thought  to  make  their  consulate  illustrioi 
by  destroying  so  powerful  a  city,  and  at  the  same  time  to  wi 
off  from  the  empire  the  huge  disgrace  of  a  community  so  ni 
to  Rome  having  been  in  revolt  more  than  two  years  with  in 
punity.     But  they  did  not  wish  Beneventum  to  be  left  withoi 
defence,  and  in  order  that  in  any  sudden  emergency  of  war,  or 
the  event  of  Hannibal  marching  on  Capua,  to  bring  succour 
his  allies  (which  they  did  not  doubt  he  would  do)  their  cavali 
might  be  able  to  hold  him  in  check,  they  ordered  Tiberii 
Gracchus  to  proceed  from  Lucania  to  Beneventum  with 

The  consuls 

rith  hi 


horse  and  light  troops,  while  he  was  to  leave  some  one  in    book  xxv. 
command  of  the  legions  and  camp  in  Lucania,  and  thus  retain 
his  hold  on  the  country. 

16.     While   Gracchus  was   sacrificing  before  moving  from  An 

,  .         ,  1  r    -11  rr'  unfavourable 

Lucania,  there  occurred  a  portent  of  ill  omen.     1  wo  serpents         omm. 

stole  up  unseen  to  the  victim's  entrails,  as  soon  as  the  sacrifice 

was  offered,  and  devoured  the  liver,  disappearing  the  moment 

they  were  perceived.     By  the  advice  of  the  augurs  the  sacrifice 

was  repeated  and  the  entrails  carefully  watched  when  opened, 

and  a  second  and  a  third  time,  it  is  said,  did  the   serpents 

approach,  taste  the  liver,  and  go  away  unharmed.     Although 

the  augurs  warned  the  army  that  this  portent  pointed  to  the 

general,   and  that   he   mus\  beware   of  "  secret   enemies   and 

"  councils,"  still  no  foresight  could  avert  the  impending  doom. 

There  was  one  Flavus,  a  Lucanian,  who,  when  some   of  his    Treachery  of  a 

countrymen  revolted  to  Hannibal,  was  the  head  of  the  party  whichGracchus 

which  stood  by  the  Romans.     He  had  been  in  office  for  a  year,  f'^^^^  "■  ^i<=i""- 

having  been  appointed  praetor  by  the  Romans.     Suddenly  he 

changed  his  mind  and  sought  opportunity  to  win  favour  with 

the  Carthaginians.     He  was  not  satisfied  with  deserting  himself 

or  with  drawing   the    Lucanians   into  revolt,  unless   he   could 

bind  the  enemy  by  a  treaty  sealed  with  the  life-blood  of  his 

betrayed  general  and  friend.     He  had  a  secret  interview  with 

iMago,  who  commanded  in  Bruttium,  and  having  received  from 

him  an  assurance  that  if  he  betrayed  the  Roman  general  to  the 

jCarthaginians,  the  Lucanians  would  be  admitted  into  friendship, 

Btill  retaining  their  freedom  and  their  laws,  he  at  once  conducted 

'he  Carthaginian  commander  to  a  place  whither  he  said  he 

!d  bring  Gracchus  with  a  small  retinue.     There  he  bade 

1)  have  infantry  and  cavalry  in  readiness,  and  occupy  an 

uscade   in   which   he   could   conceal  a  large  force.      The 

•  having  been  thoroughly  examined  and   reconnoitred  in 

\  part,  a  day  was  fixed  for  carrying  out  the  design. 

;  lavus  then  went  to  the  Roman  general.     "  I  have  entered," 

'-  he,  "on  a  great  undertaking,  for  the  accomplishment  of 

ich  I  need  your  own  co-operation.     I  have  persuaded  the 

aads  of   all   the    nations,   which    in    the    late    commotion 

hioughout  all  Italy  revolted  to  the  Carthaginians,  to  return 

iViendship  with  Rome.     Rome's  power,  we  see,  which  was 


274  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.  "brought  to  the  verge  of  ruin  by  the  disaster  of  Cannae,  is 
.  "  daily  advancing  and  gathering  strength,  while  the  might  of 
"  Hannibal  is  on  the  wane  and  has  come  almost  to  nothing.  In 
"  the  matter  of  an  old  offence,  the  Romans  will  not  be  implac- 
"  able  ;  no  people  has  ever  been  more  easily  moved  to  mercy, 
"  or  more  ready  to  grant  forgiveness.  How  often  have  they  for- 
"  given  rebellion  in  my  own  ancestors  ?  I  have  told  them  all 
"  this  myself,"  he  added,  "  but  they  would  rather  hear  it  from 
"  Gracchus'  own  lips,  to  see  him  face  to  face,  and  touch  his 
"right  hand.  Such  is  the  proposal  I  have  brought,  as  a  pledge 
"  of  my  good  faith.  I  have  named  a  place  to  those  who  are  in 
"  my  secret,  quite  out  of  sight,  and  not  far  from  the  Roman 
"  camp.  There  the  matter  can  be  settled  in  a  few  words,  and 
"  Rome  have  the  alliance  and  obedience  of  the  whole  Lucanian 

Gracchus,  thinking  that  there  was  no  deceit  in  the  man's  words 
or  in.  the  affair,  and  cheated  by  his  plausibility,  set  out  with 
his  lictors  and  one  squadron  of  cavalry,  and  under  his  friend's 
guidance   fell   headlong  into  the   ambuscade.      Suddenly  the 
enemy  rose  upon  him,  and,  to  remove  all-  doubt  as  to  treachery, 
Flavus  himself  joined  them.     A  shower  of  darts  on  every  sid« 
met   Gracchus  and  his  troopers.     He   sprang  from  his  hors^ 
bidding  the   others  do  the   same,  and  encouraging  them  "  t< 
"  shed  some  glory  by  their  valour  on  the  one  only  thing  fortune 
"  had  left  in  their  power.     For  what  was  left  but  death  to  i 
"  handful    of   men    hemmed    in,    as    they    were,    by    a    vasi 
"  multitude,    in   a  valley   inclosed   by  woods  and   mountains  i 
"  All  that  concerned  them  was  this ;  should  they  give  up  theii 
"  bodies   like   cattle  to  be   slaughtered  unavenged,  or  turninj 
"  with  all  the  energy  of  their  spirit  from  passively  awaiting  th 
"  issue  to  a  fierce  and   furious   effort,  fall,   doing   and   daring 
"  covered  with  the  enemy's  blood,  amid  a  pile  of  the  arms  anil 
"  bodies  of  dying  foes  ?    The  Lucanian  traitor  and  deserter  wa 
"  to  be  every  man's  mark,  and  whoever  sent  him  a  victim  t( 
"  the  gods  of  hell  before  himself,  would  find  in  his  own  deatl 
"  a  glorious  honour  and  a  noble  consolation." 

As  he  said  this,  he  twisted  his  military  cloak  round  his  lef 
arm  (for  they  had  not  so  much  as  taken  their  shields  with  them 
and  made  a  rush  at  the  enemy.     There  was  a  sharper  fight  th; 




could  have-  been  expected  from  the  number  of  the  combatants.   BOOK  xxv. 

The  bodies  of  the  Romans,  being  completely  exposed,   were 

pierced  by  darts,  of  which  there  fell  a  shower  on  every  side 

from  the  higher  ground  into  the  hollow  of  the  valley.     Gracchus 

was  now  left  without  defence,  and  the  Carthaginians  did  their 

utmost  to  take  him  alive.     But  espying  his   Lucanian  friend 

amid  the  enemy,  he  rushed  on  the  dense  array  with  such  fury 

that  it  was  impossible  to  spare  his  life  without  heavy  loss.     As 

soon  as  he  was  dead,  Mago  sent  his  body  to  Hannibal,  with 

orders  to  have  it  set  up  together  with  the  "  fasces  "  taken  with 

it  in  front  of  the  general's   tribunal.     This  is  the  true  story. 

Gracchus   perished  in  what  are  called  the   "  Old   Fields "  in 


17.     Some  there  are  who  declare  that  he  fell  in  the  country        Various 

r-ri  ,  •  ^,jji  111,,--,.      accounts  of  the 

of  Beneventum,  near  the  river  Calor,*  where  he  had  left  his  death  of 
camp  with  his  lictors  and  their  servants  to  bathe,  while  the 
enemy  chanced  to  be  concealed  amid  the  willow  plantations  on 
the  banks,  and  was  cut  down  naked  and  unarmed,  defending 
himself  with  the  stones  rolled  down  by  the  stream.  Others 
again  relate  that  by  the  advice  of  the  augurs  he  had  gone  half 
a  mile  from  the  camp  to  expiate  in  an  open  space  the  portents 
above  mentioned,  and  was  intercepted  by  two  squadrons  of 
Numidian  horse  which,  as  it  happened,  were  occupying  the 
position.  So  little  agreement  is  there,  eminent  and  renowned  as 
was  the  man,  both  as  to  the  place  and  the  manner  of  his  death. 
There  are  various  accounts  too  of  his  funeral.  Some  tell  us 
that  he  was  buried  by  his  own  men  in  the  Roman  camp ;  others 
that  Hannibal  raised  his  funeral  pile  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Carthaginian  camp.  This  latter  is  the  more  generally  accepted 
story.  It  is  further  added  that  the  troops  marched  under  arms, 
with  Spanish  dances  moving  their  weapons  and  bodies  according 
to  the  fashions  of  their  respective  tribes,  while  Hannibal  him- 
self celebrated  his  obsequies  with  every  honour  which  acts  and 
words  could  testify. 

Such  are  the  accounts  of  historians  who  speak  of  the 
ncident  as  occurring  in  Lucania.  If  you  choose  to  believe 
hose  who  say  that  Gracchus  was  slain  at  the  river  Calor,  the 
memy  possessed  themselves  only  of  his  head.  This  having 
«en  conveyed  to   Hannibal,  he  at  once  despatched  Carthalo 

T  2 



Defeat  of  the 
consuls  in 

BOOK  XXV.  to  carry  it  to  the  qusestor  Cneius  Cornelius  in  the  Roman  camp. 
Cornehus  performed  the  general's  funeral  rites  in  the  camp, 
and  the  citizens  of  Beneventum  joined  the  army  in  their 

18.  The  consuls  entered  Campania  and  ravaged  it  far  and 
wide,  but  a  sudden  sortie  of  the  townsfolk  and  of  Mago  with 
his  cavalry  compelled  them  in  confusion  and  terror  to  recall 
their  straggling  troops  to  the  standards.  Their  army  was 
scarcely  yet  arrayed  for  battle  when  they  were  routed  with  a 
loss  of  more  than  one  thousand  five  hundred  men.  Upon  this 
an  overweening  confidence  swelled  the  hearts  of  this  naturally 
arrogant  people,  and  they  harassed  the  Romans  ifi  a  succession 
of  skirmishes.  But  the  single  battle  on  which  they  had  ventured 
rashly  and  unadvisedly,  had  made  the  consuls  more  vigilant  in 
their  precautions.  One  trifling  incident,  however,  restored  the  I 
courage  of  the  Romans  and  diminished  the  audacity  of  the 
Campanians.  Nothing  indeed  is  so  insignificant  in  war  that 
it  may  not  occasionally  be  the  determining  cause  of  a  great 
result.  . 
A  Campanitin  Badius,  a  Campanian,  was  the  friend  of  one  Titus  Quinctius 

Ronian'tTsingle  Crispinus,  and  very  close  was  the  friendship  which  united  thenj 
combat.  -pi^g  intimacy  had  increased  in  consequence  of  Badius,  befor 
the  revolt  of  Campania,  having  received  during  an  illness  a 
Rome  kind  and  generous  treatment  in  the  house  of  Crispinus 
He  now  stepped  out  in  front  of  the  sentries  posted  before  on 
of  the  camp-gates,  and  bid  them  call  Crispinus.  Crispinui 
receiving  the  message,  thought  that  a  friendly  interview  on  th 
strength  of  the  still  lingering  recollection  of  private  obligatio 
was  requested,  even  amid  the  disruption  of  public  treaties  ;  an 
he  proceeded  a  short  distance  in  advance  of  his  comrade! 
When  they  came  in  sight,  Badius  exclaimed,  "  I  challenge  yo 
"to  combat,  Crispinus.  Let  us  mount  our  horses  and  decid 
"  which  is  the  better  man  in  war,  whilst  the  rest  stand  aloof.] 
To  which  Crispinus  rejoined,  "  Neither  I  nor  you  are  in  wa 
"of  foes  on  whom  to  display  ,our  valour.  Even  were  I 
"  meet  you  in  the  field,  I  would  turn  aside  rather  than 
"  my  right  hand  with  the  blood  of  a  friend." 

He  turned  and  went  away  as  he  spoke.    Instantly,  with  fie 
insolence,  the  Campanian  upbraided  his  tameness  and  cowardice! 




and  flung  at  the  innocent  man  taunts  which  he  himself  deserved. 
"  A  friendly  foe,"  he  called  him, "  who  was  feigning  to  spare  one 
"  for  whom  he  knew  that  he  was  not  a  match.  If  you  do  not 
"  think  that  the  disruption  of  public  treaties  has  broken  off  also 
"  all  private  obligations,  I,  Badius,  the  Campanian,  in  the 
"  hearing  of  the  two  armies,  openly  renounce  the  friendship  of 
"  Titus  Quinctius  Crispinus,  the  Roman.  No  tie  exists  between 
"  this  man  and  me,  no  bond  of  alliance,  when  I  am  the  foe  of 
"  a  foe  who  has  come  to  make  war  on  my  country  and  the  gods 
"  of  my  land  and  my  home.     Meet  me,  if  you  are  a  man." 

Crispinus  hesitated  long,  but  was  persuaded  by  his  brother- 
troopers  not  to  suffer  the  Campanian  to  insult  him  with  impunity. 
Waiting  only  till  he  had  asked  the  generals  whether  they  would 
allow  him  out  of  the  usual  course  to  fight  an  enemy  who 
challenged  him,  by  their  permission  he  took  his  arms, 
mounted  his  horse,  and,  calling  Badius  by  name,  summoned 
him  to  combat.  There  was  not  a  moment's  delay  on  the  part 
of  the  Campanian.  They  charged  and  met.  Crispinus  with 
his  lance  pierced  the  left  shoulder  of  Badius  over  his  shield, 
and  sprang  on  him  as  he  fell  wounded  from  his  horse,  intending, 
himself  on  foot,  to  despatch  his  prostrate  foe.  Badius,  before 
he  was  overpowered,  left  his  shield  and  his  horse  and  fled  to  his 
comrades.  Crispinus,  adorned  with  his  spoils  and  displaying 
ithe  steed  and  arms  he  had  captured  and  his  blood-stained 
spear,  was  conducted  to  the  consuls  amid  the  loud  praises  and 
congratulations  of  his.  fellow-soldiers.  The  consuls  too  praised 
him  in  the  highest  terms,  and  loaded  him  with  gifts, 

19.     Hannibal,  having  moved  his  camp  from  the  country  of 
Beneventum  to  Capua,  led  out  his  troops  to  battle  on  the  third 
lay  after  his  arrival.     As  the  Campanians  had  fought  a  suc- 
cessful action  in  his  absence  a  few  days  before,  he  had  no  doubt  ^"'^^g^^ff^^'"" 
hat  the  Romans  would  be  far  less  able  to  resist  himself  and   Hannibal  and 
lis  repeatedly  victorious  army.    As  soon  as  the  battle  began, 
!he  Roman  line  suffered  much  from  the  enemy's  horse,  being 
]most  overwhelmed  with  showers  of  missiles,  till  the  cavalry 
ceived  orders  to  charge  the  enemy  at  full  speed.     A  cavalry 
^agagement  followed,  when  there   appeared  in   the   distance 
jie  army  of   Sempronius,  commanded  by  the  quaestor,  Caius 
omelius,  and  both  sides  were  seized  with  a  fear  that  a  new 

Victory  of  the 

the  Romans 
near  Capua. 

278  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.  enemy  was  at  hand.  The  signal  of  retreat  was  given  in  both 
armies,  seemingly  by  mutual  agreement,  and  so  they  were 
marched  back  into  camp  and  parted  on  almost  equal  terms, 
though  more  fell  on  the  Roman  side  in  the  first  charge  of  the 

The  consuls,  seeking  to  draw  Hannibal  away  from  Capua, 
separated  on  the  following  night,  Fulvius  marching  into  the  terri- 
tory of  Cumae  and  Claudius  into  Lucania.  Next  day  Hannibal 
received  intelligence  that  the  Roman  camp  was  deserted,  and 
that  the  army  had  quitted  it  by  two  different  routes.  At  first, 
uncertain  which  to  pursue,  he  decided  to  follow  up  Claudius,  who 
led  his  enemy  a  long  circuit  the  way  he  pleased,  and  returned 
by  another  road  to  Capua.  But  chance  gave  Hannibal  another 
opportunity  of  striking  a  successful  blow  in  these  parts. 
Rash  atiem^i  of '^^^^^  was  One  Marcus  Centenius,  by  surname  Psenula,  distin 
a  Roman      guished  among  the  first-rank  centurions  both  for  bodily  size  and 

eentunon,e7iding  o  o  ■' 

ina/atai      courage.     He  had  completed  his  term  of  service,  and,  having 
been  introduced  to  the  Senate  by  Publius  Cornelius  Sulla,  the 
praetor,  he   begged  them  to  give  him  five  thousand  soldiers, 
assuring  them  that  "  knowing  as  he  did,  the  enemy  and  th( 
"  country,  he  would  soon  make  it  worth  their  while,  and  tu; 
"  the  stratagems  which  in  thpse  localities  had  proved  fatal 
"  Roman  generals  and  armies  against  their  inventor." 

The  promise,  stupidly  made,  was  as  stupidly  believed,  jui 
as  if  the  qualities  of  a  general  were  the  same  as  those  of 
soldier.  He  was  intrusted  with  eight  instead  of  five  thousani 
troops,  half  being  citizens,  half  allies.  He  himself  too,  on  hi 
march,  raised  a  considerable  force  of  volunteers  from  th- 
country  districts,  and  with  his  army  almost  doubled  he  enb 
Lucania,  where  Hannibal,  after  his  fruitless  pursuit  of  Cla 
had  halted.  The  result  could  not  be  doubtful,  when  it 
contest  between  a  general  such  as  Hannibal  and  a  centu: 
one  army,  too,  being  veterans  in  victory,  while  the  othe; 
altogether  new  and  for  the  most  part  levied  at  random  and 
armed.  As  soon  as  the  armies  saw  each  other,  neither 
declining  to  fight,  order  of  battle  was  formed.  Fiercely 
fought,  considering  their  utter  disparity,  and  that  for  more 
two  hours,  the  Roman  army  with  peculiar  energy,  as  lo 
their  leader  stood  his  ground.     At  last,  both  for  the  sake 


old  renown  and  from  the  fear  of  disgrace  should  he  survive  a  book  xxv. 
disaster  brought  on  by  his  own  rashness,  he  threw  himself  amid 
the  enemy's  darts  and  was  slain.  The  Roman  army  was  routed 
in  a  moment.  So  completely  closed  against  them  was  every 
chance  of  escape,  all  the  roads  being  beset  by  cavalry,  that 
out  of  so  numerous  a  host  hardly  a  thousand  escaped.  The 
rest  perished  as  they  fled,  some  by  one  death  and  some  by 
another.  h   ■    ri 

20.  Again  the  consuls  began  to  besiege  Capua  in  full  force-  ^y  "/u  consuls. 
All  that  was  required  for  the  purpose  was  in  course  of  being 
brought  together  and  provided.  Corn  was  stored  at  Casilinum  ; 
a  fort  was  erected  at  the  mouth  of  the  Voltumus,  where  a  city 
now  stands.  There  had  previously  been  some  fortifications 
raised  by  Fabius  Maximus,  and  now  a  garrison  was  posted 
there  to  command  the  neighbouring  coast  and  the  river.  Corn 
lately  sent  from  Sardinia,  and  some  bought  up  by  Marcus 
Junius,  the  praetor  from  Etruria,  was  conveyed  from  Ostium 
to  these  two  seaside  fortresses,  that  the  army  might  have  an 
abundant  supply  throughout  the  winter. 

Meantime  the  disaster,  which  had  been   sustained  in  Lu- 

cania,  was  aggravated  by  the  desertion  of  the  slave-volunteer 

1  army,  which  as  long  as  Gracchus  was  alive  had  served  most 

\  loyally,  but  which  regarded  itself  as  disbanded  on  the  death 

of  its  general. 

Hannibal  was  unwilling  that  Capua  should  be  left  to  itself, 

or  his  allies  forsaken  in  so  perilous  a  crisis.     But,  encouraged 

)  by  the  success  he  had  won  through  the  rashness  of  one  Roman 

general,  he  was  watching  intently  the  opportunity  of  crushing 

another  together  with  his  army.     He  was  told  by  envoys  from 

Apulia  that    the    praetor   Cneius   Fulvius   had    at  first,  while 

besieging  some  Apulian  towns  which  had  revolted  to  Hannibal,        Apulia. 

conducted  his  operations  with  vigilance,  but  that  subsequently, 

n  the  flush  of  success,  both  he   and  his  soldiers  who  were 

glutted  with  spoil,  had  abandoned  themselves  to  such  license 

md  carelessness  that  all  military  discipline  was  at  an  end. 

)ften,  at  other  times,  and  now  only  a  few  days  before,  he  had 

earnt  by  experience  what  an  army  is  under  an  incompetent 

jader,  and  so  he  moved  his  camp  into  Apulia. 

21.    The  Roman  legions,  under  the  praetor  Fulvius,  were  in 




*  Ordona. 

He  is  utterly 
defeated  by 

the  neighbourhood  of  Herdonea*  As  soon  as  they  had  news 
of  the  enemy's  approach,  they  all  but  tore  up  the  standards, 
and  marched  out  to  battle  without  orders  from  the  praetor. 
What  chiefly  kept  them  back  was  a  confident  assurance  that 
they  might  do  this  when  they  pleased  by  their  own  choice.  On 
the  following  night  Hannibal,  who  was  well  aware  that  thei-e 
was  an  uproar  in  the  camp,  and  that  many  of  the  soldiers  were 
shouting  "  To  arms,"  and  had  fiercely  insisted  on  their  general 
giving  the  signal,  felt  assured  that  an  opportunity  of  victory 
was  presenting  itself,  and  posted  three  thousand  light-armed 
troops  in  neighbouring  farmsteads  and  amid  bushes  and  copses. 
At  a  given  signal  all  were  to  spring  out  at  the  same  moment 
from  their  hiding-places.  Mago,  too,  with  about  two  thousand 
cavalry  had  orders  to  block  all  the  roads  in  the  direction  which 
he  thought  the  flight  would  take. 

Having  made  these  preparations  during  the  night,  Hannibal 
at  break  of  day  led  out  his  army  to  battle.     Nor  did  Fulvius 
hesitate,  though  he  was  urged  on  more  by  the  impetuosity 
his  men  than  by  any  confidence  of  his  own.    And  so  it  was  thj 
with  the  same  heedlessness  with  which  they  marched  to  battl^ 
was  their  battle-array  formed,  the  soldiers  advancing  or  halj 
ing,  just  as  their  inclination  prompted,  and  then,  from  caprice 
terror,  abandoning  their  posts.     In  the  van  were  drawn  up  tl 
first  legion  and  the  left  wing  of  the  allies,  and  the  line  was  el 
tended  to  a  great  length,  though  the  tribunes  loudly  protest^ 
that  there  was  no  solidity  or  strength  within,  and  that  wherev^ 
the  enemy  attacked  he  would  break  through.    But  not  a  woi^ 
for  their  good  would  the  men  admit  into  their  ears,  much  lej 
into  their  minds.     And  now  Hannibal  was  close  upon  them, 
very  different  general.,  with  a  very  different  army,  arrayed,  to«| 
far  otherwise.     As  a  consequence,  the  Romans  did  not  bea 
against  even  the  first  shout  and  onset  of  the  enem^. 
leader,  a  match  for  Centenius  in  folly  and  recklessness,  buf 
to  be  compared  to  him  in  courage,  seeing  his  line  wavering : 
his  men  in  confusion,  seized  a  horse  and  fled  with  about  tw' 
hundred  cavalry.     The  rest  of  the  army  beaten  in  front^ 
surrounded  on  its  rear  and  flanks,  was  so  cut  up  that  oil 
eighteen  thousand  men  not  more  than  two  thousand  esca 
The  camp  was  taken  by  the  enemy. 



22.  When  these  disasters,  following  one  upon  another,  were  BOOK  XXV 
reported  at  Rome,  a  truly  terrible  grief  and  alarm  spread  through 
the  State.  Still,  the  fact  that  the  consuls  were  successful  at  the 
point  where  the  more  important  issue  lay,  somewhat  lessened 
men's  trouble  at  such  losses.  Two  envoys,  Caius  Laetorius 
and  Marcus  Metilius,  were  despatched  to  the  consuls,  with 
instructions  that  the  remnants  of  the  two  armies  were  to  be 
carefully  collected  and  everything  done  to  prevent  them  from 
surrendering  to  the  enemy  in  terror  and  despair,  as  had  hap- 
pened after  the  defeat  of  Cannae,  and  to  seek  out  the  deserters 
from  the  slave-volunteer  army.  The  same  charge  was  given 
to  Publius  Cornelius,  who  had  also  to  levy  fresh  troops,  and  he 
published  a  proclamation  in  the  market  and  assize-towns  that 
search  was  to  be  made  for  the  slave-volunteers,  and  that  they 
were  to  be  brought  back  to  the  standards.  All  this  was  done 
with  the  strictest  care. 

The  consul,  Appius_  Claudius,  had  posted  Didius  Junius  at 
the  mouth   of  the  Vulturnus    and    Marcus  Aurelius    Cotta  at 
Puteoli,  with  orders  to  send  corn  immediately  to  the  camp,  as 
soon  as  the  ships  had  arrived,  respectively,  from  Etruria  and  Sar- 
dinia.    He  marched  back  himself  to  Capua,  and  found  his  col- 
league Quintus  Fulvius  at  Casilinum,  from  which  place  he  was 
laboriously  conveying  all  the  materials  for  the  siege  of  Capua. 
Both  -of  them  now  invested  the  city  and  summoned  the  aid  of 
Claudius  Nero,  the  praetor,  from  the  camp  of  Claudius  Mar- 
cellus  at  Suessula.     So  Nero,  too,  leaving  a  small  force  to  hold 
the  position,  advanced  on  Capua  with  all  his  remaining  troops. 
Thus  the  headquarters  of  three  generals  were  established  round 
Capua,  and  three  armies  having  begun  the  siege  at  different 
ijl  points  prepared  to  surround  the  town  with  a  fosse  and  rampart, 
f\  and  threw  up  forts  at  moderate  intervals.     There  was  fighting 
.;  in  several  places   simultaneously  with  the  Campanians,  who 
j|  tried  to  stop  the  works,  the  result  being  that  the  Campanians 
rtl  at  last  confined  themselves  within  their  gates  and  walls. 
i       Before,  however,  this  line  of  work^  was  completed,  envoys 
i  were  sent  to  Hannibal,  charged  with  a  remonstrance  at  his 
having  abandoned   Capua,  and    all  but  given  it  back  to  the 
Romans.     They  were  also  to  implore  him  now  at  least  to  bring 
them  succour,  as  they  were  not  merely  beleaguered,  but  actually 

The  siege  of 
Capua  is 


again  ask 

Hannibal  to 

come  to  the 


282  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.  walled  in.  The  consuls  received  the  following  despatch  from 
the  praetor  Pubhus  Cornelius  : — "  Before  they  closed  in  Capua 
"  with  their  works  they  were  to  grant  all  the  Campanians  who 
"  wished  it,  liberty  to  leave  the  city,  and  take  away  with  them 
"  their  property.  Those  who  left  before  the  fifteenth  day  of 
"  March  were  to  be  free,  and  retain  all  that  belonged  to  them  ; 
"  those  who  left  after  that  date,  and  those  who  remained  there, 
"  were  to  be  reckoned  as  enemies." 

Hannibal faih         This  offer  was  publicly  made  to  the  Campanians,  but  they 

in  ail  attempt  ,  .  ■    ,  ,  ,  .  .         ,  ,      , 

on  the  citadel  of  spumed  It  SO  Utterly  as  to  add  gratuitous  msults  and  threats. 
Tarentum.      Hannibal   had   now  marched   his  legions  from   Herdonea    to 
Tarentum,  in  the  hope  of  possessing  himself  of  the  Tarentine 
citadel,  by  force  or  by  stratagem.     As  this  did  not  succeed,  he 
bent  his   course  towards   Brundisium    under   the    impression 
that    the    town    intended  to   surrender.      There   too   he   was 
wasting  his  time  to  no  purpose,  when  the   Campanian  envoys 
came  to  him  with  mingled  remonstrances  and  intreaties.     Han- 
His  reply  to  the  nibal  gave  them  an  arrogant  reply  ;  "  he  had  once  before  raise< 
Cajnpamans.    «  ^j^g  siege,  and  now  the  consuls  would  not  await  his  arrival.' 
Such  was  the  hope  with  which  he  dismissed  the  envoys,  wh( 
were  hardly  able  to  return  to  Capua,  surrounded,  as  it  now  was 
with  a  double  fosse  and  rampart. 
Siege  q/  23.     Just  at  the  time  when  Capua  was  being  walled  in,  th( 

Syracuse.  .  ^  ^  .  ,.,... 

Operations  of  Siege  ot  byracuse  came  to  an  end,  treachery  withm  assisting  a 
Marceiius.  ^^jj  ^^  ^j^^  Strength  and  valour  of  the  general  and  his  armj 
At  the  beginning  of  spring  Marceiius  indeed  had  double* 
whether  he  should  turn  his  arms  towards  Agrigentum  agains 
Himilco  and  Hippocrates,  or  press  the  blockade  of  Syracuse 
though  he  saw  that  it  was  a  city  which  being  unassailable  hot 
by  sea  and  land,  could  not  be  carried  by  assault,  or  reduced  bj 
famine,  nourished,  as  it  was,  with  almost  perfect  freedom  b] 
supplies  from  Carthage.  To  leave,  however,  nothing  untried 
he  ordered  some  Syracusan  deserters  to  sound  in  conversatioi 
the  temper  of  their  own  partisans  and  give  them  an  assurance 
that  in  the  event  of  the  surrender  of  Syracuse,  such  person; 
should  live  free  and  under  their  own  laws.  The  Romans  ha( 
indeed  among  them  some  men  of  the  highest  rank  who  ha< 
been  exiled  when  the  revolt  from  Rome  took  place  becaus' 
they  were  averse  to  the  change.     There  was  however  no  oppor 



tunity  for  interviews  ;  the  sentiments   of  many  persons  were   BOOK  xxv. 

suspected,  and  the  vigilance  and  observation  of  all  the  citizens 

were  quickened  to  prevent  any  such  attempt  passing  unobserved. 

A  single   slave   belonging  to  the  exiles,  getting  into  the  city 

as  a  deserter,  gathered  a  few  men  round  him  and  opened  the  Schemes  for  the 

surrender  of 

way  to  a  conference.  Soon  afterwards  some  of  these  persons  the  city. 
were  conveyed  in  a  fishing-vessel,  hidden  under  nets,  to  the 
Roman  camp,  where  they  had  conversations  with  the  deserters. 
The  same  thing  was  repeatedly  done  in  the  same  way  by  others, 
and  again  by  others,  till  at  last  they  reached  the  number  of 
eighty.  All  arrangements  having  now  been  made  for  a  sur- 
render, information  was  given  to  Epicydes  by  one  Attalus,  who 
was  indignant  at  not  having  been  intrusted  with  the  secret,  and 
all  were  put  to  death  with  torture. 

This  hope  having  proved  fallacious,  it  was  soon  succeeded 
by  another.  A  Lacedaemonian,  Damippus,  who  had  been  sent 
from  Syracuse  to  King  Philip,  had  been  captured  by  some 
Roman  ships.  The  recovery  of  this  particular  man  was  a  great 
object  to  Epicydes,  and  even  Marcellus  did  not  object,  as  at 
that  time  the  Romans  were  bidding  for  the  friendship  of  the 
Actolians,  a  nation  with  whom  the  Lacedaemonians  were  in 
alliance.  Those  who  were  sent  to  confer  on  the  release  of  the 
I  captive  were  of  opinion  that  the  most  central  and  most  con- 

Ivenient  place  for  both  sides  was  at  the^  port  Trogilii,  near  a 
tower  called  Galeagra.  To  this  place  they  went  frequently  to 
and  fro,  and  one  of  the  Romans  who  had  surveyed  the  wall 
from  a  near  point,  by  counting  the  stones  and  estimating  in  his 
mind  what  was  the  breadth  of  each  stone  on  its  face,  calculated 
its  height,  as  accurately  as  was  possible  by  inference.  Having 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  somewhat  lower  than  he  and 
all  the  others  had  previously  thought,  and  that  it  could  be 
scaled  by  quite  moderate  ladders,  he  reported  the  matter  to 
Marcellus.  It  seemed  to  deserve  consideration.  But  as  the 
jplace,  being  for  this  very  reason  more  vigilantly  guarded,  could 
jnot  be  approached,  a  favourable  moment  was  sought,  and  this 
;Was  afforded  by  a  deserter.  He  brought  word  that  they  were 
eeping  a  three  days*  festival  to  Diana  and  that,  as  other  things 
ed  them  from  the  blockade,  they  were  celebrating  their  feast 
ith  wine  in  unusual  abundance,  which  had  been  supplied  by 

284  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.    Epicydes  to  the  whole  populace  and  distributed   among  the 
tribes  by  the  leading  citizens. 

MarceJlus  on  hearing  this  conferred  with  a  few  of  his 
officers,  and  having  through  them  picked  out  some  centurions 
and  soldiers  well-fitted  to  dare  and  carry  out  such  an  attempt, 
and  having  secretly  provided  scaling  ladders,  he  directed  orders 
to  be  given  to  the  rest  of  his  troops  to  refresh  themselves 
promptly  and  seek  repose.  At  night  he  must  start,  he  said,  on 
an  expedition.  When  he  thought  the  time  had  arrived  at  which, 
after  feasting  from  early  day,  the  citizens  would  have  had  their 
fill  of  wine  and  be  beginning  to  sleep,  he  ordered  the  soldiers 
of  one  company  to  bring  the  scaling-ladders.    About  a  thousand 

The  Romans     ^^^"^^^  "^^^^  were  silently  marched  to  the  place  in  a  thin  column. 

scale  the  wall,    As  soon  as  the  forcmost  had  mounted  the  wall  without  noise  or 

confusion,  others  followed  in  due  order-;  for  the  daring  of  the 

first  gave  courage  even  to  the  wavering. 

and  capture  24.     A  thousand  armed  soldiers  were  by  this  time  in  posses- 

part  of  the  city.     .        ^   ,  -     ,  .  ,  ,  '       .  ,.         ,     ,  , 

sion  of  a  part  of  the  city,  when  the  rest  of  the  scalmg-ladder 
were  brought  up,  and  the  men  were  climbing  the  wall  by  i 
number  of  ladders  at  a  given  signal  from  the  Hexapylon,  whicl 
had  been  reached  after  traversing  a  vast  solitary  space.  Mos 
of  the  guards  had  been  feasting  in  the  towers,  and  were  no« 
either  sound  asleep  with  the  wine  they  had  drunk,  or  were  stil 
drinking  to  intoxication.  A  few,  however,  of  them  were  sur 
prised  in  their  beds  and  slain.  A  little  gate  near  the  Hexapyloi 
was  beginning  to  yield  to  a  violent  assault,  and  a  signal  wai 
given  by  a  trumpet  from  the  wall,  as  had  been  previous!] 
arranged.  And  now  there  was  no  concealment  anywhere,  bu 
all  was  done  by  open  attack,  as  they  had  penetrated  to  Epipolaei 
a  position  held  by  numerous  guards,  and  the  enemy  had  to  b< 
frightened  rather  than  eluded,  as  in  fact  they  were.  As  soon  a 
they  heard  the  sound  of  trumpets  and  the  shouts  of  the  assailant 
now  occupying  the  walls  and  a  part  of  the  city,  the  sentriei 
thought  that  all  was  won.  Some  fled  along  the  wall,  othen 
leaped  from  it,  and  the  panic-stricken  crowd  threw  themselves 
down  headlong.  Most  of  them,  however,  knew  nothing  of  th« 
terrible  disaster,  for  all  were  heavy  with  wine  and  sleep,  and  it 
a  city  of  vast  extent,  what  was  known  in  one  quarter  did  not 
reach  to  the  whole. 


At  daybreak  Marcellus,  after  forcing  the  Hexapylon,  entered    BOOK  xxv, 

the  town  with  his  entire  army,  thus  rousing  and  constraining  Marcellus  enters 

the  whole  population  to  arm  themselves,  and  render  what  aid  ^*"'     zsw  0 e 

they  could  to  their  city,  all  but  captured  as  it  now  was.  Epicydes 

advanced  at  quick  march  from  the  island  (Nasos  is  the  local 

name),  quite  confident  that  he  would  merely  have  to  drive  out 

a  handful  of  men  who  had  scaled  the  walls,  and  saying  again 

and  again  to  the  panic-stricken  fugitives  who  met  him  that  they 

were  aggravating  the  confusion  and.  bringing  news  much  worse 

and  more  alarming  than  the  reality.     When  however  he  saw 

every  point  near  Epipolce  crowded  with  armed  men,  he  simply 

discharged  a  few  missiles  at   the   enemy   and  then   marched 

back  his  men  to  the   Achradina,  dreading  not  so  much  the 

strength  and  number  of  the  foe  as  the  treachery  from  within 

that  might  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity,  and  fearing  to 

find  the  gates  of  the  Achradina  and  the  Island  closed  amid  the 

confusion.     Marcellus   who   had  now   entered  the   walls,  and 

standing  on  the  heights  had  under  his  eyes  what  was  on  the  His  feelings  at 

whole   the  most   beautiful  city  of  the  time,  is   said  to   have     '^  ^^"ity      ^ 

I  shed  tears  at  the  sight,  partly  from  joy  at  having  accomplished 

I  such  a  success,  partly  from  the  remembrance  of  the  ancient 

I  glories  of  the  place.     He  thought  of  the  Athenian  fleets  which 

I  had  been  sunk  in  that  harbour,  of  the  two  great  armies  which 

I  with  the  two  most  illustrious  generals  had^here  utterly  perished, 

jof  the  many  wars  waged  with  such  tremendous  efforts  against 

iCarthage,   of  its  many  powerful  princes  and  tyrants,   Hiero 

above  the  rest,  a  king  whose  memory  was  still  so  fresh,  and 

jwho,  far  beyond  all  the   distinctions   due  to  his  virtue  and 

jreatness,  was  famed   for  his  services  to  Rome.     As   all  this 

'ose  to  his  mind  and  the  thought  came  over  him  that  all  he 

iaw  would   in  another  moment  be  in  flames  and  reduced  to 

-shes,  before  he  advanced  his   standards  to  the  Achradina, 

le  sent  on  the  Syracusans  who,  as  already  related,  had  been 

I  thin  the  Roman  lines,  to  try  whether  kindly  words  might 

ersuade  the  enemy  to  capitulate. 

25.    The  gates   and  walls  of  the  Achradina  were  chiefly 
eld  by  deserters,  who  had  no  hope  of  mercy  through  negotia- 
ons,  and   these  men  allowed  no  one  to  approach  the  walls  The  Achradina 
no  address  them.     So  Marcellus,  finding  his  attempt  fruit-   'i^" ^"^'i'""^- 



encamfis  in  the 


BOOK  XXV.  less,  ordered  his  standards  to  be  withdrawn  to  the  Euryalus, 
a  hill  in  a  remote  part  of  the  city  away  from  the  sea  and 
overlooking  a  road  leading  into  the  country  and  the  interior 
of  the  island.  It  was  particularly  well  situated  for  the  recep- 
tion of  supplies.  This  strong  position  was  in  the  charge  of 
Philodemus,-  an  Argive,  by  the  appointment  of  Epicydes.  To 
him  Marcellus  despatched  one  of  the  murderers  of  the  tyrant, 
Sosis  by  name.  The  man,  finding  himself,  after  a  long  con- 
versation, put  off  with  idle  excuses,  brought  back  word  to 
Marcellus  that  Philodemus  had  taken  time  for  deliberation. 
Day  after  day  he  still  delayed,  while  Hippocrates  and  Himilco, 
were  advancing  their  camp  and  their  legions,  for  he  did  not  I 
doubt,  that  if  once  he  received  them  within  their  stronghold 
the  Roman  army  might  be  shut  up  within  the  walls,  and  be 

Marcellus,  seeing  that  the   Euryalus  was  not  surrendered 
and  could  not  be  taken,  established  his  camp  between  Neapolis 
and  Tycha,  districts  of  the  city,  so  called,  and  indeed  them- 
selves as  large  as  cities.     He  was  afraid  that  if  he  entered  any 
densely  inhabited  places,  he  should  not  be  able  to  restrain  hi 
soldiers  from  dispersing  in  their  greed  for  spoil.     Envoys  c£ 
to  him  with  olive-branches  and  woollen  fillets  from  Neapo]^ 
and  Tycha,  imploring  hrm  that  they  might  be  spared  fire 
sword.     Their  requests,  or  rather  their  intreaties  were  take 
into  consideration  by  Marcellus,  who,  with  the  general  approva 
proclaimed  to  his  troops  "  that  no  soldier  was  to  harm  the  pe 
"  son  of  a  freeborn  citizen,  and  that  all  besides  would  be  f(| 
"  plunder."    The  walls  of  private  houses  were  now  like  a  for 
fication,  protecting  his  camp.     At  the  gates  which  opened  on 
the  streets,  sentries  and  guards  were  posted,  that  there  might 
no  sudden  attack  on  the  camp  while  the  soldiers  were  disperse^ 
This  disposal  took  place  at  a  given  signal.     Doors  were  brokeJ 
open,  all  was  uproar,  panic,  and  confusion ;  still  the  men  rej 
frained  from  bloodshed.     Of  pillage  there  was  no  end,  till 
the  accumulated  wealth  of  long> prosperity  had  been  ransackeJ 
Philodemus  meantime,  seeing  that  he  had  no  prospect  of  relies 
Surrender  0/  the  after  having  received  a  guarantee  of  a  safe  return  to  Epicydei 
£u'^'aii/s       withdrew  his  garrison  and  surrendered  the  hill  to  the  Romang 
While  all  were  intent  on  the  confusion  in  the  partly  ca{ 

UlllcUJa    ; 




besieges  the 

city,  Bomilcar,  finding  a  night  on  which  the  violence  of  a  storm  book  xxv. 
did  not  allow  the  Roman  fleet  to  ride  at  anchor  in  deep  water, 
quitted  the  port  of  Syracuse  with  thirty-five  vessels,  and,  the 
sea  being  clear  of  an  enemy,  sailed  out  into  the  open  deep, 
leaving  Epicydes  and  the  Syracusans  with  fifty  ships.  Having 
explained  to  the  Carthaginians  what  an  imminent  crisis  hung 
over  the  fortunes  of  Syracuse,  he  returned  in  a  few  days  with 
a  hundred  vessels,  and  was  rewarded,  as  tradition  says,  by 
Epicydes  with  gifts  out  of  Hiero's  treasures. 

26.     Marcellus  having  possessed  himself  of  the    Euryalus 
and  secured  it  with  a  garrison,  was  free  from  one  anxiety.  There 
was  no  fear  of  a  hostile  attack  on  the  fortress  from  the  rear, 
such  as  might  cause  panic  among  his  men  while  still  confined 
and  entangled  amid  the  walls.       He  next  laid   siege  to   the 
Achradina,  establishing  three  camps  in  suitable  positions,  in 
the  hope  of  reducing  the  besieged  to  the  want  of  every  neces- 
sary.    For  several  days  the  sentries  on  both  sides  had  been 
undisturbed,  when   suddenly  the   arrival   of  Hippocrates   and 
Himilco  led  to  the  Romans  themselves  being  attacked  on  every 
side.     Hippocrates  had  fortified  a  camp  near  the  great  harbour, 
and,  after  giving  a  signal  to  the  garrison  of  the  Achradina, 
assaulted  the  old  camp  of  the  Romans,  which  was  in  the  charge 
of  Crispinus.     At  the  same  moment  Epicydes   sallied  out  on 
the  sentries  of  Marcellus,  while  the  Carthaginian  fleet  came  to 
shore  between  the  city  and  the  Roman  camp,  so  preventing  any 
reinforcements  being  sent  by  Marcellus  to  support  Crispinus. 
Still  the  enemy,  though  causing  much  alarm,  did  little  damage. 
Crispinus  not  only  repulsed    Hippocrates  from   his  lines,  but 
even  pursued  him  as  he  fled  in  panic,  and  Marcellus  too  drove 
Epicydes   back   into   the   city.     It   seemed   now  that  for  the 
future  adequate  precautions  had  been  taken  against  any  danger 
arising  from  sudden  sorties  of  the  Syracusans.     Pestilence  was 
^  added  to  their  sufferings,  a  common  trouble,  and  quite  suffi- 
cient to  divert  their  minds  from  thoughts  of  war.     It  was 
autumn,  and  the  locality  naturally  unhealthy,  much  more  so, 
I  however,   without  than   within   the   city,   and   the   intolerable 
intensity  of  the  heat  affected  almost  every  constitution  in  both 
camps.     At  first  men  fell  sick,  and  died  from  the  insalubrity  of 
the  season  and  the  place,  and  after  a  while  attendance  on  the 

Outbreak  of  a 



BOOK  XXV.  sick,  and  contact  with  them,  spread  the  disorder.  Consequently, 
all  who  fell  sick,  either  died  untended  and  forsaken,  or  involved 
in  their  own  fate,  by  infecting  with  the  same  virulent  disease, 
those  who  sat  by  them  and  nursed  them.  Every  day  were  to  be 
seen  deaths  and  funerals  ;  everywhere,  day  and  night,  the  sound 
of  wailing  was  heard.  At  last  men  became  so  brutalised  by  fami- 
liarity with  horror  that  they  ceased  not  only  to  follow  the  dead 
with  tears  and  the  usual  laments,  but  even  to  carry  them  out  to 
burial,  and  lifeless  bodies  lay  strewn  on  the  ground  under  the 
eyes  of  those  who  were  awaiting  the  same  death.  So,  what 
with  terror,  and,  above  all,  the  foul  presence  and  fatal  smell  of 
the  corpses,  the  dead  were  the  destruction  of  the  diseased,  and 
the  diseased  of  the  sound  and  healthy.  Some  even  rushed  alone 
on  the  enemy's  sentries,  that  they  might  rather  perish  by  the 
sword.  But  the  pestilence  fastened  with  far  greater  violence  on  the 
Carthaginian  camp  than  on  the  Roman,  which,  from  the  long 
blockade,  had  become  more  habituated  to  the  climate  and  water 
of  Syracuse.  The  Sicilians  among  the  enemy's  army  left  it  ; 
soon  as  they  saw  disease  spreading  from  the  unhealthiness 
the  locality,  and  dispersed  to  their  own  cities.  The  Carth^ 
ginians,  however,  who  had  no  retreat  open  to  them,  perished  ' 
a  man,  with  their  .leaders  Hippocrates  and  Himilco.  Mar 
cellus  had  marched  his  men  into  the  city,  when  the  violence  c 
the  malady  increased,  and  their  feeble  frames  were  restored  b; 
shade  and  shelter.  Still  many  of  the  Roman  army  were  swep 
off  by  this  pestilence. 

27.  After  the  destruction  of  the  Carthaginian  land-armj 
the  Sicilians  who  had  served  under  Hippocrates  went  off  t 
certain  towns,  which,  though  small,  were  secure  from  thei 
position  and  fortifications.  One  was  three,  the  other  fifteei 
miles  from  Syracuse.  Thither  they  conveyed  supplies  fron 
their    own    states,    and    invited    reinforcements.       Meanwhili 

Their  fleet  sails  Bomilcar  sailed  a  second  time  with  his  fleet  to  Carthage,  an< 

to  Cartilage,  and  ,  .  -     ,  ,.    ,  /-     ■      ■         n-  xJ 

gave  such  a  representation  of  the  plight  of  their  allies  as  t( 
create  a  hope  that  they  might  not  only  be  effectually  relieved 
but  also  that  the  Romans  might  somehow  be  taken  along  witl 
the  captured  city.  Thereby  he  induced  them  to  send  him  of 
with  as  many  transport  vessels  as  possible,  laden  with  stores  0 
all  kinds,  and  to  increase  his  fleet.     So  he  left  Carthage  with 


Ca  rtiiagin  ian 

army  perislies 

to  a  man. 

returns  •witit 

supplies  and 




hundred  and  thirty  war  ships  and  seventy  transport  vessels,  and 
had  favourable  enough  winds  for  the  passage  to  Sicily.  Those 
same  winds,  however,  prevented  him  from  rounding  Cape 

The  rumoured  approach  and  then  the  unexpected  delay  of 
Bomilcar  produced  an  alternation  of  joy  and  alarm  among  the 
Romans  and  the  Syracusans.     Epicydes,  who  feared  that  if  the 
winds  then  prevailing  continued  to  blow  from  the  east  for  many 
more  days,  the  Carthaginian  fleet  would  return  to  Africa,  in- 
trusted the  Achradina  to  the  officers  of  his  mercenary  troops, 
and  sailed  himself  to  Bomilcar.     He  found  him  with  his  fleet 
facing  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  afraid  of  a  naval  engagement, 
not  so  much  because  he  was  unequal  in  strength  and  number  of 
vessels  (for  he  had  more  than  his  adversaries)  as  because  the 
winds  blew  more  favourably  for  the  Roman  ships  than  for  his 
own.     At  last,  however,  he  persuaded  him  to  decide  on  trying 
the  issue  of  a  naval  encounter.     Marcellus,  too,  seeing  that  a 
Sicilian  army  was  gathering  from  the  whole  island,  and  that  a 
Carthaginian  fleet  was  at  hand  with  vast  supplies,  determined, 
tliough  inferior  in  the  number  of  his  fleet,  to  oppose  Bomilcar's 
approach  to  Syracuse,  and  so  save  himself  from  being  shut  in 
and  confined,  both  by  land  and  sea,  within  a  hostile  city.     Two 
opposing  fleets  now  stood  off  Cape  Pachynus,  about  to  fight  as 
jsoon  as  a  calm  sea  let  them  sail  out  into  deep  water.     When 
the  east  wind,  which  had  raged  for  several  days,  began  to  fall, 
''-  "lilcar  was  the  first  to  move.     His  fleet,  it  seemed,  was  the 
(0  make  for  deep  water,  with  the  view  of  more  easily  round- 
he  promontory.     When,  however,  he  saw  the  Roman  ships 
iiicing  towards  him,  he  sailed  out  into  the  open  sea,  whether 
Oil  any  sudden  alarm  is  unknown,  and  after  sending  messen- 
gers to  Heraclea  to  order  the  return  of  the  transport  vessels  to 
\fi  ica,  he  made  for  Tarentum,  coasting  along  Sicily.    Epicydes, 
';reat  hopes  having  thus  suddenly  failed  him,  not  wishing  to 
ick  to  be  blockaded  in  a  city  already  in  great  part  captured, 
(I  to  Agrigentum,f  where  he  meant  to  await  the  issue  rather 
to  attempt  any  movement. 
28.    When  the  news  reached  the  Sicilian  camp  that  Epicydes 
k1  left  Syracuse,  that  the  island  had  been  abandoned  by  the 
arihaginians,  and  a  second  time,  in  a  manner,  given  up  to  the 




Marcellus  offers ' 

battle,  which  the 


fleet  declines. 

Epicydes  retires 
to  Agrigentum. 

+  Girgemi. 

the  Sicilian 

army  to 




They  enter 

The  officers  of 

Epicydes  are  put 

to  death. 

Address  of  the 

envoys  to  the 

people  of 


Romans,  envoys  were  despatched  to  Marcellus  to  discuss  thf 

terms  of  the  city's  surrender,  the  wishes  of  the  besieged  having 

previously  been  ascertained  in  various  interviews.      It   being 

on  the  whole   agreed   that    all  the   possessions   of  the   kings 

were  now  to   be  the  possessions  of  the   Romans,    but  thai 

the  Sicilians  were  to  retain  all  else  with  their  freedom   and 

their  laws,  the   men  whom  Epicydes  had   left   in  trust  were 

summoned  to  a  conference,  in  which  the  envoys  told  them  thai 

they  had  been  sent  by  the  Sicilian  army  to  them  as  well  as  tc 

Marcellus.     It  was  the  army's  wish  that  both  the  besieged  anc 

those  who  were  free  of  the  siege  should  fare  alike,  and  that  neithei 

should  make   any   separate   terms    for    themselves.      Havinc' 

been  allowed  to  enter,  and  to  have  some  conversation  wit 

their  kinsfolk  and  friends,  the  envoys  explained  what  they  ha 

already  arranged  with  Marcellus,  and  holding  out  to  them  th 

prospect  of  safety,  induced  them  to  join  them  in  an  attack  o 

the  officers  of  Epicydes,  Polyclitus,  Philistio,  and  on  Epicydt 

surnamed  Sindon.     These  they  put  to  death  ;  and  then,  callin 

an  assembly  of  the  people,  they  complained   bitterly  of  th 

distress  at  which  the  citizens  had  been  used  to  grumble  secret) 

among    themselves,   and   declared  that,   "though    they  wer 

'  crushed    by  so  many  miseries,  they  did  not  blame  fortum 

'  inasmuch  as  it  rested  with  themselves  how  long  they  wo^ 

'endure    them.      The   motive    of   the   Romans    in   besieg| 

'  Syracuse  was  love,  not  hatred,  of  the  Syracusans  ;   it 

'  when  they  heard  that  their  government  had  been  seized 

Hannibal's  satellites,  and  then  by  Hippocrates  and  Epicyc 

'the  satellites  of  Hieronymus,  that  they  at  once  comment 

'  hostilities  and  began  the  siege  of  the  city — an  attack  aim^ 

'  not  at  the  city  itself,  but  at  its  cruel  masters.     But  now  t^ 

'  H  ippocrates  was  dead,  and  Epicydes  shut  out  by  the  Syracusa 

'  his  officers  slain,  and  the  Carthaginians  deprived  of  all  h^ 

'  on  Sicily  either  by  sea  or  land,  what  reason  yet  remained 

'  the  Romans  should  not  wish   Syracuse  to  be  safe,  just 

'  if  Hiero  himself,  that  singularly  warm  supporter  of  friendst 

'  with  Rome,  were  still  living  ?     Neither  their  city,  therefo 

'  nor  its  inhabitants  were  in  any  danger  but  from  themselv^ 

'  should  they  let  slip  this  opportunity  of  reconciliatior 

'  Rome,  as  soon  as  ever  they  found  themselves  free  fr<3 




from  the 

Syraciisans  to 


"domination  of  tyrants  ;  for  such  an  opportunity  as  they  had  at    BOOK  XX  v. 
"  that  moment  they  would  never  have  again." 

29.     They  all  listened  to  this  speech  with  the  most  marked 

approval.      But  before   nominating  envoys  it  was   decided   to 

appoint  praetors,  and  then  deputies  chosen  from  among  these 

praetors  were  sent  to  Marcellus.     The  chief  deputy  spoke  as 

follows  :  "  It  was  not  we  Syracusans  who,  in  the  first  instance, 

" revolted- from  you;  it  was  Hieronymus,  who  acted  far  more 

"  wickedly  towards  us  than  towards  you.     And  then  afterwards, 

"  when  peace  was  made  on  the  tyrant's  death,  it  was  not  any 

"  Syracusan  who  disturbed  it  ;  it  was  those  satellites  of  the 

"  king,  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes,  who  crushed  us  by  terror,  on 

"  the  one  hand,  and  by  treachery  on  the  other.     Indeed,  no  one 

"  can  say  that  we  have  ever  had  a  period  of  freedom  which  has  not 

"also  been  a  period  of  peace  with  you.     Now,  at  any  rate,  the 

"  moment  we  have  begun  to  be  our  own  masters,  through  the 

"  destruction  of  the  men  who  held  Syracuse  under  their  grasp, 

"  we  have  come  at  once  to  give  up  our  arms,  to  surrender  our 

"  persons,  our  city,  our  walls,  to  accept,  in  fact,  any  condition 

"  which  you  shall  determine  for  us.     On  you,  Marcellus,  heaven 

"has  bestowed  the  glory  of  taking  the  noblest  and  fairest  of 

"Greek  cities  ;  and  all  the  memorable  deeds  we  have  achieved 

"  by  land  or  sea  are  added  to  the  record  of  your  triumph.     Let 

"  it  not  be  your  wish  that  belief  in  the  grandeur  of  the  city  you 

"  have  taken  should  depend  on  report  rather  than  on  the  eyes  of 

i  "  posterity,  even  as  it  now  exhibits  to  all  who  visit  it  by  land  or 

'  "  sea  our  trophies  over  the  Athenians  and  Carthaginians,  and 

•  this  present  yours  over  us.     Hand  down,  we  beseech  you,  to 

our  family  Syracuse  unharmed,  to  be  preserved  under  the 

'  j)rotection  and  guardianship  of  the  name  of  the  Marcelli.     Do 

"  not  let  yourselves  be  influenced  by  the  memory  of  Hieronymus 

"  more  than  by  that  of  Hiero.     He  was  far  longer  your  friend 

"than  Hieronymus  was  your  foe.     His  good  services  you  have 

'■  indeed  experienced,  while  the  madness  of  the  other  wrought 

nly  his  own  destruction." 

The  Romans  were  ready  enough  to  grant  their  prayer  and 

are  their  safety  ;  it  was  among  themselves  that  there  was 

!-^ire  strife  and  peril.     For  the  deserters,  who  thought  that  they 

^\  ere  to  be  surrendered  to  the  Romans,  made  the  mercenaries 

U  2 




Outbreak  and 

Mnssacre  at 


Return  of  the 


ttiToys  from 


feel  the  same  fear.  Snatching  up  thek  arms  they  first 
slaughtered  the  praetors,  and  then  rushed  hither  and  thither  to 
massacre  the  Syracusans.  They  slew  in  their  fury  all  whom 
chance  threw  in  their  way,  and  plundered  all  on  which  they 
could  lay  hands.  Next,  not  to  be  without  leaders,  they  chose 
six  officers,  three  to  command  the  Achradina  and  three  the 
Island.  At  last  the  tumult  subsided;  the  mercenaries  made 
inquiries  as  to  the  negotiations  with  the  Romans,  and,  the  real 
facts  beginning  to  disclose  themselves,  they  saw  that  their  case 
was  different  from  that  of  the  deserters. 

30.  At  this  opportune  moment  the  envoys  returned  from 
Marcellus.  A  false  suspicion  had,  they  said,  excited  them,  and 
the  Romans  had  no  ground  for  insisting  on  their  punishment.  One 
of  the  three  officers  in  command  at  the  Achradina  was  a  Spaniard, 
named  Moericus,  and  a  soldier  from  the  Spanish  auxiliaries  had 
been  designedly  sent  to  him  along  with  the  envoys'  attendants. 
The  man  had  a  private  interview  with  Moericus,and  first  described 
the  state  of  Spain  as  he  left  it ;  he  had  lately  come  from  tha; 
country.  "  All  was  there  falling  under  the  arms  of  Rome  ;  he 
"might,  by  rendering  the  Romans  a  valuable  service,  be  a 
"leading  man  among  his  countrymen,  whether  he  had  a  mind 
"to  fight  for  Rome  or  to  go  back  to  his  native  state.  But  if,  on 
"the  other  hand,  he  persisted  in  preferring  to  be  besieged, what 
"hope  had  he,  hemmed  in,  as  he  was,  by  sea  and  land  ?" 

This  impressed  Mcericus,  and,  when  it  was  decided  to  senc 
envoys   to  Marcellus,  he  sent   his   brother   with   them.      The 
brother  was  conducted  apart  from  the  other  envoys  by  the  same 
Spaniard  to  Marcellus.    Having  received  an  assurance  of  safety 
and   arranged   the   order   of  proceeding,   he   returned   to   the, 
Achradina.     Moericus,  to  divert  all  minds  from  the  suspicion  d 
treachery,  at  once  declared  "  that  he  did  not  like  the  going  t( 
"  and  fro  of  envoys,  that  they  ought  neither  to  admit  nor  to  seni 
"  any,  and  that,  to  secure  greater  vigilance  in  the  defence,  sui 
"  able  posts  should  be  assigned  to  the  officers,  so  that  eac 
"  might  be  responsible  for  guarding  his  own  position."  All  agree 
to  this  assignment  of  different  posts.    To  Moericus  fell  the  portioi 
stretching  from  the  fountain  of  Arethusa  to  the  mouth  of  th( 
great  harbour.     Of  this  he  made  the  Romans  aware.    Marcellu 
accordingly  gave  orders  that  at  night  a  transport  vessel  witl 


armed  soldiers  was  to  be  towed  by  a  chain  from  a  quadrireme    book'xxv. 
to  the  Achradina,  and  the  troops  landed   in   the   neighbour-  Tk'  Achradina 
hood  of   the    gate    near    the    fountain    of   Arethusa.       This  the  Treachery  of 
having  been  done   in  the  fourth  watch,  and  Moericus,  accord-  °*^^°/^'"^  officers 

°  ,  of  tlu  garriiOH. 

ing  to  the  arrangement,  having  admitted  the  soldiers,  when 
landed,  within  the  gate,  Marcellus  at  day-break  assaulted  in  full 
force  the  fortifications  of  the  Achradina.  Not  only  did  he  con- 
centrate on  himself  the  efforts  of  the  garrison  of  the  Achradina, 
but  bodies  of  armed  men  also  hurried  up  from  the  Island, 
leaving  their  posts  in  order  to  repel  the  fury  of  the  Roman 
attack.  Meanwhile,  amid  the  confusion,  some  light  vessels, 
ready  equipped,  had  sailed  round  to  the  Island.  There  they 
landed  soldiers  who  suddenly  rushed  on  the  half-manned  out- 
posts and  open  entrance  of  the  gate,  out  of  which  the  armed 
men  had  just  issued.  After  a  slight  struggle  they  took  the 
Island,  which  in  the  panic  and  flight  of  its  guards  had  been 
deserted.  None,  indeed,  had  less  encouragement  or  resolution 
of  their  own  to  stand  their  ground  than  the  deserters,  for  not 
liking  to  trust  themselves  even  to  their  own  comrades  they  fled 
in  the  middle  of  the  engagement.  Marcellus,  as  soon  as  he 
j  learnt  that  the  Island  was  t^ken,  and  one  quarter,  of  the 
I  Achradina  occupied  and  that  Moericus  with  his  garrison  had 
Ijoined  his  troops,  sounded  a  retreat,  fearing  that  the  king's 
treasures,  the  fame  of  which  exceeded  the  reality,  would  be 

31.  The  soldiers'  impetuosity  having  been  thus  checked,  the  T!te  SyracnsaHs 
deserters  in  the  Achradina  had  space  and  opportunity  for  flight,  renderT 
wiiije  the  Syracusans,  now  at  last  released  from  their  fears, 
threw  open  the  gates  of  the  Achradina,  and  sent  envoys  to 
'arcellus,  praying'  only  for  safety  for  themselves  and  their 
|:hildren.  Marcellus  called  a  council  to  which  he  also  invited 
hose  Syracusans  who  had  been  driven  from  their  home  and 
ere  within  the  Roman  lines.  His  reply  was :  "  Hiero's 
1'  good  services  to  the  Roman  people  during  fifty  years  were  not 
f  more  in  number  than  the  crimes  committed  against  the  Roman 
people  in  the  last  few  years  by  the  men  who  had  possessed 
-hemselves  of  Syracuse.  Most  of  these,  however,  have 
'.  ccoiled  on  the  heads  on  which  they  ought  to  fall,  and  the 
Syracusans  have  exacted  from  themselves  a  far  more  terrible 




Syracuse  sur- 
rendered and 
Death  of 
A  rchimedes. 

A  Roman  fleet 

ravages  the 

country  round 


"  vengeance  for  broken  treaties  than  the  Roman  people  wished. 
"  For  myself  I  have  been  besieging  Syracuse  for  nearly  three 
"  years,  not  that  Rome  might  make  the  city  her  slave,  but  to 
"  save  it  from  being  held  captive  and  crushed  by  the  leaders  of 
"  the  deserters.  What  the  Syracusans  could  have  done  has  been 
"  plainly  shown  by  those  among  them  who  are  within  the 
''  Roman  lines,  or  by  the  Spanish  chief,  Mcericus,  who  has 
"  surrendered  his  post,  or,  lastly,  by  the  Syracusan's  own  tardy 
"  but  courageous  resolution.  For  all  the  trials  and  perils  I 
"  have  so  long  endured  by  land  and  sea  before  the  walls  of 
''  Syracuse,  the  fact  that  I  have  succeeded  in  taking  the  city  is 
"  by  no  means  such  a  reward  to  me  as  its  preservation  would 
"  have  been." 

A  quaestor  was  then  despatched  to  the  Island  with  a  military 
force  to  receive  and  guard  the  royal  treasure.  The  city  was 
given  up  to  the  soldiers  to  be  plundered,  sentries  having  been 
posted  in  the  houses  of  those  citizens  who  had  been  within  the 
Roman  lines.  Amid  many  horrible  deeds  of  fury  and  rapacity, 
Archimedes,  so  tradition  .  records,  amid  all  the  tumult  that 
soldiers  scouring  a  captured  city  for  plunder  could  stir  up, 
was  intent  on  some  diagrams  which  he  had  traced  on  the 
sand,  when  he  was  killed  by  a  soldier  who  knew  not  who  he  was. 
Marcellus  was  deeply  grieved,  and  gave  directions  for  his  burial. 
Search  too,  it  is  said,  was  made  for  his  kindred,  for  his  name 
and  memory  secured  protection  and  honour. 

Such,  as  nearly  as  can  be  told,  were  the  circumstances  of  the 
taking  of  Syracuse.  The  spoil  was  almost  greater  than  would 
have  been  found  in  Carthage  had  that  city,  which  was  waging 
an  equal  contest  with  Rome,  then  been  captured.  A  few  days 
before  Syracuse  was  taken,  Titus  Otacilius  crossed  with  eighty 
quinqueremes  from  Lilybasum  to  Utica.  He  entered  the 
harbour  before  day-break  and  took  some  transports  laden  with 
corn  ;  then  he  landed,  and,  after  ravaging  much  of  the  country 
round  Utica,  went  back  to  his  ships  with  plunder  of  every 
description.  He  returned  to  Lilybseum  within  three  days  from 
the  time  he  left  it,  with  a  hundred  and  thirty  transport  vessels 
laden  with  corn  and  booty.  The  corn  he  at  once  sent  off  to 
Syracuse.  But  for  this  seasonable  supply,  victors  and  vanquished 
alike  would  have  been  on  the  brink  of  a  disastrous  famine. 


32.  That  same  summer  in  Spain,  where  for  nearly  two  years    book  xxv. 
absolutely  nothing  worthy  of  mention  had  occurred,  and  where      Affairs  in 
the  contest  had  been  carried  on  more  by  diplomacy  than  by  arms, 

the  Roman  generals,  on  leaving  their  winter-quarters,  united 
their  forces.  Then  they  called  a  council  in  which  there  was  a 
unanimous  agreement  of  opinion.  As  up  to  that  point  they  had 
merely  succeeded  in  holding  Hasdrubal  back  from  advancing  on 
Italy,  it  was  now  thought  that  the  time  had  come  for  an  effort  to 
finish  the  war  in  Spain,  and  that  for  this  they  had  sufficient 
strength,  with  a  reinforcement  of  twenty  thousand  Celtiberij  who 
that  winter  had  been  roused  to  arms.  There  were  three  armies.  The  Cartkagin- 
Hasdrubal,  the  son  of  Gisgo,  and  Mago  had  united  their  camps,  ''"»-s««'^^'ter 
and  were  about  five  days'  march  from  the  Romans.  Hasdrubal 
the  son  of  Hamilcar,  an  old  commander  in  Spain,  was  still 
nearer  to  them,  having  an  army  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a  town 
named  Amtorgis.  The  Roman  generals  were  anxious  that  he 
should  first  be  crushed,  and  they  had  a  confident  assurance  that 
they  had  sufficient,  and  more  than  sufficient,  strength  for  that 
purpose.  Only  one  fear  remained,  that  when  he  had  been  routed, 
the  other  Hasdrubal  and  Mago  would  retire  panic-stricken  into 
trackless  forests  and  mountains,  and  there  prolong  the  war. 
They  therefore  thought  it  best  to  divide  their  forces'into  two  fhe  Sdpios 
j  armies,  and  to  embrace  in  one  simultaneous  effort  the  whole  '^"''f^J!!"'' 
I  Spanish  war.  The  division  was  so  arranged  that  Publius  Cor- 
inelius  was  to  march  against  Mago  and  Hasdrubal  with  two- 
thirds  of  the  Roman  and  allied  forces,  while  Cneius  Cornelius 
"'"^  to  carry  on  the  conflict  against  Hamilcar,  the  son  of  Barca, 
a  third  part  of  the  old  army  reinforced  by  the  Celtiberi. 
130th  the  generals  and  their  armies,  with  the  Celtiberi  in  ad- 
■  ;vance,  marched  together  to  the  town  of  Amtorgis  and  encamped 
in  sight  of  the  enemy,  a  river  parting  them.  Here  Cneius 
Scipio  halted  with  the  force  before  mentioned,  while  Publius 
f  jScipio  set  out  to  his  appointed  part  in  the  war. 

33.  Hasdrubal,  who  understood  barbarian  treachery  in  its 
ivery  phase,  and  especially  that  of  all  those  tribes  among  whom 
or  so  many  years  he  had  been  fighting,  on  perceiving  how  small 
vas  the  Roman  army  in  the  camp  and  that  all  their  hopes  rested 
'•n  their  Celtiberian  reinforcements,  availed  himself  of  the  easy 
nterchange  of  speech  between   two  camps  full  of  Spaniards, 


.  *9^ 



T/ie  Celtileri 

desert  Cneius 


Scij,!0  retreats. 

Perilous  position 

of  Publivs 


and  in  secret  interviews  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Celtiberi  induced 
them  by  a  great  bribe  to  promise  that  they  would  withdraw  their 
troops.  The  act  did  not  strike  them  as  outrageous  ;  for  its  object 
was  not  to  make  them  turn  their  arms  against  the  Romans,  while 
pay,  that  would  have  sufficed  for  fighting,  was  offered  them  for 
not  fighting.  Most  of  them  too  liked  rest,  for  its  own  sake,  and, 
above  all,  return  to  their  homes  and  the  pleasure  of  seeing  their 
friends  and  their  -possessions.  Consequently,  the  entire  host 
was  as  easily  persuaded  as  its  leaders,  nor  had  they  the  least 
fear  from  the  Romans,  few  as  these  were,  should  they  attempt  to 
retain  them  by  force.  This,  indeed,  is  a  danger  against  which 
Roman  generals  will  always  have  to  guard,  who  should  look  on 
such  instances  as  warnings  not  to  confide  so  completely  in 
foreign  auxiliaries  as  to  let  their  camp  be  without  a  superiority 
in  their  own  proper  strength  and  resources.  The  Celtiberi 
suddenly  took  up  their  standards  and  marched  off,  and  when  the 
Romans  asked  the  reason  and  implored  them  to  stay,  they 
replied  that  they  were  called  away  by  a  war  at  home.  As  soon 
as  Scipio  saw  that  he  could  not  retain  his  allies  either  by 
entreaty  or  force,  that  without  them  he  was  no  match  for  the 
enemy  and  could  not  again  join  his  brother,  while  no  other  safe 
measure  was  at  once  practicable,  he  resolved  to  retreat  so  far 
as  he  was  able.  All  his  vigilance  was  directed  to  the  one  object 
of  not  encountering  his  foe  on  open  ground.  The  enemy  had 
crossed  the  river  and  was  pressing  closely  on  the  footsteps  of 
the  retreating  army. 

34.  Publius  Scipio  at  the  same  time  was  under  the  pres- 
sure of  a  fear  as  great  and  of  a  danger  even  greater  from  a 
new  enemy.  There  was  a  young  man,  Masinissa,  then  an  ally 
of  the  Carthaginians,  and  subsequently  made  famous  and 
powerful  by  the  friendship  of  Rome.  On  this  occasion  he  first 
opposed  Scipio's  advance  with  some  Numidian  cavalry,  and 
then  threatened  him  unceasingly  day  and  night,  not  merely 
cutting  off  stragglers  who  went  far,  from  the  camp  for  wood  and 
fodder,  but  riding  up  to  the  camp  itself,  frequently  rushing  into 
the  midst  of  the  sentries  and  so  spreading  the  utmost  confusion 
everywhere.  Often,  even  at  night,  there  was  the  alarm  of  a  sud- 
den attack  at  the  camp  gates  and  rampart,  and  there  was  neither 
place  nor  time  at  which  the  Romans  were  free  from  fear  and 


anxiety.  Driven  within  their  hnes  and  deprived  of  the  use  of  BOOK  XXV. 
everything,  they  were  almost  in  a  state  of  regular  blockade 
which,  it  was  evident,  would  become  closer  if  Indibilis,  who 
was  advancing,  according  to  rumour,  with  seven  thousand  five 
hundred  Suessetani,  should  ettect  a  junction  with  the  Cartha- 
ginians. Upon  this  Scipio,  though  a  cautious  and  far-seeing 
general,  yielding  to  necessity,  formed  the  rash  design  of  en- 
countering Indibilis  by  night  and  fighting  a  battle  wherever 
he  met  him. 

Accordingly  he  left  a  small  force  in  his  camp  under  the  He  fights  at  a. 
command  of  his  lieutenant,  Titus  Fonteius,  set  out  at  midnight,  "'^'  '^"'"'  '^^^' 
and  engaged  the  enemy  the  moment  he  encountered  them. 
They  fought  in  order  of  march  rather  than  of  battle  ;  still, 
even  in  their  hurry  and  confusion,  the  Romans  had  the  advantage. 
But  suddenly  the  Numidian  cavalry,  whom,  the  general  thought 
he  had  eluded,  threw  themselves  on  both  flanks  and  caused  the 
greatest  panic.  A  fresh  action  had  now  begun  with  these 
Numidians,  when  a  third  enemy  appeared,  the  Carthaginian 
generals,  who  came  up  with  the  Roman  rear  while  it  was 
engaged.  A  double  battle  had  thus  to  be  faced  on  all  sides  by 
the  Romans,  who  knew  not  in  what  direction  and  against  what 
enemy  they  were  to  close  their  lines  and  charge.  While  their 
general  was  fighting  and  encouraging  his  men  and  exposing 
himself  wherever  the  conflict  was  hottest,  his  right  side  was 
pierced  by  a  lance.  The  enemy's  column  which  had  attacked 
the  band  that  had  closed  round  their  general,  seeing  Scipio  drop 
lifeless  from  his  horse,  ran  in  eager  joy  hither  andthither  shouting 
the  news  that  the  Roman  general  had  fallen.  The  word  spread 
everywhere,  with  the  result  that  the  enemy  seemed  to  be  unques- 
itionably  victorious  and  the  Romans  vanquished.  The  general  He  is  slain  and 
ifallen,  there  began  an  instant  flight  from  the  field,  but,  though  '^ ^7rsed.  " 
(there  was  no  great  difficulty  in  breaking  through  the  Numidians 
pand  other  light  armed  auxiliaries,  still  it  was  barely  possible  to 
Isscape  such  a  multitude  of  cavalry  and  of  foot  soldiers  who  rival- 
ed horses  in  speed.  And  so  almost  more  perished  in  the  flight 
han  in  the  battle,  and  not  a  man  would  have  survived  had  not 
he  day  been  rapidly  declining  and  night  overtaken  them. 

35.     Promptly   improving   their   success,  the    Carthaginian 
enerals    immediately  after    the    battle,   barely  allowing    the 





The  victorious 


join  Hasdrubal. 

Cneius  Scipio 
continues  his 
retreat,  closely 
pressed  by  tlie 

He  takes  up  his 

position  on  a 


soldiers  necessary,  rest,  hurried  their  troops  at  quick  march  to 
Hasdrubal,  the  son  of  Hamilcar,  in  the  confident  hope  that,  as 
soon  as  they  had  joined  their  forces,  the  war  might  be  ended. 
On  their  arrival  the  armies  and  generals,  overjoyed  at  their  late 
victory,  exchanged  hearty  congratulations  on  having  destroyed 
a  commander  vi^ith  the  whole  of  a  vast  army,  while  they  now 
expected,  as  a  certainty,  another  equal  triumph.  Tidings  of 
this  terrible  disaster  had  not  yet  reached  the  Romans,  but  there 
was  a  gloomy  stillness  among  them  and  a  silent  forebodhig,  such 
as  commonly  haunts  the  mind  which  feels  the  presentiment  of 
impending  calamity.  The  general  himself,  besides  seeing  that 
he  was  deserted  by  his  allies  and  that  the  enemy's  forces  were  so 
vastly  augmented,  was  also  inclined  by  his  own  conjectures  and 
inferences  to  suspect  the  occurrence  of  disaster  rather  than  to 
have  any  encouraging  hope.  "  How,"  he  asked  himself,  "  could 
"  Hasdrubal  and  Mago  have  brought  up  their  army  without 
"  fighting  unless  they  had  despatched  their  part  of  the  war? 
"  How  was  it  that.his  brother  had  not  opposed  their  march,  or 
"  followed  them  so  that  he  might  at  least  join  his  forces  with 
"  those  of  his  brother,  if  he  were  unable  to  hinder  the  junction 
"  of  the  generals  and  armies  of  the  enemy  ? "  Amid  these 
harassing  apprehensions  he  decided  that  his  only  safe  course 
for  the  present  was  to  retreat  as  far  as  possible,  and  he  accord- 
ingly made  a  considerable  march  in  one  night,  unknown  to  the 
enemy,  who  consequently  did  not  move.  At  dawn,  perceiving 
that  their  foe  was  gone,  they  sent  on  the  Numidians  in  advance 
and  began  a  pursuit  with  the  utmost  possible  rapidity.  Before 
nightfall  the  Numidians  had  come  up  with  the  Romans,  and 
were  dashing  now  on  their  rear,  now  on  their  flanks.  They 
halted,  and  began  to  form  their  line  for  defence  as  well  as  they 
could  ;  still  Scipio  kept  urging  them  to  fight  and  push  on  at  the 
same  time,  before  the  infantry  overtook  them. 

36.  Meanwhile,  what  with  fighting  and  halting,  for  some  time 
but  little  progress  was  made,  and.night  was  now  at  hand,  when 
Scipio  recalled  his  men  from  battle,  rallied  them,  and  led  them 
up  a  hill,  not  indeed  a  very  safe  position,  especially  for  dispirited 
troops,  but  still  considerably  higher  than  the  surrounding  ground. 
Here  his  infantry,  drawn  up  round  the  baggage  and  cavalry, 
which  were  placed  in  the  centre,  at  first  repulsed  without  difficulty 



the  repeated  attacks  of  the  Numidians ;  when,  however,  the  BOOK  xxv. 
three  generals  came  up  in  full  force  with  three  regular  armies, 
and  it  was  evident  that  his  men  would  not  be  strong  enough 
to  defend  the  position  merely  by  their  arms,  without  forti- 
fied lines,  Scipio  began  to  look  around  him,  and  to  considigr 
whether  he  could  anyhow  intrench  himself.  But  the  hill  was 
so  bare,  and  the  ground  so  stony,  that  he  could  find  neither 
bushes  for  cutting  palisades  nor  earth  suitable  for  forming  a 
rampart,  or  constructing  a  fosse,  or  for  any  other  work.  Nor 
was  any  part  of  it  sufficiently  steep  or  precipitous  to  render  the 
enemy's  approach  and  ascent  difficult ;  all  was  on  a  gentle 
slope.  Still,  to  oppose  to  the  enemy  some  semblance  of  in- 
trenchments,  they  tied  the  pack-saddles  and  the  beasts'  burdens 
together  and  they  built  them  up,  so  to  speak,  to  the  usual  height 
as  a  defence  round  them.  Not  having  pack-saddles  enough 
for  the  work,  they  piled  up  baggage  of  every  description  by 
way  of  barrier. 

The  Carthaginian  armies,  on  their  arrival,  made  a  very  easy    He  is  attacked 
march  up  the  hill ;  but  the  unusual  look  of  the  rampart,  which  •  ^ar^wX'^* 
struck  them  at  first  as  a  sort  of  miracle,  made  them  pause,        armies. 
while  their  officers  on  all  sides  shouted  at  them,  "  Why  do  you 

I"  stand  still?  Why  not  pull  and  tear  to  pieces  that  ridiculous 
"  thing,  hardly  strong  enough  to  stop  women  or  children  ?  The 
"  enemy  is  caught  and  taken,  hiding  behind  his  baggage."  But, 
ithough  the  officers  taunted  their  men  with  these  contemptuous 
jvords,  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  leap  over  or  clear  away  the 
)bstacles  opposed  to  them,  or  to  cut  through  the  close  mass  of 
)ack-saddles  buried  in  a  heap  of  baggage.  Long  was  the  delay 
tefore  the  obstacles  were  pushed  aside  and  yielded  a  passage  to 

the  armed  soldiers  ;  and  when  this  had  been  accomplished  at  most  0/ his  men. 
everal  points,  the  camp  was  at  once  everywhere  stormed,  and 
ne  handful  of  panic-stricken  men  was  promiscuously  slaughtered 
'laeir  numerous  and  victorious  enemy.     Yet  many  of  the 
ii)s  fled  to  the  neighbouring  woods,  and  made  their  escape 
the  camp  of  Publius  Scipio,  of  which  his  lieutenant,  Titus 
nteius,  had  charge.     Cneius  Scipio,  say  some,  was  slain  on 
hill  in  the  enemy's  first  attack  ;  according  to  others,  he 
;:aped  with  a  few  men  to  a  tower  near  his  camp.     This  was 
rrounded  with  fire ;  its  gates,  which  no  efforts  of  the  enemy 

His  camp  is 

stormed  and  Jie 

is  slain  with 

300  LIVY. 

BOOK  XXV.    could  force,  were  burnt  through.     Thus  it  was  at  last  taken 
and  all  "within,  with  the  general  himself,  slaughtered. 

^l%iuScMos"  ^^  ^^^  ^"  ^'^^  eighth  year  after  his  arrival  in  Spain,  and  thi 
twenty-ninth  day  after  his  brother's  death,  that  Gneius  Scipic 
perished.  The  grief  at  their  fate  was  not  greater  in  Rome  thai 
it  was  throughout  the  whole  of  Spain.  At  home,  indeed,  th( 
loss  of  two  armies,  the  defection  of  the  province,  and  the  public 
disaster,  claimed  a  part  of  the  sorrow.  It  was  the  general; 
themselves  that  Spain  lamented ;  Cneius  Scipio  chiefly,  inas' 
much  as  he  had  ruled  the  country  longer,  had  been  the  first  tc 
secure  its  favour,  the  first  also  to  give  it  a  specimen  of  Roman 
justice  and  moderation. 
A  Roman  knight  yj .  To  all  appearance,  our  armies  were  utterly  destroyed. 
fortunes  of  Rome  ^"^^  Spain  lost,  when  one  man  restored  the  fallen  fortunes  ol 

.   "'  Spain.        Rome.  Among  the  soldiers  was  a  certain  Lucius,  son  of  Septimus 
Marcius,  a  Roman  knight,  and  a  young  man  of  spirit,  whose 
enterprising  temper  and  ability  were  considerably  above  the 
station  in  which  he  was  born.     To  the  highest  natural  capacity 
had  been  added  Cneius   Scipio's   discipline,  under  which  for 
many  years  he  had  thoroughly  learnt  the  whole  science  of  war. 
He  now  rallied  some  of  the  fugitive  soldiers,  and  others  he 
withdrew  from  the  garrisons,  and  having  thus  formed  a  by  no 
means  contemptible  army,  he  joined  Titus  Fonteius,  Publius^ 
Scipio's  lieutenant.     So   superior  to .  others   was  this  Romar 
knight  in  influence  with  the  soldiers  and  in  distinction,  tha 
as  soon  as  a  camp  had  been  established  on  this  side  the  Ebn 
and  it  was  decided  to  appoint   a  general  of  our  armies  b 
the  suffrages   of  the   men,  an  unanimous  vote,  given  as  the; 
came  up  one  after  another  to  their  posts  and  intrenchment- 
conferred  the  supreme  command  on    Lucius  Marcius.     Aftc 
this,  the  whole  of  their  time,  and  it  was  but  brief,  was  devote 
to  fortifying  the  camp  and  collecting  supplies,  every  order  bein. ^ 
carried  out  by  the  men  with  promptitude  and  with  no  despo^ 
dency  of  heart.     But  when  news  came  that  Hasdrubal,  the  so 
of  Gisgo,  had  crossed  the  Ebro  on  his  way  to  stamp  out 
remains  of  the  war,  and   was   rapidly  approaching,   and  tl 
soldiers  saw  the  signal  for  battle  given  by  a  new  general,  the 
then  remembered  what  men  they  had  but  lately  had  to  leal 
them,  what  officers,  and  what  forces  they  had  had  to  rely  oil 


He  defeats  a 



when  they  went  into  the  field,  and  all  burst  of  a  sudden  into  tears    BOOK  xxv 

and  smote  their  heads.     Some  lifted  their  hands  to  heaven,  and 

upbraided  the  gods,  while  others,  as  they  lay  stretched  on  the 

ground,  passionately   called  each  on  his   old   commander  by 

name.     It  was  impossible  to  hush  their  mournful  cries,  though 

the  centurions  sought  to  rouse  their  men,  while  Marcius  himself 

both  soothed  and  reproved  them.     "  Why,"  he  asked, "  have  you 

"  abandoned  yourselves  to  womanish  and  useless  laments,  in- 

"  stead  of  rather  whetting  your  courage  for  your  own  defence 

"  and  the  defence,  of  the  State,  and  not  suffering  your  generals 

"  to  have  fallen  unavenged  ?  " 

At  that  moment  was  heard  a  shout  and  the  blast  of  trumpets, 
for  the  enemy  was  now  close  to  the  intrenchments.      Instantly 
grief  was  changed  into  fury,  and  there  was  everywhere  a  rush 
to  arms.     They  seemed  fired  with  madness,  as  they  hurried 
from  all  parts  to  the  camp-gates,  and  charged  the  foe,  who  was 
advancing  carelessly  and  in  disorder.     The  suddenness  of  the 
movement  at  once  struck  panic  into  the  Carthaginians  ;  they 
wondered  whence  such  a  host  of  enemies  had  thus  in  a  moment 
started  up  from  an  army  well-nigh  destroyed  ;  how  vanquished 
and  routed  men  could  show  such  fearlessness  and  self-confidence  ; 
who  had  suddenly  risen  to  command  them,  now  that  the  two 
Scipios  had  fallen,  or  who  had  given  the  signal  for  battle.     Con- 
Ifounded  by  these  many  strange  surprises,  they  at  first  slowly 
'■d,  perplexed   and   amazed,   and  then,   hurled  back  by   a 
ous  onslaught,   turned   and  fled.     There  must  have  been 
r  a  frightful  slaughter  of  fugitives,  or  else  a  rash  and  peri- 
.  .  .  charge  in  pursuit,  had  not  Marcius  promptly  given  the 
rtord  of  recall.     Halting  at  the  foremost  standards,  and  himself 
molding  back  some  of  his  men,  he  restrained  the  excited  troops, 
md  then  led  them  back  into  the  camp,  still  thirsting  for  slaughter 
md  blood.     The    Carthaginians,  who  had  been  at  first  driven 
11  confusion  from  the  enemy's  lines,  seeing  that  there  was  no 
.lit,  thought  that  the  halt  was  due  to  fear,  and  went  back 
i-uinfully  into  their  camp   at   slow  march.     Equally  careless 
'.'crc  they  in  guarding  it  ;  for  though  the  enemy  was  close  to 
jhem,  they  thought  to  themselves  that  these  were  but  the  re- 
gains of  the  two  armies  destroyed  a  few  days  since. 

Marcius,  accordingly,  noting  this  utter  negligence  on  the 



fie  resolves  to 

a-ttack  their 


Speech  to  his 

BOOK  XXV.  enemy's  part,  after  reconnoitring  their  position,  resolved  on  a 
step  which  at  first  sight  looked  like  rashness  rather  than  courage. 
He  would  himself  attack  the  enemy's  camp,  thinking  it  an  easier 
matter  to  storm  Hasdrubal's  lines  while  he  was  alone,  than  to 
defend  his  own  against  a  second  junction  of  three  armies  and 
three  generals.  Besides,  either  he  would  retrieve  their  fallen 
fortunes,  should  he  be  successful  in  his  attempt,  or,  if  he  were 
repulsed,  still,